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■HMtMMlMIOTINMBMHMMMMMM 


fOHN  M.  KEUY  UBQADY 


m 


OR  GEORGE  HEIMAM 


University  of 
St.  Michael's  College,  Toronto 


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&&. 


«.Ve. 


LIFE   ANT)    TIMES 

OF 

GIROLAMO     SAVON AR  OLA 


""'    ,,M     XN"    r,MES  ...    NICCOLO  MACHIAVELLI 

•imi     VlLLAi 

1        'Vili  iri,    Pull)  IlluttnUcd. 


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1  "  '      HISTORY     OF     PLORENC1 

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'"I     BARBARI  \\    INVASIONS    OF    I  I  \i.y 

BY    PRO!  I  -mi:    l'\     ,i    \|  k    vii  |  IRI. 

Translated  b3  Linda  Villari.     Illustrated,  and  with  3  Map* 
iemyl    •..  cloth  .;•///,  | 


London      r.  F ISHKR  r\\vi\. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

University  of  Toronto 


http://www.archive.org/details/lifetimesofgiroOOvill 


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OF 


trolamo  Éà>aì)onarola 


BY 


PROFESSOR     PASQUALE    VILLANI 


TRANSLATED    BY 

LINDA     VILLA  R  1 


WITH 


PORTRAITS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS 


fourteenth  mors  \nd 


lonDon 
T.    FISHER     UNWIN 

Wew  ]0ork 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 


RIGHT  HON.  WILUAM  EWART  GLADSTONE, 

CHAMPION      OF      ITALIAN      FREEDOM, 

MASTER     OF      ITALIAN      LEARNING, 

AUTHOR    AND    TRANSLATOR 

^ubicate  ttjte  $00*1 

IN    TOKEN    OF    FRIENDSHIP    AND    RESP£CT. 


Fior  enee  >  1888. 


LI 

dies 

rofi  jS  \ja 

OCT  0  9  1991 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK    I. 


CHAPTER   I. 

1452-1475- 
From  the  birth  of  Savonarola  to  his  becoming  a  monk 


V*c.9 


CHAPTER   II. 

1475-1481. 
From  his  entering  the  cloister  to  his  first  arrival  in  Florence     .     22 

CHAPTER    (II. 
Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  and  the  Florentines  ot  nis  day      .        .     38 

CHAPTER   IV. 
Marsilio  Ficino  and  the  Platonic  Academy  .        „        ,        ,         .50 

CHAPTER   V. 

1481-1490. 

His  first  residence  in  Tuscany,  travels  in  Lombardy,  and  return 

to  Florence ■         i         .         .     /o 

CHAPTER   VI. 
Savonarola's  philosophy 0.1 


CH  'il 

i  ■  - 

QÌI  ml( 

the  Scriptun  109 

CHAPTER   vili. 

IO  the  Cali  u's 

50  the  Magnificent     He  preaches  on 

the  .  John 124 

CHAPTER   IX 

149-    1493- 

Death  of   I  1  and  of  Tope  Innocent  VIII.     FJec- 

•1  .»f    Alexander  VI.      Savonarola's  lourncy   to    Bologna. 
•he  Convent  of  St.   Mark  from  the  Lombard 
Reforms  in  the  Convent  .  .14'} 

CHAPTER   X. 

I493-I494- 

'inaroia  expounds  the  chief   points  of   his  doctrines    during 
predicts  the  coming  of  the  French  during 
Lent  of  1494 ,       .173 


BOOK   II. 

CHAPTEP    \. 

1494. 

Tb*  coining  of  the  French  into  Italy     .  ,         ,  jq* 

CHAPTER    II. 

November,   1494. 

The  Medici  are  expelled  from  Florence.     Savonarola  is  sent  on 

an  embassy  to  the  French  camp      .         .  .212 


CONTENTS.  »> 

CHAPTER   III. 
November,    1494. 

PAGE 

The  revolt  of  Pisa.     The  entry  of  Charles  VIII.  into  Florence  ; 

his  treaty  with  the  republic,  and  his  departure       .         .         .   228 

CHAPTER    IV. 

December,    1494. 

Political  condition  of  Florence,  after  the  departure  of  the  French. 

Savonarola  proposes  a  new  form  of  government    .        .        .  240 

CHAPTER   V. 

I494-I495- 

Constitution  of  the  new  government  through  Savonarola's  efforts. 
The  Greater  Council  and  the  Council  of  Eighty.  A  new 
scheme  of  taxation,  based  on  the  "  Decima,"  or  tax  of  ten 
per  cent,  on  real  property.  Discussion  on  the  law  for  a  general 
pacification  and  the  repeal  of  the  law  "  Dalle  Sei  Fave," 
which  repeal  is  carried.  The  establishment  of  the  tribunal  of 
merchandise  or  commerce.  Resignation  of  the  Accoppiatori. 
The  abolition  of  "  Parlamenti."  Foundation  of  the  Monte 
Di  Pietà.  Verdict  of  Italian  politicians  on  the  reforms  intro- 
duced by  Savonarola       ........  269 

CHAPTER   VI. 
Savonarola's  prophecies  and  prophetical  writings  .        .        .  306 

CHAPTER  VII. 

1495. 

Various  factions  are  formed  in  Florence.  Savonarola  takes  his 
texts  from  the  Psalms  on  feast  days  ;  and  in  Lent,  by  means 
of  sermons  on  Job,  inaugurates  a  general  reformation  of 
manners  with  signal  success.  Conversion  of  Fra  Bene- 
detto          325 


i  VTSJfTB 

OK    ill. 

I     I A  P  T  B I     ! 

I 

Q  lid  Piero  de   Mi  I 

■If 

CHAPTBF    II. 
1495-149*. 

ii- 

(s  Inni  '  •    •  ;,.     I  . 

n.      \  I   ird     il's  hai  od  to 

but  he  re:.  •  t    it   . 

CHAPTER    ni. 
Savonarola  retarne  to  the  put]  ten  Preacher  in  14  402 

CHAPTER    IV. 

149 

Vj                ■•              b  the    works  ni  I  rffrr. 

aim  by  d  •   potentates,  and  hia 

P*  atei       -.    unii  1  ii.    Por*  ■    >ia 

u  Iprea  hes  on  feat  ,m 

CHAPTER    V. 

1496 

The  straiti  of  Hie   R<  P'ihiir  and  the  disastrous  course  of  th^  Pi^n 

tmi     Ti  ,f  th<   all 

'nrnnn  '  Maximilian  to  Italy.     The  new  br^t 

•  vonarola,  and  "the   latter'»  replv 
'-d    in    Leghorn    by  the  forces    of   the 
nd  of  the  League.     Savonarola  returns  to  the  pulpit 
«ina  the  Fiorentine*  are  miraculously  rescued  from  every  danger  454 


CONTENTS.  xi 

CHAPTER   VL 
1497. 


?AC,R 


Francesco  Valori  is  made  Gonfalonier,  and  proposes  several  new 
laws.  Carnival  celebrated  by  a  burning  of  the  Vanities. 
Purchase  of  the  Medici  Library  by  the  Monastery  of  St.  Mark. 
Savonarola's  ideas  on  the  beautiful  ;  his  defence  of  poetry  ;  his 
compositions  in  verse 4&1 


BOOK   IV. 

CHAPTER    I 

1497. 


Savonarola's  sermons  on  Ezekiel  during  Lent,  1497.  Piero  de' 
Medici's  career  in  Rome.  A  fresh  attempt  to  re-establish  him 
in  Florence  ;  and  complete  failure  of  the  scheme         .         .         .  5J5 

CHAPTER  II. 

1497. 

Savonarola's  sermon  on  Ascension  Day,  and  the  popular  riot.  The 
excommunication  launched  against  him,  and  his  reply.  The 
raging  of  the  pestilence,  and  its  decline 53* 

CHAPTER   III. 

1497- 

The  arrest  of  Lamberto  dell'  Antella.  His  revelations  concerning 
the  Medici  plot.  The  trial  and  condemnation  of  all  the 
accused •         •         -537 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Savonarola's  minor  works,  both  published   and  unpublished.      His 

"  Triumph  of  the  Cross  " 57*> 

CHAPTER   V. 

1497-149^- 

Savonarola  resumes  his  sermons  on  Septuagesima  Sunday.  A  second 
"Burning  of  the  Vanities."  More  papal  briefs.  Continuation 
of  his  sermons       .  •  595 


CHA1  71 

threat».     T 

inhibit  Hiv   I., st   l  ,n  ;iluj 

•  I 

C  il  a  i'  r  B  R    vi  1. 
Ari. 
650 

CHAPTER    VTii. 
April  8,  <>,  1408. 

The   attach    and   di  >j   the   convent;   Savonarola   and   his  two 

Ì  to  pi  i son  .  .         .         ,  ,         ,         .675 

1  M'l  BR    IX. 

;i.    0-25,    149^. 

amined  and   put   to  the  question.     The  magistrates 
O!  '               ublic  COnoOCt    two  falsified  report  of  his  avowals,  but 
U  fail  to  prove  his  guilt     .  695 

CHAPTER   X. 

Atril  26— May  18,   1498. 

:     I    >Uvestro.  and   many  other  friars  and  friends  of 
tr-  rent    in     brought    to  trial.       Savonarola   writes  his  la 

compositions  while  in  solitary  confinement 


■') 


CHAPTER   XL 

May    19-23.     i4<y3. 

Savn                       '   t°  fretb  torture  by  the  Apostolic  Commissioners. 
third  trial  a^ain  proves  him  innocent.     The  condemnation 
and  exct  ution  of  the  three  friars 74 


•  «  >  1  x 


775 
781 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Savonarola.     (From  a  Painting  by  Fra  Barlolommeo.) 

MEDAL   IN   COMMEMORATION   OF  THE   PAZZI   CONSPIRACY 

ST.  mark's  CONVENT 

LORENZO    THE    MAGNIFICENT     . 

CHURCH   OF   SAN   FRANCESCO,   RIMIN 

TOMB   OF  GEMISTOS   PLETHO,   RIMIN] 

LEON   BATTISTA   ALBERTI 

MARSILIO   FICINO       . 

PICO   DELLA   MIRANDOLA 

SAVONAROLA     MEDAL     ("  GLADIUS     DOMINI      SUPER 

VELOCITER  ")     . 
TOMB    OF    SAN    DOMENICO    IN   BOLOGNA 
FRA   GIOVANNI    DA    FIESOLE        . 
CHARLES    Vili.    OF   FRANCE 
THE    MEDICI    PALACE — NOW    PALAZZO    RICCARDI — W 

WITH   FLORENCE   WAS    SIGNED 
SAVONAROLA    PREACHING 
LORENZO   DE'    MEDICI 
MARSILIO    FICINO 
SANDRO    BOTTICELLI 
MICHELANGELO   BUONAROTTI  . 
SAVONAROLA    VISITING    A    CONVENT 
SAVONAROLA   PREACHING   TO   THE   N 
MICHELOZZO   MICKELOZZI 
FRA   BARTOLOMMEO 
SAVONAROLA'S   EMPTY   CELL   AT    ST 
SAVONAROLA    WRITING    IN    HIS    CELI 
THE    EXECUTION 

PORTRAIT  OF    SAVONAROLA   {From  a  Medal) 
FACSIMILE    OF    AN    AUTOGRAPH    OF    SAVONAROLA 


UNS  . 


MARK  S 


.     Frontispiece 

To  face  page     28 

.     To  face  page     34 

.     To  face  page     44 

.     To  face  page     56 

To  face  page     56 

57 
63 
.     To  face  page     76 
TERRAM     CITO     ET 

.     To  face  page  154 

.     To  face  page  156 

164 

.     To  face  page  193 

HERE   THE   TREATY 

To  face  page  239 

307 

.     To  face  page  352 

To  face  page  445 

470 
To  face  page  495 
To  face  page  579 
To  face  page  638 

686 
.  .  688 
To  face  page  691 
To  face  page  696 
'To  face  page  754 
To  face  page  700 
To  face  page  775 


TRANSLATOR'S   FOREWORD 


of    Kr.i 
I 


/    HILE     translating    this    "  Lift    O! 

I        ì  Savonarola  "  .is  | 

Ì    possible,  the  author  has  sanctioned 

lionaJ  libertieswith  the  rid  tirai 

H    ,i;cnt  ,,f  sentences,  in  order  to  meet  the 

%    requirements  of  English  hi 

™  sanation!   ha  en  introduced  as  the  fruit 

undertaken  b)  the  author;  while  the 

f   ,RU   documents   in  the  second  edition  oi 

Gherardi's  "  Nuovi    Documenti  e  Studi    intorno 

wolaM  (Florence,    r888)   has  enabled  me  to 

additional  Severa]    notes  unlike!)   to 

general  reader  have  been  abridged  under  the 

a*  «•     The  documents  given  in  Appendix  to 

the  c  J  work  are  purposely  excluded,  since  all  students 

r   reading  old   Italian   must,  necessarily,  be  too 

1  in   modern    Tuscan   to  consult  the   book   in  its 

I  lish  di    >s. 

rhe   velMcnown   translation   by  the  late  Mr.  Leonard 

II  ■  the  hrst  edition  of  "Savonarola  and  his  Tunes" 

•    i  print,  and  the  present  edition  being 

'    and   enlarged   as  to  form   almost  a  , 
rely  trch  version  was  found  to  be  required. 

LINDA    VILLÀRJ 

i 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION. 


ANY  reprints  of  this  work  have 
appeared  since  its  first  publication 
more  than  twenty-five  years  ago. 
During  this  period  much  fresh 
light  has  been  thrown  on  the 
history  oi  the  Italian  Renaissance,  and  many  of 
my  own  ideas  concerning  it  have  been  changed. 
Were  I  now  studying  Savonarola's  life  for  the  first 
time,  my  work  would  be  undoubtedly  different  in 
kind,  although  my  views  as  to  the  Friar's  character 
and  historic  value  have  remained  substantially  un- 
changed. But  I  have  no  intention  of  offering  the 
reader  a  new  book;  I  merely  reproduce  an  old 
one,  and  while  adding  necessary  corrections  and 
supplements  have  preserved  its  original  form  and 
physiognomy. 

During  this  long  interval  I  have  naturally  detected 
errors  which  demanded  revision.  Also,  many  fresh 
documents  have  been  discovered  and  made  known 
to  the  world.  The  late  Count  Carlo  Capponi,  a  de- 
voted and  reverent  admirer  of  Savonarola's  memory, 
continued   to   publish   the   results   of  his  protracted 


' 


•  1! 


IK  :  rico  Italiano,  and  other 

in   pioreno  .  t,   Modena,  and    else- 

lit  out  mam  n<  w  docu- 
enumerate  them  here. 
they  .irc  m  the  notes,   and  my   valued 

pU.  .    (        i,  h  u      iven  a  most  minute 

unt  of  them.1       I  will  only  mention 

f  very  special  importance,  namely  : 

•  j; -,.  \)  r  the    Modenese  Ambassador  in 

uprising  new  letters  of  Savonarola  and 
[D  I.,  collected  at  Modena  by 

\    (    ppclli  in    1869/  and  furnished  with  a 
learned  introduction;    ami  the  noteworthy  collection 
•  \      vi    Documenti,"  published  in  1876,  at  the 
er  (   rslao  Bayonne,  of  the  Dominican 
.   In    (  ierc    \.   Gherardi  of  the  Florence 

both   these   works  the  value  of  the 
nhanced  by  their  editors'  critical  skill 
I  unerring  judgment.3  And,  although,  as  Professor 
(  u  tly  remarked,  these  new  documents 

:tial  change  in  our  previous  concep- 
ire and   character,  they  furnish 
tails    requiring    consideration,  and    modify 
others    which     were    hitherto     imperfectly    under- 

Storico  Italian'  iv.  vol.  iv.  1879. 

.mo  Savonarola  e   notizie  intorno  il  suo  tempo,"  by  A. 
work  is  extracted  from  vol.  iv.  of  the 
Iella  K.  Deputazione   di  Storia  Patria  per  le  pro- 

"  v*  •  menti    e  intorno   a    Girolamo    Savonarola." 

-6. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION.  xvii 

Meanwhile  I  too  had  collected  a  considerable 
stock  of  fresh  documents  and  of  Savonarola's  in- 
edited  writings.  I  had  caused  an  exact  copy  to  be 
made  of  his  marginal  notes  in  the  Bible  in  the 
Florence  National  Library,  and  on  the  sheets  he  had 
added  to  it,  and  these  were  found  to  comprise  several 
unpublished  tractates  and  sermons.  A  precious 
autograph  codex,  now  in  the  Museum  of  St.  Mark 
in  Florence,  supplied  me  with  several  summaries 
of  other  unknown  discourses,  throwing  much  light 
on  Savonarola's  first  years  in  Florence,  during  the 
reign  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  Numerous  un- 
published ambassadorial  despatches  add  to  our  know- 
ledge of  the  iniquitous  plots  organized  against  him  in 
various  quarters.  In  a  similar  way  much  was  gleaned 
from  other  unpublished  documents  and  compositions 
of  Savonarola  which  will  be  quoted  in  due  course. 

But  during  this  quarter  of  a  century  few  works 
have  appeared  on  Savonarola  of  any  real  historic 
merit.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  has  been  a 
novel,  George  Eliot's  "  Romola";  but  although 
admirable  as  a  work  of  art,  it  has  contributed  no 
new  facts  to  history,  since,  as  was  only  natural,  its 
illustrious  author  accepted  established  conclusions 
without  dispute. 

A  biography  of  Savonarola,  by  Mr.  W.  R.  Clarke, 
published  some  years  ago,  is,  as  the  author  allows,  a 
mere  compilation.1      Father  Bayonne,  on  the  con- 

1    Rev.  William    R.   Clarke,   "Savonarola  and  his  Life  and  Time*" 
London:  S.P.C.K.,  1878. 

14 


a    biography ,  ba     I     n  Ions 

limin         tud  He  o  >11«  b  d,    translated,  and 

ted  ti.  natola'  \  orki .' 

Hut,  with   tht  i   writing   the  life  oi  .. 

it  and  prophet,  he-  .  much  rime  and 

am  to  the-    miracles  .mil   prophecies,  that  his 

(  -    S  ivonarola  "  (  anty  historic 

lue.  ren  Ruled  to  extract  any  real  profit  from 

the  "Nu-  \i  Documenti,"9  and  died  without  writing 

implete  biography  on  which  his  thoughts  had 

!  •  b  been  engaged. 

The  biographical  ,  published   in    [877,  by 

the  illusi  sor  Etanke  of  Berlin,  calls  for  a 

rent  verdict.      The    writer's    keenly  critical 
spirit    •  nt  to   grasp   and   define  the  historic, 

!  ami  religious  importance  of  Savonarola.      His 
l<   ir  and  rapid  narrative    is   based  on    previous 
.  published  documents,  and  some  or"  the  old 
chronicles,  and  cannot  be  said    to   comprise  any   ele- 
ment oi    novelty,  save   that   naturally  imparted   to   it 
the  noble-  intellect  of  its  writer.      It  is  an  histori- 
ather   than    a   biography,  for   not   one   of 
onarola'fl  works   is  passed  in  review. 3     Yet,   after 
piritoellet  Choii  róme  SiTonarola,  Collation- 

née»  et   Traduitcs,"  par   le    Rev.    P,    Emmanuel.      Ccslao  Bavrmnc  du 
mérr.  3  voi        1'       :  Libi  trie  Pouuièlgu  ,  1879. 

d'après  de  nouvcatix  documents," 
\  ar  le  Re .    1'.  I  mmanuel.   Ceslao  Bayonne,  Paris  :  Librarie  Poussièlgue 

1  1  ivonirola   und    die    Plorentinische   Republik 

£cgen  Endc  da  I  ahrhundcris,"  in  the  volume  of  "  His- 

.jtischc  Sru  p.    181-357.      Leipzig  :   Duncker  und 
Hun.             |  v/7. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION. 


XIX 


the  fashion  of  all  great  men,  Professor  Ranke  con- 
trived, even  within  these  brief  limits,  to  moot  a  new 
point,  and  one  of  high  importance  to  any  biographer 
of  Savonarola.  Having  treated  the  question  in 
detail  elsewhere,*  it  is  only  requisite  to  briefly  allude 
to  it  here. 

Long  ago,  it  was  suggested  by  an  Italian  writer 
that  the  two  ancient  biographies  attributed  to  Burla- 
macchi    and    Pico    were    both  forgeries.     No   one 
echoed  the  doubt  at  the  time,  but  Professor  Ranke 
has  given  it  serious  attention.     In  his  opinion  the 
biography  undoubtedly  written  by  Giovan  Francesco 
Pico  was  composed  in  1530,  the  date  of  the  preface 
and  during  the  siege  of  Florence,  of  which  mention 
is    made    in    chapter    xxiv.       At    that    period,    he 
remarks,    the    Piagnoni    were    again    ascendant    in 
Florence,  had   revived   the   memory  of  Savonarola, 
and  certain  heated  imaginations  had  invented  new 
legends    about    him.      These    Pico    had    collected, 
and    accordingly  his    book,    written    so   long   after 
Savonarola's  time,  and  in  the  midst  of  popular  enthu- 
siasm, can  have  no  genuine  historic  value.     On  the 
other  hand,  the  biography  attributed  to  Burlamacchi 
cannot  possibly  have  proceeded  from  his  pen.     Bur- 
lamacchi died  in    1 5 19,  and  his  chronicle  not  only 
records  posterior  events,  but  makes  two  allusions  to 
the  year   1566 ?     Hence  Professor  Ranke  holds  it 
to  be  a  compilation  of  Pico's  work,   which   is  not 

»   "Rivista  Storica  Italiana,"  Fase.  i.    Turin  :  Fratelli  Boc.a,  1884 
Vide  pp.  165  and  209  in  the  Lucca  edition  of  1764. 


\- 


PR;  THE  ft  JTION. 


.  quoi    •       K.  bui  from  whk  h  i  -  rtaiii  pa 

translated.     Thus  the  two  i  hief  tourcei 

:)u.   ilt(  jn  •  Savonarola   are    reduced    to 

th.it  has  neitnei   i  critical  nor  historical  basil 

The  illustriou     German  accordingly   relied  almost 

upon    printed    documenta  and  the   old 

.  giving  great  ami,  perhaps,  undue    impor- 
tance   to   the    unpublished  records   of  Cerretani    and 
'i,    and    turning    to    account    certain    fragments 

n  those  writers  which  he  had  copied  in  his  youth. 
But  although  tin    course  was  allowable  in  an  histori- 

.  it  would  have  been  highly  detrimental  to  a 
lie.      How  could  he  have  written 
I  1  ne  without   referring  to  the  works  of  previous 
Nor  would  the  well-known  chronicles 
Cerretani   and   Parenti    have  sufficed    to   rill   the 
["heir  numerous  details  concerning  Savonarola 
merely  scattered  through  a  vaster  narrative,  and 
.ire    not    altogether    impartial.       Neither    are    they 
more  \  aluable,  historically,  than  many  of  our  printed 
chronica         We   made  frequent   reference  to  them 
in    the   first   edition   of  this  work;   but,  treating  of 
time-  when  political   passions  were  fierce,  and  party 
pirit   ran   high,   we  could  only  arrive  at  the  truth 
(n  constantly  collating  them   with  other  authorities. 
In    an]    case,   exclusive   reliance  on   the   chroniclers 
.md  printed  documents  would  deprive  us  of  nume- 
rous particulars  and  anecdotes,  serving  to  give  colour 
d  vital  its   to  the  person  and  character  of  Savonarola, 
his    kindred,   eompanions,  and   friends.      A  dry   and 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  E  DJ  TI  ON.  x» 

unattractive  string  of  facts  would  be  all  that  we 
could  achieve.  Consequently  the  question  raised 
by  Professor  Ranke  was  of  capital  importance  to 
every  biographer  of  the  Friar. 

We  hold  that  had  Ranke  written  his  work  in 
Florence,  with  the  numerous  MSS.  of  the  period 
before  his  eyes,  he  would  have  arrived  at  a  very 
different  conclusion  concerning  the  two  biographers, 
and  would  have  been  less  prompt  to  reject  them. 
Pico  states  in  his  proem  that  having  been  Savona- 
rola's friend  for  six  years,  it  was  immediately  after 
the  Friar's  martyrdom  that  he  resolved  to  write 
his  life  ;  and  Pico's  letters  prove  that  the  task  was 
certainly  completed  in  1520.  He  afterwards  cor- 
rected, improved,  and  amplified  it,  and  consequently 
delayed  its  publication  to  1530,  as  he  mentions  in 
the  proem,  ad  hoc  usque  tempus  distuli  editionem} 

The  Italian  biography  conventionally  attributed 
to  Fra  Pacifico  Burlamacchi  was  certainly  written 
by  another,  for  although  he  died  in  15 19,  pos- 
terior dates  and  events  are  recorded  in  the  work. 
First  published  ?n  1761  in  Baluzio's  "Addi- 
zioni alla  Miscellanea,"  it  was  transcribed  from  a 
codex  incorrectly  copied  from  another  of  older  date. 
In  fact  many  older  and  more  trustworthy  codices 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Florence  libraries.  Nearly 
all  these  are  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  mostly 
anonymous,  excepting  where  Burlamacchi's  name 
has  been   added  by  a  later  hand.     This  name  first 

1   Vide  our  before  quoted  essay  in  the  "  Rivista  Storica  Italiana." 


vi  '    ,  T-m  arda  the  1 1 
that  cental .        Both  the   ol ■'  v*eJl 

the   later,   which    ai  ire    numerou  ,  i  how 

am  .  i  and  arc  e  sentially  dii 

and  miracles,  whi<  h 
nd    modified    by    devout    copyi 

liti  >ns  ni  St.  Mark's  and 

(  >rder.    Bui  the  biographical 

rativc  remains  substantially  the  same,  with  certain 

ht  variai         in  form  ami  arrangement 

Ml    r  it  patchworks  of  the  so-called 

rlamacchi    arc   derived,  and   more  or  less  freely 

:.  from  a  Latin  biography,  in  the  collection 

MSS.  i    m  suppressed  convents,  in  the  National 

Lil  Florence.3       The    calligraphy    of    this 

MS.    is   of    the   first    half  of  the   sixteenth   century; 

numerous  alterations  and  corrections    make  us 

•  an  autograph  ;   while   the  frequent   repeti- 

ater  disorder  than   in  other  compila- 

prove   tli  it    this    biography    is    the 

truin   which   later  writers  derived  or 

ted  their   materials-     It  is  anonymous, 

1    In  1       (         ìatensc  Library  in  Rome  we  recently  found  a  seven- 

th  cent  x  attributing   this   biography  to   P.  Fra  Vincenzo 

dine  de'  Predicatori,  who  in  the  "Annali  di   San 

(a.  e.  i"4;  is  mentioned  as  the   Superior  of   the   Convent  in 

■  oil   tignata  re  dated    1569.     A  later  hand 

than   that  <  I  ?   the   biography  attributes   it;  as  usual,  to 

Burlamacdii,   wi:h   the   remark    that    it  is   already  printed;    another 

d  b)   I'.  1  Fra  Timoteo  Bottonio,"  and  this 

cribed  on  t!  ed  version* 

■Iti     D   irk     :    I.  \::.  ;  cd   to   it  in   our  first  edition, 

and  refer  to  it  still  more  frequently  in  tht  present  one. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION.  xxii 

but    the    author    was    certainly    a    brother    of    St. 
Mark's,    a    contemporary    of    Savonarola,    and    his 
faithful  follower.    This  we  know  by  his  own  words, 
and  he  also   tells    us    that    in    1524  he   continued 
writing   his  book,  and  that  he   only  narrates  facts 
which    he  had  witnessed  himself,   or    learnt   from 
other  trustworthy  eyewitnesses.     He  had  made  use 
of    Placido    Cinozzi's    biographical    epistle,    Pico's 
biography,  which  he    styles    admirable,   and   other 
works.     Of  his  great  diligence  we  have  a  striking 
proof  in    the    fact  that   he    continually    refers    his 
readers  to  a  volume  now  in  the  Riccardian  Library 
(cod.  2053),  written  in  the  same  hand,  and  which 
together    with    the    works    of   Cinozzi    and    Pico, 
contains  a  most  precious  series  of  authentic  docu- 
ments.    This  Latin  Life,  or  Biography,  as  we  will 
call  it  to  distinguish  it  from  the  others,  is  therefore 
not  only   the   real  source    of  the  so-called   Burla- 
macchi,  but  the  work   of  an    eyewitness,  founded 
on  the  writings  of  other  contemporaries,  and  upon 
important    documents   collected  by  the  author  and 
copied   in    his    own    hand.      Also,    while    praising 
and  often   referring  to  Pico's  biography,  he  is  by 
no  means  content  to  give  an  imitation,  reproduction 
or  summary  of  it.     His  own  is  a  work  of  greater 
extent,    contains    many    more    facts,    and    has    an 
independent    historical    value.       Indeed    it    is    not 
improbable  that  Pico  himself  may  have  referred  to 
this     Latin     Biography,    for    the    corrections    and 
additions   he    mentions    in    his    proem.      Certainly 


PI  i:  TO  THE  M-  W  EDITION, 

the  manuscript  CODV  ol    the  first    compilation    oi    In 
work,    in    the    Riccardi    Codex,    2053,   contains    few 

oi  the  facts  posterior  to  1 J20,  which  arc  compii 
in    the    Latin    Biography,    and    were    added  to  if 

printed  version  ot     1  530. 

Ml  this  plainly  proses  that  the  two  old  bio- 
graphies   cannot    he    reduced,  «is    Professor   Ranke 

thought,  to  one  alone,  since,  in  spite  ot  the  con- 
nection between  them,  each  has  an  independent 
and  indisputable  historic  value  of"  its  own.  As  to 
Burlamacchi,  or  the  Latin  Biography  on  which  his 
work  is  (bunded,  we  can  assure  the  reader  th.it  we 
have  documentary  proof  of  its  historical  accuracy. 
We  shall  therefore  continue  to  quote  from  it  un  dei 
the  conventional  title  (which  in  default  of  a  better  is 
even  accepted  by  Professor  Ranke),  always,  however, 
verifying  it  bv  the  original  Latin  and  by  Pico, 
whose  authority  has  been  less  often  disputed. 

Besides,  it  may  be  clearly  seen  from  what  we  have 
said  that  even  were  Pico  and  Burlamacchi  put  aside, 
it  would  be  quite  possible  to  dispense  with  their  aid. 
Nearly  all  the  facts  they  narrate  might  be  gleaned, 
not  only  from  other  documents,  chronicles,  and  the 
works  of"  Savonarola,  but  from  the  contemporary 
writings,  chiefly  in  manuscript,  of  Fra  Benedetto, 
I  on  n  "  Violi,  Domenù  o,  arid  Girolamo  Beniv^-m. 
and  Placido  Cinozzi,  whose  "  Epistola,"  frequently 
quoted  by  us,  is  perhaps  the  oldest  somcc  of  the 
various  biographies.  It  was  impossible  for  Professoi 
Ranke  to  know   this  in  Berlin,  where   he  could  not 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITION. 


XXV 


consult  the  numerous  codices  contained  in  the  Floren- 
tine libraries,  and  thus  ascertain  on  how  solid  a  basis 
the  two  ancient  biographies  are  grounded. 

It  is  natural  that  the  doubts  of  the  modern  reader 
should  be  aroused  by  the  strange  prophecies  and 
miracles  so  minutely  described  by  Pico  and  Burla- 
macchi,  in  which  we  can  have  no  belief.  But  at 
that  time  every  follower  of  Savonarola  spoke  of  and 
believed  in  these  things,  and  chroniclers  as  well  as 
biographers  deemed  them  deserving  of  record.  It 
would  be  a  mistake,  however,  to  accept  this  as  a 
reason  for  doubting  all  that  contemporary  writers 
relate  of  the  Friar  of  St.  Mark's.  We  have  not  to 
deal  here  with  the  myths  and  legends  of  a  primi- 
tive and  uncultured  society  incapable  of  analysis, 
criticism,  or  historical  accuracy.  On  the  contrary, 
these  Savonarola-legends  were  the  natural  outcome 
of  an  age  often  lapsing  into  the  ultra-credulity 
consequent  upon  exaggerated  scepticism.  Without 
miracles  there  could  be  no  belief  in  the  supernatural  ; 
accordingly  miracles  were  imagined.  Thus,  men 
who  jeered  at  all  things,  denied  all  things,  ended  by 
having  the  blindest  faith  in  the  occult  sciences,  in 
prodigies,  prophecies,  and  spirits  of  the  air.  And 
even  such  men  as  Guicciardini  and  Machiavelli 
shared  the  latter  belief  This  is  one  of  the  problems 
that  the  historian  of  Savonarola  must  specially  keep 
in  view  and  specially  try  to  solve.  By  examining  it 
we  may  learn  not  only  the  explanation  of  the  catas- 
trophe that  led  him  to   the  scaffold,  but  the  nascent 


rm  of  the  malady  still  afflicting  our  countrymen, 
and  by  which  they  are  incapacitated  from  giving  due 
importance  to  religious  questiona  whether  in  absti 
studies  or  in  the  realitu  s  of  life. 

rhis  conviction  first  stirred  us,  more  than 
twenty-five  years  ago,  to  write  Savonarola's  life;  this 
iviction  gave  us  strength  and  patience  to  re- 
lore  original  sources,  seek  out  fresh  authorities, 
and  revise  and  correct  cur  first  work  with  unweaj  ying 
We  now  re-publish  the  hook,  holding  the 
>amc  opinions  with  which  we  originally  be  u  it, 
and  confirmed  in  our  previous  judgment  on  the 
Friar  ot  St  Mirk's  and  his  executioners.  The 
protests  of  those  who  would  reduce  the  Italian 
Renaissance  to  a  mere  revival  of  Paganism  leave  us 
totally  unmoved.  From  their  point  of  view  Chris- 
tianity would  have  then  almost  disappeared,  whereas, 
on  the  contrary,  it  gained  new  force  with  Luther's 
Reformation  and  the  counter-reformation  of  the 
Roman  Church.  In  our  opinion  Savonarola's  his- 
toric grandeur  consists  in  his  having  dared  to  believe 
amid  general  doubt,  in  having  upheld,  against  the 
scandals  of  the  Borgia  and  the  sceptical  cynicism  of 
the  philosophers,  the  forgotten  and  derided  rights 
of  Christianity,  liberty,  and  reason.  He  devoted 
his  energies  to  the  moral  renovation  of  mankind, 
when  others  thought  solely  of  man's  intellectual 
renovation  ;  he  held  virtue  to  be  the  assured  basis 
of  religion,  and  the  source  of  true  liberty,  when  all 
seemed  convinced  that  political  and  Christian  virtue, 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NEW  EDITI O A. 


XXV1 1 


patriotism,  and  religion   were  unavoidably  and  irre- 
concilably opposed.      It  was  this  that  won  him  the 
admiration  of  the  very  scholars  whose  excesses  he 
so  sternly  combated,  for  although  apparently  satisfied 
with  Paganism,  these  men  felt  that  it  left  a  painful 
void  in  their  souls.     For  the  same  reason  he  was 
admired  by  many  cold  and  keen-witted  politicians 
who,  while  recognizing  the  fact  that  there  was  no 
room   for  conscience   as    States   were    then    guided 
admitted  that  this  fact  bewildered  their  judgment' 
and  seriously  disturbed  their  minds.     Thus,  in  at- 
tacking philosophers  and  statesmen,  the  Friar  of  St. 
Mark's  seemed  to  reveal  to  both  their  most  secret 
thoughts,  and  to  restore  their  lost  peace.     Hence 
the  great  admiration  and  devotion  felt  for  him  dv 
many. 

Only  those  without  any  intimate  knowledge  of 
Savonarola  can  regard  him  as  one  who  desired  to  revive 
the  Middle  Ages,  and  again  sacrifice  earth  to  heaven, 
the  world  to  the  Church.  To  all  familiar  with  his 
life  and  writings,  he  appears,  on  the  contrary,  in  his 
true  light,  as  a  soul  yearning  for  the  Christian  ideal 
he  proclaimed  to  his  contemporaries;  i.e.,  that 
without  virtue,  self-sacrifice,  and  moral  grandeur, 
both  mankind  and  society  must  fall  to  ruin.  Sur- 
rounded by  scholars,  philosophers,  poets,  and  artists, 
who  were  among  the  most  ardent  of  his  followers, 
he  was  no  enemy  to  the  Italian  Renaissance,  but  he 
saw  and  felt  the  inherent  defects  which  were  lead- 
ing to  its  decay.      With  the  eloquence  and  ardour 


XW1II 


PR1  VI  ir  I  :  iriON. 


/«t   inspirarion  he  proclaimed  this  from  the-  pulpit, 

.uni  u  as  a  true  precursor  ami  prophet  o\'  the  future. 

I     lu>  faith  in  virtue     virtue  sanctified  In  religion — 

anil  sanctifying  freedom,  he  dedicated  his  whole  life 

and  died  in  its  cause.  Superstitions,  blunders,  hallu- 
cinations, ami  weaknesses  notwithstanding,  he  there- 
fore stands  out  from  the  Italian  Renaissance,  of  which 
he  is  aw  essential  part,  in  heroic  proportions  and 
irradiated  with  the  halo  ol  martyrdom.  And  so 
Ion-'  as  men  have  faith  in  virtue,  so  lon^  will  their 
admiration  tor  him  endure. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


URING  the  lifetime  of  Fra  Girolamo 
Savonarola  all  Europe  rang  with  his 
fame,  and  for  more  than  two  centuries 
afterwards  he  engaged  the  attention 
of  our  greatest  writers.  But  in  the 
eighteenth  century  his  name  was  either 
completely  forgotten,  or  mentioned  with  quasi-contempt. 
Such  was  the  common  fate,  in  that  age,  of  all  religious 
men,  all  religious  works.  Bayle,  in  his  dictionary,  merely 
expressed  the  general  opinion  in  making  the  poor  Friar 
the  butt  of  keen,  biting  sarcasm,  and  designating  him  as 
a  base  and  ridiculous  impostor  who  had  well  merited  the 
martyrdom  inflicted  on  him. 

In  1782  an  anonymous  life  of  Savonarola  appeared,1 
written  in  Italian,  and  falsely  dated  from  Geneva.  It 
was  the  work  of  a  Florentine,  one  Modesto  Rastrelli,  an 
historian  of  some  note  in  his  day.  He  shared  Bayle's 
ideas  in  the  main,  but  repeated  in  wrathful  earnest  all  that 
the  former  had  said  in  jest.  The  venomous  sneers  ot 
Bayle  were  penned  with  the  coldness  of  a  sceptic,  those 
of  Rastrelli  with  exaggerated  fury  and  zeal.  This  too 
evident  animus  robbed  the  book  of  its  merit,  for  other- 
wise it  gave  proof  of  careful  research,  and  possessed  a 
certain  incorrect  and  lawless  charm  often  to  be  noted  in 
our  last  century  writers. 

1  "Vita  del  Padre  Girolamo  Savonarola.''    Geneva,  1781 . 


E    TO    ////     FL 

A    ve. ir  I  ublication    oi   this   pori     i   new 

di  P.  G.  Sa  la     '  i]  .     red  .it  I  eghorn,  i 

without    the   author's   name.      It   was   written    by  the  Do 
•i,  \';ik  Barsanti,  who,  in  answer  to  the  other 

aymou  her,  warmly  defended  his   brother  in 

t  he  faith.     Barsanti  stood  alone,  in  that  century,  as  an  ad- 
mirer of  Savonarola's     .ermons  ;    he    had    Studied   the   old 
raphies,    and    the    precious     manuscript 
j     believed     to     have     perished,    of    Lorenzo    Violi- 
"GlOTl  tnd    amassed    much    minute   information   on 

a  subject  that,  however  disregarded  by  his  contem- 
poraries, very  dear  to  his  heart.     Uninfluenced  by 

the    current    of    the  he    adopted    the    tone    of    more 

.  and  seemed   destined  to  rank  with  the 

ancient  biographers.  her  the  spirit  of  the  old  chroniclers 
is  revived  in  his  work:  it  is  stamped  by  the  same  de- 
votion, the  same  errors,  the  same  fanaticism,  although 
devoid  of  the  ingenuous  originality  which  in  their  pages 
so  vividly  reproduces  the  colour  or  the  times.  Besides, 
Barsanti  is  so  lavish  of  quotation,  so  minute  in  confuting 
all  Rastrelli's  assertions,  that  his  book  is  difficult  to  read, 
and  unlikely  to  tempt  any  one  to  closer  knowledge  of 
Savonarola.  In  fact,  for  fifty  years  after  its  appearance 
none  followed  up  the  theme,  and  the  name  of  the  briar 
of  St.  Mark's  seemed  completely  forgotten. 

The  nineteenth  century  inaugurated  a  very  different 
order  of  ideas,  and  gave  a  new  direction  to  historical 
studies.  The  Middle  Ages,  so  despised  in  Voltaire's  day, 
were  again  raised  to  honour;  the  examination  of  religious 
questions  was  no  longer  deemed  beneath  the  notice  of 
serious  minds,  and  it  was  now  possible  to  praise  a  monk 
without  exciting  universal  scorn.  Germany  turned  to 
rhese   new  researches  with   an  almost  feverish   zeal,  and 

1  "  Della  Storia  del  Padre  Girolamo  Savonarola  :  libri  quattro,  dedicati 
e  S.  A.  Pietro  Leopoldo.''     Leghorn,  1782. 


PREFACE  TO   THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


wxi 


that  country  has  the  honour  of  being  the  first  to  call  the 
real  attention  of  the  literary  world  to  the  character  and 
doctrines  of  Savonarola. 

In  1835  Rudelbach  brought  out  a  biography1  in 
which,  without  dwelling  much  on  Savonarola's  character, 
without  giving  new  facts,  or  fresh  explanations  of  those 
already  known,  he  chiefly  sought  to  analyze  and  deter- 
mine the  value  of  his  hero's  doctrines.  He  was  certainly 
the  first  to  deduce  a  system  of  theology  from  Savon- 
arola's works,  the  first  who  had  the  courage  to  assure 
modern  Europe  that  those  works,  upon  which  such 
violent  abuse  had  been  poured,  deserved  the  attention 
of  the  learned,  and  were  the  product  of  a  lofty,  specu- 
lative intellect.  He  declared  his  views  with  the  genuine 
enthusiasm  of  a  discoverer  of  new  truths,  and  his  book 
met  with  great  success  in  Germany.  This  perhaps  was 
less  owing  to  its  intrinsic  merit  than  to  the  author's 
purpose,  inasmuch  as  he  accepted  Savonarola  as  a  pre- 
cursor of  the  Reformation.  Luther  himself  had  canonized 
the  Friar  as  a  Protestant  martyr,  but  in  the  eighteenth 
century  this  verdict  had  been  entirely  forgotten.  Now, 
however,  it  was  again  revived  by  the  efforts  of  Rudelbach, 
supported  and  fortified  by  his  thorough  examination  of 
all  Savonarola's  works.  Hence  the  great  applause  accorded 
to  his  book  in  Germany  and  England,  and  the  steadfast 
sympathy  subsequently  evinced  by  writers  of  those 
countries  for  the  Friar  of  St.  Mark's. 

Nevertheless,  on  impartial  review,  many  grave  errors 
are  to  be  detected  in  Rudelbach's  work.  As  a  life  history 
of  the  man  it  tells  us  nothing  new,  and  as  an  examination 
of  his  doctrines  it  is  very  imperfect.     With  much  wrest  - 

1  "  Hieronymus  Savonarola  und  seine  Zeit.  Aus  den  quellen  darges- 
tellt,"  von  A.  G.  Rudelbach.  Hamburgh,  1835.  The  reader  will  find 
several  of  these  quotations  repeated  in  the  notes,  but  it  seemed  indis- 
pensable to  collect  here  all  necessary  information  on  the  biographers. 


5    TV   THE  FIRST  EDITIOX. 


and  labour  the  author  stretches  these  doctrines  on  I 
n  couch,  chai  and  distorting  them  in  such 

wise  that  we  should  ottcu  he  tempted  to  doubt  his  good 

faith  did  we  not  know  to  what  extent  a  man  may  be  blinded 

by  party  spirit  ;  and  he  leaves  unmentioned  such  of  tho 

writings  as  .ire  too  plainly  opposed  to  his  ideas.  An  in- 
stance of  this  may  be  seen  in  his  minute  exposition  of  the 
v4  Triumph  of  the  Cross."  This  work  was  actually  re- 
printed oy  the  press  of  the  Propaganda  Fide,  and  its 
first  three  hooks  treat  of  those  articles  of  the  Christian 
faith  on  which  Protestants  and  Catholics  are  almost 
agreed.  These  Rudelbach  carefully  expounds,  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  discovering  in  them  some  hidden  Protes- 
tant meaning.  But  on  reaching  the  fourth  book,  where 
Savonarola  speaks  of  the  Sacraments  in  a  manner  that  puts 
his  Catholicism  beyond  doubt,  his  German  biographer 
abandons  all  attempt  at  analysis  and  hastens  to  quit  the 
subject.      And  he  recurs  to  this  method  again  and  again. 

The  analysis  of  "  Savonarola's  prophetic  character,"  as 
the  author  calls  it,  should  have  been  by  rights  the  best 
part  of  this  biography.  It  was  a  new  and  important 
theme,  for  no  one  had  really  studied  it  before.  Neverthe- 
less, instead  of  carefully  collecting  all  facts,  and  impartially 
determining  their  value,  Rudelbach  set  to  work  to  explain 
theories  solely  evolved  from  his  own  imagination.  First 
of  all  he  defines  what  we  are  to  understand  by  evangelical 
prophecy,  and  then  marshals  before  us  in  an  unbroken  line 
all  the  prophets  of  the  Reformation,  inclusive  of  the  Abbot 
Joachim,  St.  Bridget,  and  Savonarola.  Plainly  this  is 
neither  history  nor  criticism,  but  a  mere  flight  of  fancy  in 
search  of  support  to  a  foregone  conclusion. 

In  1830  a  second  German  biography  appeared  in  Berlin,1 
from  the  pen  of  Karl  Meier,  who  has  chiefly  studied  the 

1  "  Girolamo  Savonarola,  aus  grossen  Theih  handschriftlichen  Quellen 
dargestellt,"  von  Karl  Meier.     Berlin.  1836. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


XXXUj 


part  of  the  subject  most  neglected  by  Rudelbach- namely 
—the  life  and  character  of  Girolamo  Savonarola.     By  loner 
and  persevering  researches  in  the  libraries  and  archives  of 

Florence  and  Venice  he  had  gleaned  a  precious  harvest  of 
documents,  and  armed  with  these  returned  to  Germany  to 
write   his   book.      Nearly  every  codex  declared    by  later 
writers  to  have  been  unearthed  by  themselves,  nearly  all 
the    documents    afterwards  published    as    new,  had    been 
already  discovered   by  Meier,  and  either  quoted  or  repro- 
duced in   his    pages.'     But,   incredible   as   it  may   seem 
the    author    was    incapable    of  turning    his    materials    to 
account.     His  work  shows  the  strangest  mixture  of  mar- 
vellous   patience  and   industry  with   unpardonable  negli- 
gence and  inexactitude.     He  sometimes  deplores  the  loss 
of  certain  documents,  which  are  actually  contained  in  th- 
very  codices  discovered  and  frequently  quoted  by  him     In 
collating  the  documents  he  has  published  we  often  meet 
with  errors  and  gaps  such  as  would  be  unpardonable  in  the 
most  negligent  of  writers,  and  are  inexplicable  in  one  who 
at  other  times,  is  really  careful  and  scrupulous.     Meier 
writes  the  biography  of  an  illustrious  man,  and  enriches  it 
with  many  new  and  most  interesting  particulars  ;  but,  with- 
out ceaseless  reference  to  the  notes,  the  reader  would  never 
perceive  that  the  book  was  the  fruit  of  original  research 
Throughout  the  work  Savonarola  remains  a  lifeless  puppet 
or  rather  an  empty  abstraction  ;   the  new  details  of  his  life 
neither  diminish  nor  add  to  the  vague  and  confused  con- 
ception   of    him    afforded    us    by    previous    biographers. 
Meier's  book  is  a  clear  and  eloquent  proof  of  the  worth- 
lessness  of  the  most  precious  documents  in  the  hands  or 
one  who  is  unable  to  deal  with  them. 

Almost  the  same  verdict  must  be  passed  on  the  portion 
of  the  work  devoted  to  Savonarola's  doctrines.     Jt  is  true 

'  Proofs  of  this  will  be  adduced  in  the  course  of  this  book  and  in  the 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 

lb 


r:  mi    FIRST  EDITION 

that  Meier  triei  to  modify  the  o        rated  conclusioni  of 

Rudell  '  :ls  t,(  ,i;ul  in  *c  wn'  wnplet 

fProt    tant theology;  • 
i  include  him,  at  all  costs,  among  the  mam  ; 
a.     Nor  arc  his  tents  to  this  effect 

,,m  those  of  Rudelbach.     The  latter  had, 

lt  of  beine;  led  astray  by  the  force   of  his 

unbr         imagination,  whereas  Meier,  who  is  all  modera- 

n     an.l    picks    his    way  with    timid    steps,  is   altogether 
ble.      What,  too,   can  be  said,  when  we   find   him 
.•mark  that  Savonarola  hardly  ever   mentioned 
v,  and   that   his  enemies  accused  him  of  seldom 
alluding  to  the  Virgin  Mary  ?      Meier  would  deduce  from 
this  that  the  Friar  already  shadowed  forth  the  ideas  of  the 
Reformation,  but  apparently  lacks  courage  to  rely  on  such 
feeble  arguments,  since  he  is   frequently  obliged  to  record 
sermons  full  of  almost  superstitious  utterances  concerning 
the   Virgin,  and  others  in  which  the  faithful   are  openly 
exhorted  to  pray  for  the  dead. 

Another  serious  blunder  is  to  be  noted  in  Meier  s  work. 
While  moving  cautiously  forward,  and  minutely  explaining 
such   of  the   Friar's  doctrines  as  are  merely  copied  from 
St.  Thomas  and  the  scholiasts,  he  fails  to  observe  all  that 
vs  special  to  Savonarola,  and  serving  to  prove  the  originality 
of  his  mind.     He  pauses  now  and  then  to  dwell  on  pas- 
sages which  seem  to  him  to  contain  germs  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, but  appears  so  slenderly  convinced  by  his  own  words 
that'  he  naturally  fails  to  convince  his  readers.     And  when 
he  treats  of  the  prophecies  it  is  very  difficult  to  ascertain 
his   meaning.     He  is    disposed  to   condemn  Rudelbach's 
verdict,  to  demonstrate  that,  if  Savonarola  were  no  prophet, 
neither  did  he  believe  himself  to  be  one,  nor  desire  to  be 
esteemed  as  such  by  others.     But  then  again  he  shrinks 
from  roundly  pronouncing  a  judgment  that  is  so  manifestly 
contradicted  by  facts,  and,  as  usual,  halts  half-way,  in  a 
state  of  puzzled  uncertainty. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  E  DITI  OX 


XXXV 


On  comparing  the  two  German  biographies  with  each 
other,  we  are  bound  to  conclude  that  Rudelbach's  fantastic 
dissertation,  in  spite  of  its  numerous  errors,  gives  a  truer 
idea  of  what  may  be  called  Savonarola's  uncouth  origin- 
ality than  that  to  be  gained  from  the  researches,  docu- 
ments, and  pretended  accuracy  of  Karl  Meier's  work. 
Rudelbach's  mistakes  were  too  lightly  condoned,  the  merits 
of  Meier  too  unjustly  forgotten  ;  but  in  either  case  the 
public  verdict  was  really  more  just  than  it  seemed  at  first 
sight. 

These  German  works,  and  more  especially  the  weight 
of  Luther's  authority,  served  to  diffuse  the  notion  that 
Savonarola  was  really  a    precursor   of  the  Reformation  ; 
hence  increased  sympathy  was  aroused  for  him  in  England 
and   Germany,   and    the    attention    of  Europe    directed, 
with  a  somewhat  anxious  curiosity,  to  the  history  of  his 
life.     It  was  then  that  an  eloquent  voice  was  heard  from 
the  Convent  of  St.    Mark's,   claiming  Savonarola  as  the 
champion  of  Catholicism  and   liberty.     Father  Vincenzo 
Marchese,  of  the  Preaching  Order,  was  already  known  in 
Italy  by  his  "  Storia  dei  Pittori  Domenicani."     An  elegant 
writer,  a  sincere  Catholic,  and  an  ardent  lover  of  truth  and 
liberty,  his  residence  in  St.  Mark's  had  fired  him  with  a 
passionate  admiration  for  Savonarola.     With  a  respect  and 
reverence  almost  amounting  to  worship,  he  collected  every 
memorial  of  the  Friar   to  be  found  in  the  convent,  ran- 
sacked the  Florentine  libraries  and  archives,  and  on  several 
occasions  produced  the  results  of  his  studies  in  the  pages 
of  the  "  Archivio  Storico  Italiano"  in  the  shape  of  unpub- 
lished letters  of  Savonarola  or  writings  illustrative  of  his 
life.     And  although  these  documents  were  not  always  of 
much  intrinsic   worth,  the  care  and  acumen  with  which 
they  were  edited  and  brought  to  bear  upon  history  gave 
them  a  certain   importance.      The  author's  name,  and  the 
nature  of  his  subject,  won  them  a  kind  reception,  and  at 


PREFACE  TO  THE  El  FT/ON. 

t  P  Man  *e  PuWi     !  \'u,r' 

1 
and    most    noteworthy  part    of  tl 

iplctc  biograph)  of  Savonarola.     'I  he  autl 
|  him   as   a  reformer  oi    morals,  politu 
rc!  scribed  his  life  and  manners,  and  comment 

ind  discourses.     By  dwelling  upon  a  part 
.1  ,  friar  that  had  been  hitherto  neglected,  he 

understand  the  intensity  of  Savonarola's  love  of 
liberty,  and  how  this  had  first  led  to  his  persecution,  and 
n  to  his  death.  Admiration  for  this  martyred  brother 
•  his  Order  wrought  Padre  Marchese  to  genuine  elo- 
quence, and  endued  his  book  with  a  vivid  force  and 
reality  which  are  totally  wanting  in  the  German  biogra- 
phies. It  met  with  deserved  success,  and  the  public  mind 
m  Italy  was  roused  to  an  ardent  and  enthusiastic  interest 
in  the  republican  Friar  who  had  so  daringly  defied  the 
Borgia  and  the  Medici,  had  sought  to  strengthen  the  old 
bond  between  liberty  and  religion  by  re-establishing  both 
on  their  true  basis,  and  who  had  suffered  martyrdom 
for  his  country  and  his  God. 

But  Padre 'Marchese's  work,  although  admirably  fitted 
to  arouse  public  curiosity,  could  not  entirely  satisfy  it  His 
researches  were  too  partial  and  fragmentary  to  enable  him  to 
write  a  complete  biography.  Only  acquainted  with  a  por- 
tion of  the  Friar's  works  and  sermons,  he  could  contribute 
an  eloquent  chapter  to  the  history  of  his  convent,  but  no 
finished  study  of  Savonarola.  This,  indeed,  was  forbidden 
by  the  nature  of  his  work.  Besides,  he  was  too  great  _  an 
admirer  of  the  hero,  whom  he  venerated  almost  as  a  saint 
to  be  his  truly  impartial  historian.  Consequently  fresh 
studies  and  researches  were  needed  for  the  task. 

•  First  Dublished  in  the  "  San  Marco  Illustrato»  (Prato,  Passigli, 
,850/3'  Ld  Sards  in  the  "Scritti  Varii'»of  Padre  Vincenzo  Mar- 
chese.     Florence  :  Le  Monnier,  1855- 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


xxxvii 


But  in  1853  a  biography  of  Savonarola  appeared  in 
France."  #  Its  author,  M.  Perrens,  had  made  accurate  re- 
searches in  Florence  ;  he  had  procured  in  Piedmont,  from 
the  learned  Abbé  Bernardi,  copies  of  many  documents  con 
tamed  in  the  Marcian  Library  of  Venice,  several  of  which 
although  made  known  to  Germany  by  Meier's  work  were 
quite  ignored  in  Italy  and  France.  Enriched  by' these 
precious  materials,  his  book,  although  here  and  there  bear- 
ing too  evident  marks  of  haste,  was  nevertheless  the  most 
complete  work  that  had  appeared  on  Savonarola,  and 
obtained  great  and  deserved  success. 

j  i^er^rSt    voJume>    giving    a    narrative    of    facts,    is 
delightful  reading.     The  author  has  little  eloquence,  but 
he  was  the  first  to  give  us  a  clear,  well-ordered,  and  ample 
account  of  all  the  events  of  Savonarola's  life.    The  stirring, 
tumultuous  drama  of  this  life  has  a  certain  fascination  and 
eloquence  of  its  own  which  keep  the  reader's  attention  on 
the  alert,  and  compensate  for  the  author's  defects.    But  un- 
fortunately there  is  a  radical  fault  in  the  book.      Mons. 
Perrens  has  no  clear  grasp  of  his  theme,  no  definite  view 
of  the  personage  he   tries  to  describe,  and  this  serves  to 
keep  the  reader's   mind   in  a  very  painful  state  of  uncer- 
tainty, which  the  author  seems  almost  wishful  to  increase. 
When    we    are    on   the    point    of   admiring    Savonarola's 
courage,  he  hastens  to  assure  us  that  the  Friar  sometimes 
showed  exaggerated  timidity  ;  when  about  to  express  our 
admiration  for  his  steadfast  opposition  to  the  Medici,  we 
find  him  accused  of  being  their  eulogist.     It  would  almost 
appear  as  though  Mons.  Perrens  feared  to  commit  himself 
to  any  decided  opinion  of  his  hero,  since  no  sooner  does 
one  escape  him  than  he  endeavours  to  attenuate  its  force. 
In  the  last  and  most  terrible  hours  of  Savonarola's  life  he 
turns  from  the  persecuted  man  with  words  of  condemna- 

1  "Jerome  Savonarole,  sa  vie,  ses  predictions,  ses  écrits,"  par  F.  T 
Perrens.     Two  Vols.     Paris,  1853. 


PREFACE  TO  Tin:  ORS 
not  <    lv  without  having  discovered  any  proofs  to 

of  his  verdict,  but  even  without  any 
TO  tion  of  already  known  documents.      Thus  the 

reader  IS  left  discouraged,  confused   and  uncertain  whether 
Savonarola  or  his  biographer  he  most  deserving  of  blame. 
A  somewhat  serious  defect  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
I  volume.       This  treats  of  the  Friar's  works,  but  only 
summaries  of  them,  and    occasional    extracts, 
thout  any  decided  verdict  or  criticism.     Mons.  Perrens 
frequently  alleges    his   incapacity   to  judge  religious  doc- 
trines, but  tails   into  errors,  for  which  even   his  modesty 
IS  no  sufficient   excuse.      After   having    invariably   repre- 
nted    Savonarola  as  a  sincere  Catholic,  he  refers  us  to 
an   authority    he   considers  weightier  than   his   own,   and 
gives  in  his'Appendix  a  long  chapter  from  Rudelbach,  in 
which  the  German  biographer  has  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  Savonarola  was  a  precursor  of  Luther.    In  this  way  the 
French  author  demolishes  his  own  edifice.     It  is  true  that 
he  entrusted  the  translation  of  this  chapter  to  another  hand, 
and  we   may  therefore  suppose  that  he   was  too  hurried 
even  to  read  it  with  attention,  but  how  can  such  negligence 
be    excused    in    so    earnest   a    writer  as   Mons.   Perrens? 
Nevertheless,    this    French     biography     being    the    most 
complete  to  which  the  Italian  public  had  access  at  the  time, 
its  author  has  a  distinct  claim  on  our  gratitude.  ^ 

Other  works  had  appeared  and  were  appearing  on  the 
same  theme,  but  all  of  far  slighter  merit.  In  France 
Rio's  "Art  Chretien"  1  comprised  some  very  eloquent  pages 
upon  Savonarola.  In  Germany  Hase  published  a  short 
popular  biographical  sketch  of  the  Friar,  and  Lenau  a 
little  poem  full  of  force  and  imagination.2     In  England 


I    u 


'Art  Chretien,"  par  Rio.     Paris,  1836. 
»  "  Neue  Propheten,  Drei  historisch-politische  Kirchenbilder,    von  U. 
Karl   Hase.     Leipzig,   1851.     These  are  three  essays   on   Joan  of  Arc, 
Savonarola,  and  the  Anabaptists.  "  Savonarola,  ein  Gedicht,"  von  Nicolaus 
Lenau.     Yierte  Auflage  :  Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  1853. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


XXXIX 


many  biographies  of  Savonarola  have  appeared,  but  are 
all  mere  compilations,  written  without  any  real  know- 
ledge of  the  facts,  and  with  the  sole  purpose  of  claiming 
the  Prior  of  St.  Mark's  as  one  of  the  martyrs  of  the 
Reformation.  The  last  English  work,  published  in  1853, 
in  two  stout  volumes,  has  somewhat  more  merit.1  The 
author,  Mr.  Madden,  professes  moderate  Catholic 
opinions,  but  is  over-anxious  to  attribute  his  own  views  to 
Savonarola,  and  while  assuring  us  that  he  has  most  care- 
fully studied  the  subject,  shows  so  slight  an  acquaintance 
with  its  time  and  place,  that  his  book  is  brimful  of  mis- 
takes. To  cite  one  of  many  instances,  he  tells  us,  as  a 
proof  of  Savonarola's  great  and  untiring  activity,  that, 
after  preaching  in  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore,  he  also  preached 
in  the  Duomo  (the  identical  church)  on  the  same  day  ! 
Thus  the  book  is  quite  useless  to  Italians,  and  conveys 
most  inexact  ideas  to  foreigners.  England,  the  country  of 
great  historians,  has  produced  no  work  on  Savonarola 
worthy  of  its  fame.2 

Having  been  engaged  for  many  years  upon  a  biography 
of  Savonarola,  the  appearance  of  the  above-mentioned 
works  by  no  means  discouraged  me  from  the  task,  but 
rather  served  as  an  incitement  to  higher  efforts,  by 
reminding  me  of  the  duty  of  carrying  it  out  with  un- 
sparing labour  and  research. 3  For  the  accomplishment  of 
my  purpose,  I  made  it  a  rule  to  read  all  modern  works 
upon  the  subject,  but  to  rely  upon  no  authority  but  that 
of  contemporary    writers,  Savonarola's   own    works,    and 

1  "  The  Life  and  Martyrdom  of  Girolamo  Savonarola,  illustrative  of 
the  History  of  Church  and  State  Connexion,"  by  R.  R.  Madden.  London, 
1854. 

8  The  works  of  Perrens  and  Madden  were  reviewed  by  me  at  greater 
length  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  N.S.,  vol.  iii.  1856. 

3  Among  more  recent  works,  we  must  mention  the  "Vita  di  Fra 
Jeronimo  Savonarola,"  by  Bartolommeo  Aquarone.  Two  Vol:;.  Alessan- 
dria, 1857  and  1858.  As  the  work  of  a  friend,  and  published  almost 
simultaneously  with  my  own,  I  refrain  from  passing  any  judgment  upon  it. 


pa        i.  n  /'//•/« 

cuments  ;  and,  warned  by  frequent  experience  of 
the  danger  of  quoting  second-hand,  to  i         md  verify 

«  ith  my  «»w  n  ej  i 
I  de  earlier  biographies  had,  oi  course,  to  be  Btudied  as 
well  as  the  modern,  and  among  the  former  the  best  were 
;  Father  Pacifico  Burlamacchi  and  Count  Giovan 
Francesco  Pico  della  Mirandola.  Burlamacchi, a  Lucchese 
of  high  birth,  had  been  one  of  the  most  constant  of 
inarola's  hearers,  and  was  moved  by  his  discourses  to 
ime  the  Dominican  frock.  I  le  entered  the  monastery 
of  San  Romano  in  Lucca  in  1499 — i.e.,  the  year  after 
Savonarola's  martyrdom,  and  died  in  1519  in  the  odour  of 
sanctity.  He  had  enjoyed  intercourse  with  Savonarola 
and  known  his  most  intimate  friends;  he  had  discoursed 
with  eyewitnesses  of  the  chief  events  of  the  Friar's  life, 
and  had  seen  many  of  them  himself.  His  work,  without 
being  that  of  a  trained  historian,  has  much  of  the  simple 
force  of  an  old  chronicle,  is  carefully  written,  and  shows 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  facts.  After  remaining  long 
unknown,  the  Manuscript  began  to  circulate  in  monas- 
teries, and  served  as  a  model  for  numerous  other  biogra- 
phies of  no  special  value,  compiled  by  devout  fanatics.  It 
was  finally  published  in  1761  among  Mansi's  "Addizioni  alla 
Miscellanea  del  Baluzio,"1  and  besides  the  miracles  narrated 
by  Burlamacchi,  others  were  added  in  the  words  of 
Father  Timoteo  Bottonio,  who  cannot  be  regarded  as  a 
trustworthy  authority. 

Count  Giovan  Francesco  Pico  della  Mirandola,  nephew 
of  the  famous  Giovanni  Pico,  had  personally  known 
Savonarola  and  conceived  the  deepest  admiration  tor  him. 
He  had  lived  in  Florence  during  the  most  eventful  years 
of  the  career  he  sought  to  describe  ;   he  had  witnessed  the 

1  It  was  afterwards  published  separately,  and  reprinted  later  with  the 
addition  of  a  M  Lettera  Apologetica  ;  Vita  del  P.  F.  Girolamo  Savonarola,'1 
by  P.  F.  Pacifico  Burlamacchi,  of  Lucca.     New  Edition.     Lucca,  1764. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


xli 


martyrdom  of  his  hero,  and  devoutly  cherished  his  relics. 

He  was  a  philosopher,  an  elegant  Latinist,  and  one  of 
the  most  learned  and  purest  men  of  his  time  ;  he  collected 
facts  with  incredible  diligence  ;  wrote  and  rewrote  his 
book  many  times,  and  made  numerous  changes  in  its 
construction  ;  submitted  it  to  the  judgment  of  numerous 
friends  of  Savonarola,  and  finally  gave  it  to  the  world  in 
1530.1 

_  The  great  resemblance  between  these  two  biographies  gave 
rise  to  the  idea  that  the  one  was  copied  or  modelled  from 
the  other.  But  the  evidence  of  contemporary  writers  and 
the  examination  of  ancient  codices  prove  that,  in  the  main, 
each  is  independent  of  the  other.  And  in  the  course  of 
my  studies  I  acquired  great  confidence  in  both  authors, 
and  found  them  far  more  deserving  of  belief  than  might 
be  supposed  from  the  fanatic  and  superstitious  tone  so 
often  to  be  noted  in  their  pages. 

It  would  be  a  superfluous  task  to  cite  all  the  un- 
edited biographies  of  which  I  made  use.  I  need  only 
mention  those  of  Fra  Marco  della  Casa,2  Fra  Placido 
Cinozzi,3  and  a  third  and  more  important  one,  of  un- 
known authorship  4  in  the  Magliabecchiana  Library  of 
Florence.  All  three  are  by  contemporaries  and  fellow- 
brethren  of  Savonarola.  There  is  another  and  better 
known  biography  by  P.  Serafino  Razzi,  also  a  Friar  of  St. 
Mark.  His  work  is  only  a  compilation  from  Pico  ami 
Burlamacchi  ;  for  he  was  not  a  contemporary  of  Savona- 
rola, and  had  little  aptitude  for  original  research.  But  he 
had    conversed    with    certain    old    Florentines    who    had 

1  "  Vita  R.  P.  Fr.  Hieronymi  Savonarola?,"  auctore  111.  D.  Joan.  Franc. 
Pico.  Parisiis,  1674.  This  edition,  revived  by  Quétif,  is  in  two  volumes  ; 
the  ^second  and  half  of  the  first  contain  additions  by  Quétif,  who  also 
published  a  third  volume,  containing  Savonarola's  letters. 

2  In  the  Monastery  of  St.  Mark. 

*  Written  in  the  form  of  letters,  and  contained  in  Codex  205  },  of  the 
Riccardian  Library. 
4  Convent  MSS.,  L,  VII.,  28. 


\iu  /  EDITION, 

■vii  the    1  including  the   octogenarian,    Lorenzo 

manuscript  diaria  M Giornate,"  he  made 
anal  t.     He  also  collected  >u\A  transcribed  a  large 

number  of   Apologies  and  other  works  on  the   life  am 

.   of    his   hero.1 
After  studying  the  biographies  I   began  to  search  K. 
.  documents,  particularly   tor  all   relating  to  the  trai 

which  had  always  excited  my  keen  curiosity.  The 
printed  report  of  the  trial  was  generally  known;  but 
onarola  underwent  three  examinations,  and  I  succeeded 
in  finding  the  manuscript  records  of  the  second  and  third, 
and  also  of  the  trial  of-  his  fellow-martyrs,  Fra  Silvestro  and 
Domenico.  Although  containing  important  informa- 
tion, these  documents  need  very  cautious  examination,  for 
they  were  much  changed  and  falsified  by  the  notary  of  the 
Florence  Signory.  The  examinations  or  depositions  of 
many  other  persons,  either  implicated  in  Savonarola's  case, 
or  simply  interrogated  as  witnesses,  are  in  a  codex  of  the 
Florence  archives,  first  discovered,  but  only  cursorily 
examined,  by  Meier.  This  codex  was  extremely  useful 
on  account  of  the  light  thrown  by  it  on  Savonarola's  last 
days  ;  and  help  was  also  derived  from  other  documents 
found,  but  not  stuuied  by  Meier. 

Fresh  research  brought  to  light  a  copy  of  Fra 
Domenico's  genuine  and  unaltered  statements  written  in 
his  own  hand.  But,  as  to  Savonarola's  avowals,  there 
was  no  hope  of  obtaining  them.  He  had  not  bee.o 
allowed  to  write  his  own  confession  ;  his  replies  had  been 
falsified  by  the  notary  who  transcribed  them,  and,  with 
added  alterations,  had  been  used  for  the  printed  report  of 
the  first  examination  and  the  manuscript  version  of  the 
two  others.  The  first  notes  taken  by  the  scribe  might 
have  contained  some  germ  of  truth  ;   but  these  documents 

1  Razzi's  works  exist,  in  manuscript,  in  the  Magliabecchian,  Riccardian, 
and  Laurentian  Libraries. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


xliii 


had  been  kept  hidden  for  some  time  and  then  destroyed. 
Nevertheless  I  discovered  the  manuscripts  of  two  writers 
who  had  seen  the  original  notes,  and,  comparing  them  with 
the  falsified  reports,  had  pointed  out  their  essential  diver- 
gences.1 , 

One  of  these  two  MSS.  consisted  of  the  third  part  of 
the  "  Vulnera  Diligentis  "  of  Fra  Benedetto,  the  devoted 
friend  and  follower  of  Savonarola.  I  shall  have  occasion 
elsewhere  to  speak  of  this  work  and  its  author,  and  need 
only  say  here  that  the  third  part,  relating  almost  exclusively 
to  the  trial,  was  unknown  to  all.  The  other  manuscript 
was  the  "  Apologia  "  or  "  Giornate  "  of  Lorenzo  Violi,  long 
believed  to  be  lost,  and  which  I  had  the  good  luck  to  dis- 
inter. Violi  had  taken  down  nearly  all  Savonarola's  sermons 
as  they  fell  from  his  lips  ;  in  this  work  he  recorded  every- 
thing that  he  had  seen  or  heard  of  the  Friar's  life,  in  the 
form  of  a  long  "  Apologia,"  and  continued  his  task  until 
loss  of  sight  at  the  age  of  eighty  compelled  him  to  re- 
linquish his  pen.  From  these  documents  I  gleaned  the 
fullest  account  of  Savonarola's  trial  down  to  the  minutest 
particulars.      Even    the    obscure    and    much    contested 

1  So  much  curiosity  was  roused  by  my  discovery  of  these  documents, 
particularly  of  the  reports  of  the  trials,  that  others  hastened  to  profit  by 
it  and  to  forestall  me  in  the  publication  of  some  of  the  papers.  I  was 
powerless  to  prevent  this,  much  time  being  still  needed  for  the  due  com- 
pletion of  my  work.  Meanwhile  Professor  Paolo  Emiliani-Giudici 
published  in  the  Appendix  to  his  "  Storia  dei  Comuni  Italiani"  not  only 
the  printed  report  of  Savonarola's  first  trial,  but  the  MSS.  of  the  two 
others  discovered  by  myself.  The  learned  compilers  of  the  u  Giornale 
Storico  degli  Archivi  Toscani  "  (vol.  ii.)  published  the  trials  of  Fra 
Domenico  and  Fra  Silvestro,  also  unearthed  by  me  ;  together  with  the 
examinations  of  other  prisoners  and  witnesses.  The  latter  documents 
had  been  first  mentioned  by  Herr  Meier,  and,  as  Father  Marchese  had 
announced  in  1855  ("Scritti  Vari,"  p.  246,  note  2),  I  had  collected  them 
for  my  work.  I  accordingly  reproduced  all  these  documents,  not  only 
because,  in  a  literary  sense,  they  were  mine,  but  because  they  had  been 
hastily  and  not  always  correctly  printed,  without  notes  or  comments  of 
any  kind.  All  this,  however,  is  a  story  of  the  past.  Since  then  I  have 
received  much  courtesy  and  assistance  from  the  Florence  archives,  and 
owe  special  thanks  to  Comm.  Guasti,  Professor  Paoli,  and  Cav.  Gherardi. 


•■    TO  :  r  EDITIi 

I  '  b)  Fire  was  now  ieen  in  ita  true 

Kg  • 

I  I  I  at  ■  precise  and  accurate  knowledge  <>t 

the  mail  narola'a  life,  I   next  undertook  an 

urate  study  of  his  writinj        This  soon  taught  me  to 

marvel  at    the    incredible   av.A    unpardonable    |  ,ce  of 

Ma  biographers;  for  I  found  that  they  could  not  have 
read  the  works  they  so  frequently  quoted.  No  other  ex- 
planation can  account  for  their  blundering  statements,  their 
imperfect  acquaintance  with  Savonarola's  doctrines,  and 
their  absolute  ignorance  of  his  philosophical  system. 
They  never  discovered  that  they  were  dealing  with  a  great 
thinker  ;  for  while  dwelling  upon  some  utterly  insignificant 
composition,  they  pass  without  notice  all  those  revealing  the 
originality  of  the  author's  mind.  Although  professedly 
eager  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  Savonarola's  meditations  in 
prison,  and  the  state  of  his  mind,  they  barely  glance  at  the 
-vntings  composed  during  his  confinement.  Consequently 
i  resolved  to  leave  no  line  of  his  works  unread,  and 
devoted  years  of  patient  study  to  this  arduous  but  in- 
dispensable task.  Without  it  no  authentic  biography 
could  have  been  achieved.1 

Without  limiting  my  inquiries  to  Savonarola's  printed 
works,  1  also  searched  for  his  letters  and  unpublished 
writings,  and  succeeded  in  finding  a  few.  In  order  to 
penetrate,  as  it  were,  to  the  inmost  recesses  of  his  mind,  I 

'  It  is  a  duty  to  record  that  it  was  chiefly  by  the  kindness  of  Count 
Carlo  Capponi  that  I  was  enabled  to  thoroughly  carry  out  this  inves- 
tigation. His  collection  of  the  works,  pamphlets,  and  letters  of  Savona- 
rola, and  of  all  materials  for  the  Friar's  life,  is  so  complete  and  well 
arranged,  that  no  other  private  collection  in  Italy  or  elsewhere  can,  I 
think,  be  compared  with  it.  The  kindness  with  which  Count  Capponi 
placed  his  treasures  at  my  disposal  calls  for  a  public  expression  of 
gratitude.  I  would  also  tender  my  thanks  to  many  others  for  their 
generous  assistance,  and  above  all  to  Father  Marchese,  who  has  always 
encouraged  me  with  paternal  affection.  Dr.  Danzi,  of  Milan,  was 
another  true  friend,  for,  without  being  a  personal  acquaintance,  he  en- 
trusted me  with  all  the  documents  in  his  collection. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


XV 


examined  his  marginal  notes  to  his  own  copies  of  the 
Bible,  written  in  his  microscopic  and  almost  undecipher- 
able hand.  I  was  the  first,  and  perhaps  the  only  student 
of  these  notes,  and  they  enable  me  to  state  that  Savonarola 
was  always  true  to  himself;  that  in  the  solitude  of  his 
cell,  in  his  most  private  manuscripts,  he  repeated  exactly 
what  he  preached  from  the  pulpit  to  the  mass  of  his 
hearers.  His  letters  chiefly  serve  to  show  us  on  what 
terms  he  stood  with  friends  and  kinsmen,  and  throw  light 
on  his  dispute  v/ith  Rome,  which  is  further  illustrated 
by  some  Borgian  Briefs  that  were  hitherto  unknown. 

Savonarola's  political  career  and  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
Florentine  Republic  also  demanded  fresh  examination. 
For  this  purpose  neither  the  splendid  narratives  of  Nardi, 
Machiavelli,  and  Guicciardini,  nor  the  more  recent  re- 
searches of  Meier  and  Marchese,  could  suffice.  By  means 
of  the  decrees  (provvisioni),  or  rather  laws  of  the  Republic, 
I  was  enabled  to  form  an  accurate  idea  of  its  constitution  ; 
by  means  of  the  deliberations  (pratiche),  or,  as  they  may 
be  called,  drafts  of  the  speeches  delivered  in  the  Councils, 
I  gained  intimacy  with  the  men  and  passions  that  had 
re-moulded  and  breathed  new  life  into  the  Republic.  I 
am  not  aware  that  any  other  modern  writer  has  made  use 
of  these  Florentine  pratiche,  but  I  believe  them  to  con- 
tain unexplored  treasures  of  the  wisdom  and  eloquence  of 
Italian  politicians  of  the  past.  Finally,  by  collating  all 
these  documents  with  Savonarola's  sermons  I  ascertained 
that  the  Friar  of  St.  Mark  was  beyond  all  doubt  the 
leading  spirit  of  the  great  political  drama  before  me. 

It  will  now  be  easily  understood  why  it  was  impossible 
in  this  biography  to  keep  the  narrative  portion  separate 
from  the  examination  of  my  hero's  works,  and  why  I  should 
be  so  frequently  obliged  to  quote  his  own  words.  The 
books,  precepts,  and  sermons  of  Savonarola  are  not  to  be 
solely  judged  from  a  literary  point  of  view  ;   they  were  his 


/'  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION, 

chief  and  almost   only  mode  of  action,    the  instrument* 
he  used  tor  the  reconstitution  of  the  Republic,  and  by 
hich  he  paved  the  way  tor  the  moral  and  religious  re- 
ni of  the  whole  nation.    .Accordingly  his  written  and 
'     spoken  are  one  with  his  actions,  and  often  constitute 

in  themselves  some  of  the  most  important  events  of  his 
life.  Besides,  in  these  eighteen  or  twenty  volumes  of  j 
mons  and  ascetic  works,  in  these  numerous  letters  and 
pamphlets,  flashes  of  lofty  genius  and  marvellous  hursts  ot 
eloquence  are  frequently  hidden  in  a  thicket  of  scholastic 
and  even  puerile  conceits.  Thus,  without  a  biographer  to 
act  as  pioneer,  and  clear  the  way  by  hard  strokes,  there  was 
great  danger  that  the  genius  of  Savonarola  might  still 
remain  partially  buried  and  unknown.1 

It  is  needless  to  enumerate  all  the  other  chronicles  and 
manuscripts  I  have  collated  or  read.  The  unpublished 
letters  of  private  individuals,  secret  reports  of  the  am- 
bassadors and  spies  of  Italian  governments,  a  large  number 
of  religious  and  political  pamphlets,  popular  poems,  both 
manuscript  and  in  print — all  were  ransacked.  Nothing,  in 
short,  was  neglected  that  might  aid  to  the  production  of  a 
faithful  portrait  of  the  men  and  the  passions  of  the  time. 

In  bringing  this  too  lengthy  preface  to  an  end,  I  must 
first  confess  that,  although  assisted  by  research  and  docu- 
mentary  evidence,   my    best    aid   in   the   accomplishment 

1  I  may  repeat  here  what  was  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  first 
edition.  Extracts  from  documents  and  printed  works  are  frequently 
given  in  our  text,  sometimes  in  the  form  of  an  extended  summary, 
with  modernized  spelling,  at  others  verbatim.  In  quoting  from  Savon- 
arola's works,  I  have  generally  modernized  the  orthography  and 
corrected  the  more  glaring  grammatical  mistakes.  This  was  necessary 
to  avoid  too  sudden  changes  of  form  and  language  in  the  text.  But  in 
the  Appendix,  to  the  Italian  edition,  I  give  the  original  words,  blunders 
and  all.  I  should  add  that  Count  Capponi's  collection  of  Savonarola's 
works  has  been  recently  purchased  by  the  Italian  Government,  and, 
together  with  a  no  less  precious  store  presented  by  Count  Guicciardini, 
}%  now  in  the  National  Library  of  Florence. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


xlvn 


<rf  my  work  was   the   fact  of  having  undertaken  it   un- 
hampered by  preconceived  ideas.     The  subject  was  chosen 
because  it  seemed   to  me  that  the  part  played  by  Savon, 
arola    in  the  events   of  the  century   closing  the    Middle 
Ages  and  initiating  the  dawn  of  modern  civilization  was 
as  great  as  it  was  unrecognized.     And  precisely  for  that 
reason  1  saw  that  this  fifteenth  century  Friar  must  not  be 
converted  into   an  advocate  of  the  ideas  and  passions  of 
the  present  age.      This  history  of  Savonarola  is  free  from 
all   political  bias,  and   aims  at   neither  the  attack  nor  the 
defence  of  Rome.     Had  I  found  any  proof  that  he  was  a 
heretic  or  an  unbeliever  I  should  have  certainly  represented 
him  as  such.     But,  on  the  contrary,  I  have  found  him  to 
be  essentially  Catholic,  and  therefore  presented  him  to  the 
reader  in  that  light.     To  use  history  as  an  engine  of  party 
feelings  and  opinions — no   matter  of  how  pure  and  noble 
a  kind — is  to  go  on  a  false  system.     For  whoever  under- 
takes  a    narrative    of  past   events   stands   on  sacred  and 
inviolable    ground.       There   is   no  need    for   the   author 
to  come  forward  as  the  advocate  of  virtue  and  freedom  ; 
on  the  contrary,  he  should  feel  convinced   that  the  history 
of  mankind  is  a  living  drama   in  itself,  leading  man  on  to 
liberty,    elevating    his    moral    tone,    and    developing    his 
civilization.    Therefore,  in  venturing  on  even  the  slightest 
change,  he  attempts  to  correct  the  ways  of  Providence, 
and  only  succeeds  in  destroying  their  sublime  harmony. 

In  writing  the  history  of  Girolamo  Savonarola  and  his 
times,  I  have  adhered  to  these  rules,  and  should  I  succeed 
in  proving  that  his  name  is  one  of  the  most  glorious  on 
Italy's  noble  list  of  thinkers,  heroes,  and  martyrs,  my  end 
will  be  achieved  and  my  labour  abundantly  rewarded. 


CHAPTER    I. 


FRO£M    THE    'BIRTH    OF   SAVONAROLA     TO   Hlò 
BECOzMING    A    €MOU^K. 

(1452-I475.) 


v^)  HE     Savonarola 
Paduan    descent. 


were  originali  y  of 
The  first  of  the 
family  mentioned  by  the  chroniclers 
was  Antonio  Savonarola,  a  valiant 
warrior,  who,  about  the  year  1256, 
kS^^ò  defended  the  city  against  the  tyrant, 
Ezzelino.  In  memory  of  this  event  one  of  the  gates 
of  Padua  was  named  Porta  Savonarola,  and  still  bears 
the  same  designation.  In  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century  a  branch  of  the  family  removed  to  Ferrara  at 
the  request  of  its  lord,  one  of  the  then  sovereign  House 
of  Este.  Niccolò  III.  was  a  lover  of  letters  and  the 
arts,  a  patron  of  learning,  and,  taking  pride  in  attract- 
ing distinguished  men  to  his  Court,  invited  Michele 
Savonarola  to  attend  on  his  person.  This  Savonarola 
was  a  physician  of  high  repute  in  the  Paduan  school, 
was  very  learned,  fervently  pious,  and  extremely  chari- 
table hi  bestowing  his  services  on  the  poor.1  His  name 
has  been  transmitted  to  posterity  not  only  by  numerous 

^  x  "  Vita  R.  P.  F.  Hieronymi  Savonarola?,"  auctore  J.  F.  Pico,  p.  4  ; 
Cappelli,  "  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  &o,  p.  6,  and  fol.  Several  notices 
of  the  Savonarola  family  are  to  be  found  in  a  codex  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  in  the  Landau  Library  in  Florence,  compiled  from  original 
documents  preserved  in  the  same  library.  Antonio  Savonarola's  mer 
re  also  mentioned  in  the  chronicles  of  the  period. 

2 


ir  SAVONARi  VD  TIMES. 

lu&ble  works1  but  also  by  lua  affection  for  his  grand- 

■•,  Girolamo  Savonarola,  who  was  afterwards  to  achieve 
a  worldwide  celebrity, 

tling  in  Ferrara  in  144c,  he  taught  with  success  in 

University,  and  won  much  honour  and  rich  reward 
in  his  capacity  of  physician  to  the  Court.  Pope  Nicholas 
made  him  a  Knight  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  successors  of 
Marquis  Nicholas  III.  added  to  his  lands  and  revenues, 
and  even  invested  him  with  a  small  fief.2  Lionello,  the 
immediate  successor  of  Nicholas,  retained  him  as  medical 
attendant,  increased  his  salary,  and  exempted  him  from  all 
ether  duties,  in  order  to  leave  him  leisure  to  write.3 

Of  Michele's  son  Niccolò  little  is  known.  It  appears 
that  he  studied  medicine  and  school  lore;  but  no  writings 
remain  to  record  his  name.  He  dawdled  through  life  as  a 
hanger-on  at  the  Court,  and  squandered  the  fortune  gained 
by  his  father's  talents  and  industry. 

His  wife  Elena,  one  of  the  illustrious  Mantuan  family 
of  Bonacossi,  seems  to  have  been  a  woman  of  lofty  temper 
and  almost  masculine  firmness.  The  chroniclers  4  have  little 

1  Some  of  his  printed  works  passed  through  many  editions,  namely  : 
"  Practica  de  segritudinibus,"  Papix,  14S6  ;  "  Practica  canonica  de  febri- 
bus,"  Venetiis,  149S  ;  "  De  Balneis  omnibus  Italian  sive  totius  orbis,  pro- 
prietatibusque  eorum,"  Venetiis,  1592;  "De  arte  conficiendi  aquam 
vita?/'  &c,  Hagenoa?,  1532;  "  In  Medicinam  practicam  Introduction  &c, 
Argentina?,  1533.  There  are  also  many  unpublished  works,  several  of 
which  are  on  religious  and  moral  topics.  Among  these  a  "  Confessionale  " 
and  a  "  Dialogus  moralis"  {vide  I.  I.  Mangeti,  "  Bibliotheca  scriptorum 
medicorum  veterum  et  recentiorum  ;  "  Cappelli,  "  Fra  Girolamo  Savona- 
rola," &c,  at  the  beginning  ;  L.  N.  Cittadella,  "  La  nobile  famiglia 
Savonarola  in  Padova  ed  in  Ferrara,"  Ferrara,  1867). 

2  The  original  patents  are  in  the  Landau  Library. 

3  This  is  recorded  in  a  very  remarkable  patent,  also  preserved  in  the 
Landau  Library.     Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  i. 

4  Vide,  among  others,  Fra  Benedetto  of  Florence,  "Vulnera  Dili- 
gentis."  This  work  gives  several  important  and  authentic  details  on 
Savonarola,  and  there  are  two  manuscript  copies  of  it  in  the  National 
Library  of  Florence,  Class  xxxiv.,  Cod.  7,  and  Class  xxxvii.,  Cod.  318. 
Concerning  Fra  Benedetto,  the  disciple  of  Savonarola,  and  who  wrote 
other  works  on  his  master,  we  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  speak. 


HIS  BIRTH.  3 

*o  say  of  her,  but  that  little  testifies  to  the  nobility  of  her 
character.  Certainly,  the  letters  of  her  son  Girolamo,  who 
s\  the  worst  and  most  painful  moments  of  his  life  seems 
:o  have  turned  to  her  as  his  best  and  surest  confidante,  not 
only  confirm  the  report  of  her  virtues,  but  serve  to  en- 
force the  repeated  observation  that  one  of  th«  most 
constant  and  unchanging  affections  of  great  minds  is  a 
love,  almost  amounting  to  worship,  for  their  maternal 
parent. 

Girolamo  Savonarola,  the  subject  of  this  biography, 
came  into  the  world  on  September  21,  1452,1  third  of  the 
seven  children  to  whom  Niccolò  and  Elena  gave  birth. 
His  biographers  tell  marvellous  tales  of  him  even  in  his 
earliest  infancy  ;  but  every  one  knows  how  little  faith 
can  be  lent  to  similar  accounts.  It  is  easier  to  believe  that 
he  was  by  no  means  an  attractive  child  ;  for  he  was  neither 
pretty  nor  playful,  but  already  serious  and  subdued. 
Probably  no  one  foresaw  the  destiny  that  awaited  him. 
Nevertheless,  the  eldest  son,  Ognibene,  having  adopted  a 
military  career,  and  the  second,  who  was  probably  a  youth 
of  scanty  parts,  devoting  himself  to  the  care  of  the  paternal 
estate,  all  the  hopes  of  the  family  were  concentrated  on 
Girolamo,  even  in  his  boyhood  ;  and  it  was  their  dream 
to  see  him  become  a  great  physician.  The  Savonarola 
naturally  held  the  medical  profession  in  the  highest  esteem, 

1  According  to  the  biographers  these  children  were  :  Ognibene,  after- 
wards a  soldier  ;  Bartolommeo,  of  unknown  profession  ;  Girolamo  ; 
Marco,  who,  as  Fra  Maurelio,  received  the  monastic  robe  in  St.  Mark's 
from  his  brother's  hands  in  1497  ;  and  Alberto,  who  took  his  Doctor's 
degree  April  20,  1491,  and  became  a  distinguished  physician;  Beatrice, 
who  remained  at  home  unmarried,  and  Chiara,  who,  on  becoming  a  widow, 
returned  to  live  at  home  with  her  brother  Alberto.  But  Signor  L.  N. 
Cittadella,  in  his  work  "  La  nobile  famiglia  Savonarola  in  Padova  ed  in 
Ferrara,"  places  the  children  in  the  following  order  :  Chiara,  Alberto, 
Bartolommeo,  Ognibene,  Girolamo,  Marco,  Beatrice.  This  gentleman  is 
known  to  be  a  careful  writer,  but  as  he  does  not  give  the  source  of  this 
information,  we  prefer  to  rely  on  the  authority  of  the  old  chroniclers  and 
biographers. 


(  \ND  TIMES. 

the  Bouroeofthc  dignity  and  honour  of  their  h 
indfather,  Michele, 

With  tl      ■  e  and  Mmp]  tj 

ned  by  1  >ng  yctn  and  experience,  tfa  Id 

Kimsdf  to    the    development    oi    his 
grand  intellect,  the  careful  unfolding  of  its  buddin 

th,  ft    and    ideas.      Such    I    training   was    undoubtedly 

Of   schools,    and    the    hoy    soon    rewarded    his 

devotion   by  showing  a  true  passion   tor  study 

So  mat  v.ms  his  ardour  tor  books  that  even  those  beyond 

,  "comprehension  were  eagerly  seized  upon  and  ransacked 

u  v  bidden  treasures. 

Unfortunately  the  grandfather  soon  died,1  and  the  hoy 
s  left  to  the  sole  guidance  of  his  father,  who  began  to 
instruct  him  in  philosophy.     In  those  days  natural  science 
was  merely  regarded  as  one  of  the  chief  branches  of  philo- 
sophy, and  the  latter,  although  used  as  a  preliminary  to  the 
study  of  medicine,  was,  as  we  all  know,  purely  scholastic. 
It  is  true  that  in  some  parts  of  Italy,  and  even  in  Ferrara, 
a  feint  glimmer  of  the  dawning  Platonic  philosophy  was 
beginning  to  appear,  together  with  some  faithful  trans- 
lations of  Aristotle  from  the  original  Greek  ;  but  these 
things  were  considered  to  be  daring  innovations;  and  the 
young  Savonarola  had  to  study  the  works  ot  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas,    and    the    Arabic    commentaries    on    Aristotle. 
These  were  given  to  him  as  indispensable  guides  and  in- 
troductions to  the  study  of  medicine  ;  and  it  was  strange 
to  behold  so   young  a  boy  plunged  in  this   sea,  or  rather 

*  The  exact  year  of  his  death  is  unknown.  Fossi,  in  his  well-known 
«Catalogo  Magliabecchiano,"  tells  us  :  «Eros  obitus  contigisse  vidctur 
circa  fnem  anni  1461,  vel  tardius."  Capelli  gives  the  same  date,  1461, 
mSs "FA  Girolamo  'Savonarola,"  &c,  p.  10  ; ;  but  Cittadella  m  »  La 
Casa  di  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola  in  Ferrara  "  Ferrara,  1873),  state, 
that  there  are  documents  proving  that  Michele  died  between  1466  and 
1^8  A  diploma  of  Duke  Borso,  dated  20th  October,  1461,  conferring 
frTsh  rewards  upon  Michele  Savonarola,  "phisico  nostro  precarissimo, 
n  the  Landau  Library,  proves  that  Michele  still  lived  at  that  date. 


HIS  BOYHOOD. 

labyrinth,  of  confused  syllogisms,   and  finding   so  much 

pleasure  in  the  task  as   soon    to    become  a  very  skilful 

disputants    The  works  of  St.  Thomas  fascinated  him  to 

an  almost  inconceivable  extent  ;  he  would  be  absorbed  in 

meditating  on  them  for  whole  days  at  a  time,  and  could 

hardly  be  persuaded  to  turn  his  attention  to  studies  better 

adapted  to  his  medical  training.     Thus,  while  the  natural 

tendency   of  his  mind  drew  him  in    one    direction,  his 

parents  urged  him  in  another  ;  and,  though  no  one  could 

foresee  it,  this  was  the   beginning  of  the  struggle  that 

was  afterwards  to  decide  his  future  and  crush  the  hopes  of 

his  kindred.    Enamoured  of  truth,  and  as  yet  unconscious 

of  his  own  powers,  he  was  still  filled  with  the  joyous 

intoxication  felt  by  the  young  when  all  nature  seems  to 

gaily  beckon    them    across   the    threshold    of  life.      He 

devoured  the  ancient  writers,  composed  verses,  and  studied 

drawing  and  music.2 

All  particulars,  however,  of  Savonarola's  boyhood  are 
unfortunately  wanting.  History  seems  to  have  purposely 
concealed  from  us  by  what  process  his  nature  was  de- 
veloped or  his  mind  trained.  We  have  no  details  of  the 
progress  of  his  studies,  nor  of  the  difficulties  he  had  to 
encounter  ;  no  means  of  tracing  the  mental  and  spiritual 
growth  of  this  man  who  was  to  play  so  prominent  a  part 
in  the  world's  affairs.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  taken  for 
granted  that  his  early  days  were  marked  by  no  facts 
sufficiently  remarkable  to  be  transmitted  to  posterity. 
Probably  the  true  history  of  his  youth  consisted  of 
private  thoughts  and  secret  impressions,  such  as  could 
not  be  generally  known.  Therefore,  to  understand  the 
state  of  his  mind,  we  must  study  his  material  surround- 

*  J.  F.  Pico,  "Vita,"  &c,  chap.  ii.  p.  9. 
b  " .*  rà  Benedetto,  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,"  bk.  i.  chap.  vii.  ;    Burlamacchi, 

Vita  dei  i\  k  .  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  p.  4,  new  edition.  Lucca,  Giusti, 
1784.  »  »  » 


6  VONA  S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

icb  u  he  wai  it  do  time  wholly  absorbed  in 

•tarv     nv.  «j     but      always     felt     drawn     towards 

humanity  and  the  people;  always,  indeed,  preferring  to 

share    the    life   of  his    lellow-men,  save    when    repelled    by 
evincible  disgust  for  their  vices. 

I  ;  ted  aspect  of  modern  Ferrara,  with  its  lonely, 

^rass-L;rown  Streei  ,  makes  it  difficult  tor  us  to  realize  the 
r  rmcr  splendour  of  the  capital  of  the  House  of  Es: 
Then  it  was  a  city  of  100,000  inhabitants,1  and  its  Court 
e  of  the  most  famous  in  Italy,  was  continually  visited 
by  princes,  emperors,  and  popes,  and  the  scene  of  inter- 
minable festivities.  This  was  the  Ferrara  of  Savonarola's 
childhood  and  youth.  His  family  being  attached  to  the 
Court,  he  must  have  heard  continual  mention  of  all  these 
pageants  and  revellings,  and  received  his  earliest  impres- 
sions from  them.  Accordingly  it  will  be  no  digression 
from  our  subject  to  devote  a  few  words  to  the  Court  of 

Ferrara. 

In  1402  Niccolò  III.  was  the  reigning  Marquess  of 
Ferrara,  and  of  the  rich  and  fertile  province  of  Modena, 
still  annexed  to  that  State.   After  sixteen  years  of  continuous 

rfare  with  the  lords  of  the  neighbouring  strongholds, 
he  had  at  last  subdued  them  by  force  of  arms,  cunning, 
and  treachery  ;  he  was  now  an  absolute  sovereign,  and 
devoted  his  peaceful  reign  to  enhancing  the  glory  of  his 
Court.  He  began  the  erection  of  the  cathedral  tower,  and 
the  palace  of  Belriguardo  ;  he  built  the  church  of  Santa 
Maria  di  Belfiore  and  other  splendid  edifices.  We  have  seen 
how  Michele  Savonarola  came  from  Padua  at  his  bidding, 
and  he  summoned  many  others  in  the  same  way,  among 
them  the  celebrated  scholar  Guarino  of  Verona,  to  whom 
lie  entrusted  the  education  of  his  two  natural  sons,  Lio- 
nello and  Borso.  These  boys  were  afterwards  legitimized, 
and,  by  their  father's  express  desire,  named  his  successors, 
1  Such,  at  least,  is  the  census  given  by  historians. 


LIONELLO  AND  BORSO  VESTE. 

in  preference  to  Ercole,  his  legitimate  son,  who  was  then 
an  infant.     Accordingly  Lionello  ascended  the  throne  or 
Niccolò's  decease,  in  144 1,  and  Borso  succeeded  Lionello 
in  1450.     They  reigned  during  difficult  times.     The  ex- 
tinction of  the  House  of  Visconti,  the  revolt  of  Milan 
and  the  jealousy  of  Venice  and  the  neighbouring  States^ 
had  kindled  war  on  all  sides,  so  that  it  seemed  impossible 
for  the  Este  to  avoid   being  embroiled  with  one  or  the 
other  of  the  contending  parties.     Yet  they  not  only  con- 
trived to  remain  neutral,  but  so  often  mediated  success- 
fully between  hostile   princes   and  States  as  to  gain  for 
Ferrara  the  title  of  "  the  land  of  peace."    But  the  Este 
were    chiefly   renowned    for    the    magnificence    of    their 
Court  and  as  the  first  Italian  potentates  who  were  noted 
patrons  of  learning.     Lionello,  in  fact,  befriended  many 
scholars  ;  he  was  the  protector  of  Guarino,  Valla,  Trape- 
zunzio,  and  others  :  he  composed  Latin  orations,  Italian 
sonnets,  founded  the  famous   Este  museums,  caused  the 
University  to  flourish,  built  the  Hospital  of  St.  Anna,  and 
many  public  edifices.     His  Court  was  maintained  with 
dazzling  luxury,  and  the  festivities  held  there  at  the  time 
of  his  marriage  were  the  talk  of  the  whole  country.     But, 
after  reigning  only  nine  years,  he  died  in   1450,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother  Borso,  who  soon  threw  his  muni- 
ficence and  splendour  into  the  shade.    The  Marquis  Borso 
was  a   man   of  the  Medicean   stamp,   and,  although  not 
devoid  of  good  qualities,  even  these  were  born  of  vanity 
and  personal  ambition.     He  loved  justice,  and  caused  i't 
to  be  strictly  observed  whenever  it  did  not  clash  with  his 
interests  ;  but  better  than  justice  itself  he  loved  his  title  of 
"  The  Just,''  which  was  universally  conferred  upon  him.  He 
taxed  all  the  citizens  in  equal  proportions,  supported  the 
university  at  his  own  expense,  introduced  in   Ferrara  the 
new-born  art  of  printing,  founded  the  Carthusian  monas- 
tery, fortified  the  city  bastions  on  the  banks  of  the  Pò,  and 


8  VS  li  ir.  AND  TIMES. 

Jed  in  extending  his  tern:  The  quarrels  which 

had  burst  forth  in  Italy  during  Lionello' 

in  his  own.  and  he  lived  in  more  difficult  times;  i  rverthe- 

•ved  his  neutrality,  and  was  the  chosen  arbiter 

early  all  disputes  among  the  other  Italian  States.     S<> 

his  tame,  that  Indian  princes  sent  him 

rich  gifts  in  the  belief' that  he  was  the  king  of  all  Italy. 

It  may  seem  hazardous  to  assert  that  his  great  repu- 
v.  as  mainly  acquired  by  the  luxury  of  his  Court  and 
the  perpetual  festivities  with  which  he  entertained  his 
people,  vet  this  was  undoubtedly  the  case.  Borso's  reputed 
justice  never  withstood  any  serious  test  ;  nor  was  his  life 
free  from  grave  reproach.  The  vaunted  prudence  enabling 
him  to  remain  at  peace  while  surrounded  by  fighting 
neighbours,  really  consisted  in  cautiously  refusing  to 
use  any  man's  cause,  and  being  always  ready  to  join 
the  stronger  side.  But  as  lord  of  Ferrara  he  was  lavish 
of  hospitality  to  all,  had  a  rare  collection  of  manuscripts 
and  antiquities,  was  always  seen  dressed  in  gold  brocade, 
and  the  richest  stuffs  in  Italy  were  worn  at  his  Court.  He 
had  the  finest  falcons,  horses,  and  dogs  that  had  ever  been 
seen  ;  he  was  even  famous  for  the  excellence  of  his  buf- 
foons, while  descriptions  of  his  State  entertainments  were 
printed  and  circulated  throughout  the  whole  of  Italy. 

In  1452  the  Emperor  Frederic  III.,  with  two  thousand 
followers  in  his  train,  halted  at  Ferrara  on  his  way  to 
assume  the  imperial  crown  in  Rome.  Borso  rode  forth 
to  meet  him,  attended  by  all  his  nobles  and  clergy,  received 
him  under  a  State  canopy,  and  for  ten  successive  days  gave 
tournaments,  banquets,  concerts,  and  balls  in  his  honour. 
The  emperor  having  decided,  on  his  return  from  Rome, 
to  confer  a  ducal  title  upon  Borso,  all  these  festivities  were 
then  renewed  on  a  still  grander  scale.  A  sumptuous  plat- 
form was  erected  in  the  Piazza,  and  there  the  emperor  sat 
enthroned,   wearing   his   mantle  and    an    imperial   crown 


ENTRANCE  OF  THE  POPE  INTO  FERRARA.         9 

adorned  with  precious  stones  to  the  value  of  150,000 
florins.  Borso,  attired  in  cloth  of  gold  and  likewise 
loaded  with  jewels,  issued  from  his  palace  attended  by  all 
the  nobles  of  Ferrara,  amidst  the  applause  of  the  people 
and  loud  cries  of  "The  Duke,  the  Duke!  Long  live 
Duke  Borso  !  "  Then,  mounting  the  platform,  Borso 
knelt  at  the  emperor's  feet,  and  received  the  coveted  title. 
But  the  festivities  which  Savonarola  must  have  witnessed 
as  a  child  were  still  more  magnificent  and  given  on  a  far 
more  remarkable  occasion.  The  fall  of  Constantinople  in 
1453,  the  increasing  power  of  the  Turks,  and  the  con- 
sequent danger  to  Christendom,  were  continual  subjects  of 
interest  ;  all  yearned  for  a  fresh  crusade,  but  the  general 
indifference  and  indolence  were  too  great  for  any  one  to 
set  it  afoot.  At  last,  in  1458,  Enea  Silvio  Piccolomini, 
recently  elected  to  the  pontificate  as  Pope  Pius  II.,  sum- 
moned a  council  at  Mantua  under  his  own  presidency,  for 
the  purpose  of  inciting  the  Christian  Powers  to  war  with 
the  infidel.  He  set  forth  on  his  progress  in  1459  w^tn  a 
cortege  of  incredible  pomp,  and  with  ten  cardinals,  sixty 
bishops,  and  many  secular  princes  in  his  train.  The  cities 
through  which  he  passed  strove  to  outshine  one  another  in 
the  luxury  and  splendour  of  his  reception.  The  Pontiff 
entered  Florence  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  Galeazzo 
Maria  Sforza  and  of  the  lords  Malatesta,  Manfredi,  and 
Ordelaffi  ;  and  the  festivals  ordained  him  by  the  Republic 
were  such  as  were  generally  accorded  to  no  one  but  the 
emperor  or  some  other  great  temporal  potentate.  At 
Ferrara  the  Pope  made  his  entrance  under  a  canopy  of 
gold  brocade  ;  the  streets  through  which  he  passed  were 
carpeted  with  cloth  and  sprinkled  with  flowers  ;  rich 
tapestries  hung  from  the  windows,  and  the  city  echoed 
with  music  and  song.  On  reaching  the  cathedral,  Guarino 
read  him  a  long  Latin  oration,  crammed  with  learned 
allusions  and  praise  of  the  Holy  Father.     For  a   whole 


io  m  TIME 

Ku  i  II.  v-  lined  in  Ferrara  by  a  buc         d  d 

ivities.     Continuing  his  journey  under  the  same  cir- 

ttces,  he  at  1  iched  Mantua  on  May  27,  1459. 

There  lie  made  a  marvellous  display  of  eloquence  in  the 

and    moved    his   hearers   to   tears    by   his 
d   of  the   svofuJ  sufferings  of  the  Christians  in 

Constantinople.  Other  Latin  speeches  were  delivered  by 
CO  Filelfo  and  Ippolita,  daughter  of  Francesco 
/a;  and,  lastly,  the  Greek  ambassadors  aroused  the 
deepest  and  truest  emotion  by  recounting  the  miseries  of 
their  country  and  the  ferocious  cruelty  of  the  Turks.  All 
the  princes  offered  help  in  money  and  men,  and  Duke 
Borso  promised  the  (for  him)  enormous  sum  of  300,000 
florins.  But  it  was  soon  seen  that  he  had  been  more 
crafty  than  generous.  For  these  grand  preliminaries  all 
ended  in  talk,  and  the  foolhardy  attempt  of  René  of 
Anjou  to  conquer  the  Neapolitan  kingdom  with  a  handful 
of  French  sufficed  to  put  an  end  to  the  proposed  ex- 
pedition to  the  East. 

In  1460  the  Pope  returned  to  Ferrara  without  having 
achieved  anything  ;  nevertheless,  his  reception  was  even 
more  splendid  than  before.  The  Duke  went  up  the  Pò 
to  meet  him  in  a  magnificent  barge,  surrounded  by  a 
swarm  of  boats  gaily  decked  with  banners  and  musical 
instruments,  spreading  across  the  river  from  bank  to 
bank.  A  multitude  of  youths  dressed  in  white,  and 
bearing  wreaths  in  their  hands,  stood  arrayed  on  the 
flower-strewn  shores,  and  at  the  spot  where  the  Head  of 
the  Church  was  to  land,  statues  of  the  Pagan  divinities 
were  set  up  in  his  honour  ! 

Savonarola  must  have  certainly  witnessed  this  pageant, 
and  heard  it  long  discussed.  But  it  is  not  easy  to  say 
what  depth  of  impression  it  made  on  his  childish  mind. 
His  religious  zeal  would  seem  to  have  been  severely 
shocked  by  similar  profanities,  and  even  in  earliest  youth 


ERCOLE  PROCLAIMED  SOVEREIGN. 


ii 


his  heart  was  torn  by  passions  driving  him  to  open  war 
with  the  world  around  him. 

Borso  continued  to  lead  this  kind  of  existence,  and 
the  people  of  Ferrara  to  revel  in  these  entertainments. 
Throughout  Italy  the  same  state  of  things  unfortunately 
prevailed.  Carelessness  and  corruption  everywhere  !  From 
all  sides  Paganism  invaded  the  land,  and  its  inhabitants 
were  absorbed  in  wanton  and  thoughtless  enjoyment. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  1471,  the  Duke  passed  away, 
and  was  scarcely  cold  in  his  grave  before  Lionello's  son, 
Niccolò,  and  Ercole  I.  (the  legitimate  son  of  Niccolò  III.), 
who  was  now  of  age,  fiercely  disputed  the  succession  by 
force  of  arms.  Ercole  proved  the  victor,  and,  enterino- 
Ferrara  in  triumph,  was  proclaimed  sovereign  by  the 
people.  At  the  same  moment  Niccolò's  followers  were 
slaughtered  in  the  streets,  and  those  who  succeeded  in 
escaping  were  condemned  to  death  in  contumacy.  On  the 
morrow  feasting  and  dancing  went  on  as  usual,  and  the 
people  seemed  to  forget  the  bloodshed  of  the  previous 
day.1  Such  was  the  famous,  splendid,  jovial  Court  of  the 
Este  ;  such  were  the  rulers  courted,  and  probably  praised 
to  the  skies,  by  Savonarola's  kindred. 

There  is  nothing  to  be  gleaned  from  the  biographers  as 
to  the  effect  of  these  facts  on  our  hero's  mind,  nor  of  his 
judgment  concerning  them.  They  do  not  allude  to  the 
subject.  But  they  describe  his  sad  and  lonely  mode  of 
life,  his  humble  and  dejected  demeanour,  his  wasted  form, 
his  increasingly  fervent  devotion,  the  long  hours  he  passed 
in  church,  and  the  frequency  of  his  fasts.  Heu  fuge 
crudeles  terras,  fuge  litus  avarum^  was  the  cry  that  often 
and,    as    it    were,    unconsciously    issued    from    his    lips.2 

t  x  Muratori,  "  Antichità  Estensi  ;  *  Sismondi,  "  Histoire  des  Répub- 
liques  Italiennes,"  chap,   lxxviii.    (Bruxelles,    1839)  ;    Litta,  "  Famiglie 
Italiane;"   Tiraboschi,  "Storia  della  Letteratura,"  torn.  vii.  chap.  ii.  ; 
Frizzi.  "  Memorie  per  la  Storia  di  Ferrara/'  2nd  edition,  vol.  iv. 
a   Vide  a  letter  to  his  father,  of  which  we  shall  speak  later  on. 


il  \ND  ì 

this  p 

the  Scriptures  and  St     l  Aquinas,  alloi  ; 

that  of  playing  sad  music  on  his  lute, 
or  v,  expressing  with  a  arce  the 

•  weighed  upon  his  heart.  men  oi 

i  we  may  cite  the  M  Canzone  De  mina 

posed  in  1472,  and  clearly  descriptive  of  his 

:'  mind,  and  the  dreariness  of  his  thoughts'. — 

"  V  <otto  sopra  tutto  il  mondo, 

Ed  esser  spenta  al  fondo 
Ogni  virtude  ed  ogni  bel  costume, 

n  trovo  un  vivo  lume 
Ne  pur  chi  di  suoi  villi  si'  vergogni. 


Felice  ormai  chi  vive  di  rapina 

E  chi  dell'  altrui  sangue  più  si  pasce  ; 

Chi  vedoe  spoglia  e  i  suoi  pupilli  in  facce, 

E  chi  di  povri  corre  alla  mina. 

Oucir  anima  è  gentile  a  peregrina 

Clic  per  Iraude  e  per  forza  fa  più  acquisto; 

Chi  sprezza  il  cicl  con  Cristo, 
E  sempre  pensa  altrui  cacciare  al  fondo, 

Colui  onora  il  mondo."1 

1  Seeing  the  whole  world  overset  ;  all  virtue  and  goodness  disappeared  ; 
nowhere  a  shining  light  ;  no  one  taking  shame  for  his  sins.  .  .  .  Happy 
now  is  he  that  lives  by  rapine,  and  feeds  on  others'  blood.  Who  despoils 
widows  and  infants  trusted  to  his  care,  who  hastens  the  ruin  of  the  poor  ! 
Gentle  and  beautiful  of  soul  is  he  who  wins  most  by  fraud  and  violence  : 
he  who  scorns  Heaven  and  Christ,  and  ever  seeks  to  trample  on  his 
fellows.  He  shall  win  honour  in  the  world.  .  .  .  {Vide  "Poesie  di 
lercnimo  Savonarola"  p.  31  fol.     Florence  :  Baracchi,  1847.) 

Some  of  these  verses  were  published  in  the  fifteenth  century,  either 
during  the  author's  life  or  soon  after,  being  included  among  his  other 
works.  Fra  Benedetto  afterwards  made  a  collection  of  them  from  a 
"  copia  fidelissiina^  and  his  MS.  is  in  a  Magliabechian  codex  of  the 
Florence  National  Library,  cl.  xxxv.,  cod.  90.  Flerr  Meier  was  the  first  to 
make  use  of  this  codex  in  the  Appendix  to  his  valuable  biography  of 
Savonarola.  Afterwards  Signor  Audin  de  Rians  used  the  same  MS. 
for  his  edition  of  the  poems  (1847)  quoted  above.  Lastly,  Count  Carlo 
Capponi  and  Comm.  Cesare  Guasti  published  the  "Poesie  di  Girolamo 
Savonarola,  tratta  dall'  autografo"  (Florence  :  Cecchi,  1862).     The  auto- 


THE  CASTLE  OF  FERRARA.  13 

Savonarola  was  so  strongly  moved  by  these  feelings  that, 
as  his  biographers  tell  us,  having  been  once  taken  by  his 
parents  to  the  ducal  palace,  he  refused,  with  a  firmness 
highly  remarkable  in  so  young  a  lad,  ever  to  cross  its 
threshold  again.1 

Certainly,  that  grim  quadrangular  building,  with  its 
four  massive  towers,  guarded  by  moats  and  drawbridges, 
must  then  have  seemed  typical  of  the  tyranny  entrenched 
amidst  the  people  of  Ferrara.  Its  walls  were  as  yet  un- 
hallowed by  memories  of  Tasso  and  Eleonora,  whose 
immortal  spirits  still  seem  to  haunt  its  splendid  halls,  and 
dispel  all  gloomy  associations.  On  the  contrary,  the 
castle  had  recently  been  the  scene  of  Parisina's  love- 
tragedy.  In  those  times  no  one  thought  of  visiting  for 
amusement  the  subterranean  dungeons  guarded  by  seven 
gratings  from  the  light  of  day.  They  were  full  of  immured 
victims,  and  the  clanking  of  chains  and  groans  of  human 
beings  in  pain  could  be  heard  from  their  depths,  mingling 
with  the  strains  of  music  and  ceaseless  revelry  going  on 
above,  the  ringing  of  silver  plate,  the  clatter  of  majolica 
dishes,  and  clinking  of  Venetian  glass.  The  young 
Savonarola,  with  his  ardent  mind  and  impassioned  heart, 
must  have  been  forcibly  impressed  by  these  contrasts,  and 
throughout  his  life  he  preserved  a  painful  remembrance  of 
the  scenes  of  those  early  days,  when,  almost  delirious  with 
grief,  he  could  find  no  refuge  save  in  church.     Prayer, 

graph  MS.  of  which  they  made  use  does  not  appear  to  have  been  revised 
by  the  author.  It  would  rather  seem  to  have  been  the  first  rough 
sketch.  The  copy  used  by  Fra  Benedetto  is  less  faulty,  and  certain  of  the 
corrections  contained  in  it  are  to  be  found  in  the  few  poems  published 
during  Savonarola's  life,  in  works  revised  by  his  own  hand.  For  these 
reasons,  and  also  to  avoid  reproducing  old  and  incorrect  spelling,  we 
quote  from  the  better  known  edition  of  1847,  only  referring  to  the 
original  autograph  for  the  poems  which  remained  unprinted  until  1862, 
and  were  not  included  in  Fra  Benedetto's  copy.  We  have  written  at 
length  on  this  subiect  in  the  "  Civiltà  Italiana,"  issue  of  the  1st  of  January, 
1865. 
■  Burlamacchi,  M  Vita,"  &c,  p.  5  5  J-  F.  Pico,  "Vita,"  &c,  p.  9. 


i4  AVONAR<  I  VD  TIMES. 

indeed,  was  bis  continual  solace,  and  his  tea)*  would  bedew 

the  altar  steps  w;  'retched    prostrate   tor   hours   at    a 

time,  fht  aid  from  heaven  Against  the  evils  of  this 

vile,  corrupt,  and  dissòlute  age. 

1  ■    re  dwelt  at  that  time,  close  to  his  home,  a  Florentine 

die  of  the  illustrious  name  of  Strozzi,  who  had  an 
illegitimate  daughter.  An  exiled  citizen  from  Dante's 
native  town  must  have  had  a  special  attraction  tor  the 
young  Savonarola.  In  fact,  the  latter  regarded  him  as  a 
victim  of  unjust  persecution,  a  sufferer  in  the  cause  ot 
triotism  and  freedom.  The  exile's  family  seemed  of 
altogether  a  different  stamp  from  his  Ferrarese  acquaint- 
ances. When  his  eyes  met  the  glance  of  the  young 
Florentine  maiden,  he  felt  that  first  inward  stirring  of  the 
heart  by  which  men  win  belief  in  earthly  happiness.  The 
world  lay  before  him  irradiated  by  a  new  light;  tumultuous 
hopes  kindled  his  fancy,  he  dreamed  of  blissful  days  to 
come,  and  finally,  full  of  ardour  and  confidence,  he  re- 
vealed his  feelings  to  the  object  of  his  passion.  What  was 
not  his  grief  on  receiving  a  haughty  reply  to  the  effect  that 
no  Strozzi  might  stoop  to  alliance  with  a  Savonarola  1  He 
met  the  insult  with  words  of  burning  indignation,1  but  his 
heart  was  none  the  less  crushed  by  it.  His  dream-world 
of  long  cherished  hopes  lay  suddenly  shattered  before  him  ; 
the  happiness  of  his  life  had  fled,  and   he  was  once  more 

1  This  love  episode  of  Savonarola's  youth,  after  long  remaining  un- 
known, was  found  recorded  in  Fra  Benedetto's  "Vulnera  Diligentis," 
MS.  cit.,  bk.  i.  chap.  ix.  On  this  point  also  justice  must  be  done  to 
Herr  Meier,  who  was  the  first  to  recur  to  Fra  Benedetto's  writings,  and  to 
appreciate  their  importance.  Rediscovered  at  a  much  later  date  by 
Italians  unacquainted  with  Meier's  work,  they  were  announced  as  a  novelty. 
The  researches  of  Cittadella  in  his  pamphlet,  "  La  Casa  di  Savonarola,1' 
prove  that  Savonarola's  home  was  next  to  that  of  the  Strozzi.  And  Cav. 
A.  Gherardi  has  shown  ("Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  7)  that  one  Laodamia, 
the  natural  daughter  of  Roberto  Strozzi,  lived  in  Ferrara  at  that  period, 
and  was  probably  the  object  of  Savonarola's  passion.  It  should  be  re- 
membered that  Fra  Benedetto  learnt  many  of  the  particulars  narrated  in 
his  life  of  Savonarola  from  his  master's  own  lips. 


SA  VONAROLAS  DETERMINA  TION.  1 5 

alone  in  the  midst  of  the  uncongenial  herd.  He  was  not 
yet  twenty  years  of  age  ;  the  recent  occurrences  on  the 
succession  of  Ercole  II  had  led  him  to  despair  of  his 
country,  and  the  love  on  which  his  whole  happiness 
depended  had  ended  in  a  cruel  delusion.  Where  now  was 
his  weary,  heavy-laden  soul  to  find  rest  ?  Thereupon  his 
thoughts  turned  spontaneously  to  his  Maker. 

"  Se  non  che  una  speranza 

Pur  al  tutto  non  lascia  for  partita, 

Ch'io  so  che  in  l'altra  vita 

Ben  si  vedrà  qual  alma  fu  gentile, 

E  chi  alzò  l'ale  a  più  leggiadro  stile."  x 

Religious  feelings  took  complete  possession  of  hissoul,and, 
by  creating  a  new  source  of  comfort  for  his  heart,  opened  a 
way  of  safety  before  him.  His  supplications  were  uttered 
with  daily  increasing  fervour,  and  nearly  always  ended  with 
these  words  :  "  Lord,  make  known  to  me  the  path  my  soul 
should  tread  !  " 2  Worldly  life  became  more  and  more 
irksome  to  him.  All  Ferrara  was  absorbed  in  the  festivi- 
ties of  which  the  Duke  was  so  crazily  fond.  The 
carnival  of  1472  had  been  celebrated  with  greater  splen- 
dour than  usual,  and  Lent  was  devoted  to  the  preparation 
of  still  grander  pageants  to  welcome  the  arrival  from 
Naples  of  the  Duke's  bride,  Eleonora  of  Aragon.  In- 
creasingly angered  and  irritated  by  this  state  of  things, 
Savonarola  shunned  all  contact  with  his  fellow-men.  The 
plan  of  forsaking  the  world  and  seeking  refuge  in  religion 
was  already  pressing  on  his  mind,  and  his  admiration  for 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas  inclined  him  to  adopt  the  Dominican 
robe.     At  Faenza,  in   1474,  a  sermon    preached    by  an 

1  Vide  the  same  poem,  "  De  ruina  Mundi."  It  may  be  roughly  trans- 
lated thus  :  Yet  one  hope  at  least  remains,  for  know  I  not  that  in  the 
other  life,  'twill  well  be  seen  whose  was  the  fairest  soul,  whose  wings  were 
spread  to  noblest  flight. 

3  Vide  the  letter  to  his  father,  before  quoted. 


i6 

ni. in  tri. ir  ir.  .  deep  an  imp  I  hat, 

the  fined  the  ii  iblc  decision  of  dc« 

:  himself  to  the  m<  life.1 

II  eerfiilness  on  his  way  back  to  Ferra 

but  ■  '  was  he  beneath  the  paternal  root,  than  he 

realized  how  hard  •  . g  1  c  he  would  have  to  endure. 

;v  co  hide  his  resolve  from  his  parents,  but 

ther,  as  though  already  divining  it,  regarded  him 

with  a  glance  that   pierced   his   heart  ;    and   he    no   longer 

her   e\  This   struggle   went   on    for  a 

whole  year,  and  in  after  lite  Savonarola  often  recalled  the 

intense  anguish  it  had  cost  him.      "  Had  I  made  my  mind 

wn  to  them,"  he   would  say,  u  verily  my  heart  would 

:en,  and  I  should  have  renounced  my  purpose."2 

One    dav,    towards   the    end   of   that    period,    April    23, 

1 475,  he  sat  down,  and,  taking  his  lute  in  hand,  sang  so 

sad  an  air  to  its  accompaniment  that  his  mother  was  inspired 

with  a  foreboding  of  the  truth,  and,  turning  suddenly   to 

him,  piteously  exclaimed  :   "Oh,  my  son,  this  is  a  token 

of  separation  !  "  3     But  lie,  making  an  effort,  continued  to 

touch  the  strings  with    trembling    fingers,   without    once 

raising  his  eyes  to  hers. 

The  following  day,  the  24th  of  April,  was  the  great 
festival  of  Sr.  George,  and  Savonarola's  parents  went  with 
all  the  rest  of  Ferrara  to  attend  the  celebration.  This  was 
the  moment  he  had  fixed  upon  to  fly  from  his  home, 
and  directly  he  was  left  alone  he  set  forth  on  his  journey 
to  Bologna.  On  reaching  that  city  he  hurried  to  the 
Monastery  of  St.   Dominic,   announced    his  intention  of 

1  Savonarola  refers  to  this  incident  in  his  sermons,  saying  that  one  ivo?'d 
remained  so  strongly  impressed  on  his  heart,  that  he  never  forgot  it,  and 
that  by  the  next  year  he  was  a  monk.  But  as  to  this  one  word  he  always 
preserved  a  mysterious  silence,  refusing  to  reveal  it  even  to  his  closest 
friends.     Vide  also  Pico,  Burlamacchi,  Fra  Benedetto,  &c. 

a   Vide  the  already  quoted  letter  to  his  father. 

3  Fra  Benedetto,  "Vulnera  Diligcntis,"  bk.  i.  chap.  x. 


SAVONAROLA'S  LETTER  TO  HIS  FATHER.        i7 

taking  the  vows,  and  asked  to  be  employed  in  the  humblest 
services.  He  craved  to  become  the  convent  drudge,  since 
he  came,  as  he  said,  to  do  penance  for  his  sins,  and  not, 
according  to  the  general  custom  of  the  day,  to  merely 
change  from  an  Aristotle  in  the  world  to  an  Aristotle  of  the 
cloister.  He  received  instant  admittance  and  began  to 
prepare  for  his  noviciate. 

But  hardly  was  he  alone  in  his  cell,  than  his  thoughts 
flew  to  his  kindred,  and  without  loss  of  time  he  wrote 
a  most  affectionate  letter  to  his  father  on  the  25th  of  April, 
in  order  to  comfort  him  and  justify  his  own  flight.  He  was 
chiefly  impelled  to  this  step,  he  said,  by  the  impossibility  of 
any  longer  tolerating  the  gross  corruption  of  the  world,  and 
by  seeing  vice  exalted  and  virtue  degraded  throughout  Italy. 
His  decision  had  not  been  formed  in  childish  haste,  but 
after  prolonged  meditation  and  suffering.  He  had  not 
had  the  courage  to  reveal  his  purpose  beforehand,  fearing 
lest  his  heart  should  fail  him  at  the  moment  of  putting  it 
into  execution.  '-  Dearest  father,"  he  said  in  conclusion, 
"  my  sorrow  is  already  so  great,  do  not,  I  pray  you,  add 
to  it  by  yours  !  Be  strong,  seek  to  comfort  my  mother, 
and  join  with  her  in  granting  me  your  blessing."  1 

Such  was  the  tenour  of  his  letter,  and  he  also  added  that 
he  had  left  some  papers  by  his  window  descriptive  of  the 
state  of  his  mind.  The  father  lost  no  time  in  searching 
for  them  among  his  con's  books,  and  found  in  the  spot 
indicated  a  treatise  entitled  "Contempt  of  the  World. " 
This  repeats  the  sentiments  expressed  in  the  letter,  de- 
scribes the  manners  of  the  period,  and  compares  them  with 

1  This  letter,  so  often  quoted  by  us  already,  is  g;ven  by  all  the 
biographers,  but  always  incorrectly.  Count  Carlo  Capponi,  having 
discovered  the  original  autograph,  restored  the  true  reading  of  it  in  a 
pamphlet  (of  which  eighty  copies  only  were  printed)  entitled  "  Alcune 
Lettere  di  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  Florence,  1858.  This  authentic 
reading  being  very  rare,  we  subjoin  a  copy  of  it  in  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  doc.  ii. 

% 


IS 

those  l  WN<M   01  le 

;  ir  behoves  us  to  learn  ; 

low  e  e  only  doth  the: 

w  et*  innocence.      The  good  are  ODpn 
inle  of  Italv   become  like  the  1 

in  bondage.     Bui   aire  nine, 

rid  many  other  signs  betoken  future  il 
Ì   herald   the   wrath   of  God.      Divide,  O    Lord,   divide 
in  the  waters  of  the  K  L,  and  let  the  impious 

perish  in  the  ot  Thy  wrath  !"  ■ 

rhis  short  composition  was  believed   by   all  the  biogra- 
fa to   be    lost,   but    was    finally  unearthed  among  the 
records  of  a  Florentine  family,  to  whom  it  had.  been  con- 
ridentiallv  entrusted  by  Marco  Savonarola  in  1604. 

It  has  great  interest  as  an  evident  proor  that,  even 
before  becoming  a  monk,  Savonarola  foresaw  the  woes 
Italy  was  to  suffer;  and  also  that  he  already  believed  him- 
self endowed  with  a  special  mission  from  God.  He 
supplicates  the  Lord  to  divide  the  waves  of  the  Red  Sea 
for  the  passage  of  the  righteous  and  to  overwhelm  the 
wicked,  but  at  the  same  time  he  cannot  conceal  his 
expectation    of    one    day    wielding    the    rod   that   would 

1  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  iii.  Signor  Bartolommco 
Aquarone,  in  his  "Vita  di  Fra  Jcronimo  Savonarola"  (vol.  i.  p.  19,  and 
doc.  iii.),  states  that  the  little  composition,  u  Dispregio  del  Mondo,"  was 
only  a  set  of  verses  contained  in  the  Magliabecchiana  Library,  ci.  vii. 
cod.  365.  But  the  old  manuscript  of  it,  formerly  belonging  to  the  Gondi 
family,  removes  all  doubt,  inasmuch  as  it  contains  these  words  :  "  I 
remember  how,  on  the  24th  April,  which  was  the  Feast  of  St.  George, 
in  1475,  Geronimo,  my  son,  student  of  the  Art  {i.e.,  of  medicine),  left  his 
home  and  went  to  Bologna,  and  entered  the  brotherhood  of  St.  Dominic, 
in  order  to  become  a  monk  ;  and  left  to  me  Niccolò  della  Savonarola,  his 
father,  the  consolations  herein  written  for  my  comfort."  This  brief 
composition  and  the  letter  sent  by  Savonarola  to  his  father  were  dis- 
covered by  Count  Carlo  Capponi  among  the  archives  of  the  Gondi  family. 
When  publishing  the  letter  in  1858,  the  Count  alluded  to  the  existence  of 
the  pamphlet,  V  Dispregio  del  Mondo,"  and  finally  brought  out  an  edition 
of  it  of  eighty  copies  only.  (Florence  :  Bencini,  1862.)  This,  too,  being 
a  very  rare  work,  is  reproduced  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 


HIS  FEATURES.  IQ 

command  the  waves.  He  vainly  endeavoured  to  conceal 
this  hope  from  himself,  vainly  sought  humiliation  by 
undertaking  the  lowest  drudgery  of  the  convent.  Extra- 
ordinary hopes  and  designs  were  already  stirring  in  his 
soul. 

We  are  ignorant  of  the  effect  produced  by  these  writings 
on  his  parents;  but  it  may  be  readily  conceived  that 
they  were  bitterly  afflicted  by  their  son's  unexpected 
resolve,  inasmuch  as  in  his  second  letter  Savonarola,  some- 
what impatiently,  reproves  their  immoderate  complaints. 
"  If,"  said  he,  alluding  to  his  elder  brother's  profession, 
"some  temporal  lord  had  girt  me  with  a  sword,  and 
welcomed  me  among  his  followers,  you  would  have  re- 
garded it  as  an  honour  to  your  house,  and  rejoiced  ;  vet,  now 
that  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  has  girt  me  with  His  sword 
and  dubbed  me  His  knight,  ye  shed  tears  of  mourning."  i 
After  this  the  parents  were  reduced  to  resignation,  and 
Savonarola  threw  himself  heart  and  soul  into  his  new 
duties. 

He  was  of  middle  height,  of  dark  complexion,  of  a 
sanguineo-bilious  temperament,  and  a  most  highly-sfcruno- 
nervous  system.  His  dark  grey  eyes  were  very  bright,- 
and  often  flashed  fire  beneath  his  black  brows;  he  had 
an  aquiline  nose  and  a  large  mouth.  His  thick  lips  were 
compressed  in  a  manner  denoting  a  stubborn  firmness  of 
purpose  ;  his  forehead,  already  marked  with  deep  furrows, 
indicated  a  mind  continually  absorbed  in  meditation  of 
serious  things.  But  although  his  countenance  had  no 
beauty  of  line,  it  expressed  a  severe  nobility  of  character, 
while  a  certain  melancholy  smile  endued  his  harsh  features 
with  so  benevolent  a  charm  as  to  inspire  confidence  at  first 

1  This  unpublished  letter  is  in  the  Riccardi  Library,  cod.  2053.     Vide 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  iv. 

2  Sometimes  giving  forth   red  flashes,    says   Fra   Benedetto   in   hi; 
"  Vulnera  Diligentis." 


\U  TIMES. 

I  !  iplc,  it'  uncultured  ;  his  lan- 

lornecL     But  on  cm  i  homery 

■  \1  by  i  potent  ir  that  convinced 

ami  «ill  his  hearers.1 

While  in  the  Mon  of  St.  Dominic  he  led  a  silent 

ind  became  increasingly  absorbed  in  spiritual  con- 

mplation.     I  Ic  was  so  worn  by  lasting  and  penance  that, 

ten  pacing  the  cloisters,  he  seemed   more   like  a  spectre 

in    a    living   man.      The  hardest  tests   of  the    noviciate 

ed    light   to   him,   and   his  superiors   were  frequently 

obliged  to  curb  his  zeal.      Even  on  days  not  appointed  for 

abstinence   he   scarcelv   ate  enough  to   support  life.      His 

be^   was  a  grating  with  a  sack  of  straw  on   it  and   one 

tnket  ;    his  clothing   of  the  coarsest    kind,   but   strictly 

clean  ;   in  modesty,  humility,  and  obedience  he  surpassed 

all  the  rest  of  the  brethren.     The  fervour  of  his  devotion 

1  Besides  the  accounts  of  Pico  and  Builamacchi,  minute  descriptions 
of  Savonarola's  appearance  are  to  be  found  in  Fra  Benedetto's  "  Vulnera 
Diligentis,"  and  the  little  poem,  M  Ccdrus  Libami  written  in  his  master's 
honour,  and  first  quoted  by  Meier.  This  poem  was  afterwards  published 
by  Father  Marchese  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano"  (Appendix, 
vol.  vii.).  There  are  also  three  portraits  of  Savonarola  of  some  artistic 
merit.  One,  in  the  gallery  of  the  Uffizii,  is  an  admirable  intaglio  in 
cornelian,  by  Giovanni  della  Corniola  ;  another  is  a  painting  by  Fra 
Bartolommeo  della  Porta,  representing  him  as  St.  Peter  Martyr— pro- 
bably, therefore,  finished  after  Savonarola's  death— in  the  Academy  of 
Fine  Arts  in  Florence.  The  third,  also  attributed  by  some  authorities  to 
Fra  Bartolommeo,  belonged  to  Signor  Ermolao  Rubieri,  and  was  left  by 
him  to  his  Florentine  heirs. 

These  portraits  represent  Savonarola  under  three  different  aspects. 
In  the  intaglio  we  see  the  daring  preacher  vituperating  the  vices  of  Italy 
and  prophesying  her  fall  :  he  has  an  excited  air,  and  his  eyes  seem  to 
flash  fire.  The  second  depicts  the  martyr's  goodness  and  benevolence. 
The  third,  a  saint  in  rapt  contemplation.  Many  other  portraits  exist, 
but  they  are  not  by  contemporary  artists,  and  their  authenticity  is 
doubtful.  In  all,  Savonarola  is  represented  with  his  cowl  drawn  over  his 
head,  save  that  in  the  Academy.  In  this  a  certain  flatness  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  cranium  may  be  observed  :  according  to  some  writers  this 
was  why  he  always  covered  his  head.  The  modern  terra-cotta  bust  by 
Bastianini  is  also  an  excellent  portrait.  Cittadella's  pamphlet,  "La 
nobile  Famiglia  Savonarola,"  contains  a  list  of  all  the  Savonarola 
portraits  and  medals. 


HIS  MONASTIC  LIFE. 


21 


excited  the  wonder  of  the  superiors,  and  his  brother  mo-iks 
often  believed  him  to  be  rapt  in  a  holy  trance.  The 
cloister  walls  seemed  to  have  had  the  effect  of  restoring 
his  peace  of  mind  by  separating  him  from  the  world,  and 
to  have  purified  him  of  all-  desires  save  for  prayer  and 
obedience. 


CHAPTER  II. 


>\f  HIS  ENTERING   THE  CLOISTER  TO  HIS  FU 

arrivai.  IS  FLORENCE, 

(1475    148 1.) 

AVONAROLA  passed  seven  years  in 
the  Dominican  monastery  of  Bologna. 
In  those  lonely  cloisters,  and  the  majestic 
church  where  Niccolò  Pisano's  noble 
monument  enshrines  the  remains  of  the 
founder  of  the  Order,  he  spent  his  time 
in  prayer  and  penance.  But  his  learning  and  extraordinary 
mental  gifts  had  quickly  attracted  the  notice  of  his  superiors, 
and  instead  of  being  employed  in  the  menial  work  he  had 
craved,  he  was  charged  with  the  instruction  of  the  novices. 
At  first  it  was  grievous  to  him  to  be  prevented  from 
giving  his  whole  time  to  prayer  and  religious  exercises; 
but  then,'  remembering  that  obedience  was  his  first  duty, 
he  willingly  devoted  himself  to  the  novel  task. 

Nevertheless,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that 
Savonarola's  whole  mind  and  heart  were  absorbed  in  the 
duties  of  obedience  and  humility.  His  spirit,  though 
full  of  faith,  was  equally  full  of  daring  and  ardour.  The 
corruption  of  the  age  had  driven  him  to  the  cloister,  and 
•prayer  and  solitude  seemed  to  have  brought  him  peace. 
But  whenever  he  reflected  on  the  miserable  state  of  the 
Church  he  was  roused  to  fury,  and  in  the  heat  of  his 
indignation  formed  venturous  projects  which  the  bonds  of 
religious  discipline  and  the  utmost  efforts  of  his  will  were 
alike  impotent  to  restrain. 


" DE  R UINA  ECCLESIA»  23 

During  the  same  year  of  exalted  fervour,  in  which  he 
had  fled  from  the  world,  he  wrote  a  canzone  entitled 
"De  mina  Ecclesia,"  exhaling  the  most  secret  thoughts 
of  his  soul.  In  this  poem  he  asks  the  Church— repre- 
sented in  the  likeness  of  a  chaste  virgin — "  Where  are  the 
ancient  doctors  of  the  law;  the  ancient  saints;  where 
the  learning,  love,  and  purity  of  olden  times?"  And  the 
virgin,  taking  him  by  the  hand,  leads  him  into  a  cavern, 
and  replies— «  When  I  beheld  proud  ambition  invade 
Rome,  and  contaminate  all  things,  I  fled  here  for  refuge." 

"  Ove  io  conduco  la  mìa  vita  in  pianto" 
("  Where  I  spend  my  life  in  tears.") 

She  then  shows  him  the  wounds  disfiguring  her  beautiful 
body  ;  and  thereupon  Savonarola  turns  in  his  grief  to  the 
saints  in  heaven  and  bids  them  mourn  this  dire  misfortune  : 

"  Prostrato  è  il  tempio  e  lo  edifzio  casto" 
("Cast  down  is  the  temple,  and  the  edifice  of  chastity.") 

"  But  who  has  brought  things  to  this  pass  ?  "  he  resumes. 
And  the  Church,  alluding  to  Rome,  replies,  "  Una  fallace, 
superba  meretrice  "  (a  false,  proud  harlot).  Then  the 
devout  young  novice,  the  humble,  solitary  monk,  reveals 
his  whole  soul  in  the  following  words  : — 

*  Deh  !  per  Dio,  Dona? 

Se  romper  si potria  quelle  grandi  ali!  * 
("O  God,  Lady,  that  I  might  break  those  spreading  wings  !  ") 

To   which    the    Church    replies,    almost    in    a    tone    of 
reproof: — 

"  Tu  piangi  e  tact;  e  questo  meglio  parme"' 
("  Weep  and  keep  peace  ;  so  secmeth  best  to  me.") 


Donna — Lady. 

'Poesie  del  Savonarola,"  Canzone  ii.,  with  the  author's  comments.  A 
few  of  these  poems  bear  the  date  of  the  year  in  which  they  were  written. 


SAVON,  AND  TIME 

Such,  the  S*i   nti      '   convent  life:  while  finding 

'    ting  and  prayer,  and  recreation  in  teachii 
■    ■  t  his  heart  *        rerwhelmed  vitii  grief,  and 

irred  to  irrej         Ac  indignation  by  beholding  the  de- 
tent and  corruption  of  the  Christian  Church*     He 

\w  rid  keeps  silence,  it  is  true,  hut  Again  and  again  he 

I  by  the  thought,  "  O  God  !  that  those  spreading 
l  could  he  crushed,  those  wings  of  perdition  !"  If 
we  realize  wh.it  an  effect  the  events  daily  happening 
throughout  Italy  must  have  made  on  so  excited  a  mind, 
the  dreadful  pictures  he  must  have  conjured  up  of  the 
obscenities  of  the  Roman  Court,  we  shall  understand  the 
burning  indignation  of  his  naturally  inflammable  spirit. 

The  scandalous  corruption  of  the  papacy,  dating  from 
the  death  of  Pius  II.  in  1464,  had  already  begun,  and 
was  to  reach  its  climax  under  Alexander  VI.  The  bad 
faith  and  unbounded  avarice  of  Paul  II.  were  soon  patent 
to  all  the  world  ;  and  when  this  pontiff  was  succeeded  in 
14-  1  by  Francesco  della  Rovere  as  Pope  Sixtus  IV.,  a  still 
sadder  time  was  foreseen  to  await  the  Church.  It  was 
publicly  asserted  that  the  election  of  the  new  Pope  had 
been  carried  by  simony  ;  and  Rome  echoed  with  the  names 
of  those  who  had  sold  their  votes  and  obtained  prefer- 
ments in  exchange.  The  scandalous  lust  of  Sixtus  was 
literally  unbounded  ;  the  lavishness  of  his  expenditure 
only  equalled  by  his  unquenchable  thirst  for  gold  ;  and  so 
greatly  was  he  blinded  by  his  passions,  that  he  shrank 
from  no  infamy  to  accomplish  his  wicked  aims,  and  no 
act  was  too  scandalous  for  him  to  commit. 

The  treasures  accumulated  by  the  grasping  avarice  of 
Paul  II.  disappeared  almost  instantaneously  ;  and  the 
dazzling  splendour  of  the  nephews  of  Sixtus  soon  proved 
into  whose  hands  they  had  been  poured.  There  were  four  of 
these  nephews.  One  was  made  Prefect  of  Rome;  another 
a  cardinal,  afterwards  Pope    Julius    II.  ;    the  third  pur- 


LUXURY  OF  THE  TIME.  25 

chased  the  city  of  Imola  for  the  sum  of  40,000  gold 
ducats,  and  married  the  daughter  of  Galeazzo  Sforza;  but 
the  worst  of  the  four,  and  the  Pope's  favourite,  was  Pietro 
Riario.  The  strong  affection  of  Sixtus  for  this  youth, 
aged  twenty-six,  caused  many  infamous  rumours  in  Rome. 
From  a  simple  friar  he  was  suddenly  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  cardinal-prelate,  with  the  title  of  San  Sisto  ;  he  was 
named  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  and  Archbishop  of 
Florence.  He  had  unbounded  influence  at  Court,  and 
whenever  he  went  there  the  streets  overflowed  with  the 
followers  in  his  train,  while  his  receptions  were  even  more 
crowded  than  those  of  the  Pope.  As  a  contemporary 
writer  informs  us,1  his  luxury  surpassed  all  that  was  dis- 
played by  our  forefathers,  or  can  even  be  imagined  by  our 
descendants.  On  receiving  the  ambassadors  of  France  he 
gave  them  a  banquet,  to  which  nearly  all  the  arts  known 
at  the  period  were  called  to  contribute.  The  land  was 
ransacked  for  all  that  was  most  rare  and  precious;  no 
means  was  spared  to  achieve  results  such  as  no  future  age 
should  be  able  to  reproduce  ;  and  the  rhymed  descriptions 
of  this  festival  were  not  only  circulated  throughout  Italy, 
but  across  the  Alps  and  all  over  Europe.  When  Eleonora 
of  Aragon,  daughter  of  the  Neapolitan  king,  halted  in 
Rome  on  the  way  to  her  nuptials  at  Ferrara  (1473),  the 
reception  accorded  to  her  was  of  unparalleled  magnificence. 
The  bride  was  met  by  a  procession  of  cardinals  and 
ambassadors,  who  led  her  to  the  Pope's  presence  through 
streets  draped  with  rich  stuffs  and  tapestries  ;  she  was 
then  conducted  to  a  palace  the  young  Riario  had  erected 
expressly  for  her  use,  next  to  his  own  dwelling^  Its  walls 
were  of  precious  woods  ;  its  interior  brilliant  with  gilding 
and  shining  silks  ;  the  plates,  beakers,  and  other  table 
utensils  were  all  of  silver  and  gold.2 

«  Jacopo  Ammanati,  Cardinal  of  Pavia,  "  Papiensis  Cardinali* 
Epistola  548.     Ad  Franciscum  Gonzagam  Cardmalem." 

a  Sismondi,  "  Histoire  des  Républiques  Italiennes,"  vol.  vi.  chap.  I.  ; 
Muratori,  "Antichità  Estensi,"  in  "The  Life  of  Duke  Ercole  I." 


V 

Hiu    I  rio,  in  le  ir,  had  iquan* 

the  m         •   200,000  fi  .uni  notwithstanding 

lucrative   appointments,  incurred 

')0,coo    fiori:  it    this    did    QOt    have   the 

ot    checking   his   zxt         ;    on  the  contrary,    he 
■  :     Milan  the  same  year,  and  rivalled  the  luxury  of 

Duke    Ga  ,    one    of    the    most    dissolute    of    Italian 

princes.      I  [e  wards  went  to  Venice,  and  there  plunged 

LCh  depths  of  debauchery,  that  at   last  his  strength 
failed,   and,   returning  to   Rome,  he  died   on  January"  5, 
1 474.      In   this  way   that   scandal   of  the   papacy,  known 
to  history  by  the  name  of  nepotism,  continued  to  spread 
and  flourish  ;   and  Sixtus  IV.  went  on  reigning  in  the  same 
fashion  to  his  death,  in  1484.      Notwithstanding  the  great 
corruption  of  the  age,  general  uneasiness  was  excited  by 
the  degraded  condition  of  the  Church,  general  abhorrence 
felt  for  the  scandalous  lives  of  the  Pope's  nephews,  and 
n  for  the  Pope  himself,  who,  in  his  greed  for  power, 
his  avarice,  and  lust,  blindly  gave  vent  to  all  his  passions.1 
But  wretched  as  was  the  aspect  of  the  States  of  the 
Church,  that  of  the  rest  of  Italy  was  equally  disheartening. 
Those  were  truly  miserable  times.    Men  not  only  mourned 
their   long-lost    liberty,   but    the    absence    in    the    ruling 
tyrants  of  the  energy  and  political  gifts  by  which  then- 
predecessors  had  risen  to  power.     All   strength  of  cha- 
racter, all  ardour  of  ambition  had  vanished  ;  everywhere 
the   race  of   princes   seemed    fallen  into  decay.      In  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  Alphonso  the  Magnanimous  had  been 
succeeded  (1458)  by  Ferdinand  I.  of  Aragon,  who  might 
have  been  fitly  surnamed  "  the  Cruel,"  for  he  overcame  his 

1  Vide.  Sismondi,  Leo,  Grcgerovius,  &c.  ;  Steph.  Infessurae,  "Diariura 
Curiae  Romae,"  in  Yo.  Ge.  Eccardi,  "Corpus  historicorum  medii  sevi,* 
torn,  ii.,  Lipsias,  1723;  Platina,  "De  Vitis  Pontificum,"  Basiliae,  1523. 
Rudelbach,  "H.Savonarola,  und  seine  Zeit,  aus  den  Quellen  dargestellt. 
Krste  Abtheilung  :  die  Signatur  des  funfzehnten  Jahrhunderts,"  pp.  4-16 
Hamburg,  1835. 


ITALY  CRUSHED  BY  EVILS. 


27 


enemies  solely  by  cunning,  deceit,  and  treason,  and  pushed 
his  meanness  and  avarice  to  the  extent  of  meddling  in 
trade,  to  his  own  advantage  and  the  injury  of  his  sub- 
jects. ^  In  Florence,  the  sagacious,  keen-witted  Cosimo  de' 
Medici  had  been  succeeded  in  1465  by  the  incapable 
Piero,  who  so  endangered  the  supremacy  of  his  house 
during  his  brief  reign  that,  had  he  Jived  longer,  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  his  son  Lorenzo  to  grasp  the 
reins  of  government.  In  Milan,  the  valiant  general  and 
astute  politician,  Francesco  Sforza,  had  been  succeeded  in 
1466  by  the  feeble  Galeazzo;  and  lastly,  in  Venice,  the 
able  and  ambitious  rule  of  Francesco  Foscari  had  been 
followed  in  1457  by  that  of  Pasquale  Malipiero,  whose 
chief  enterprises  consisted  of  festivals  in  the  Square  of  St. 
Mark.  So  general  a  degradation  had  almost  the  air  of  a 
strange  freak  of  destiny,  but  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that,  whereas  the  former  rulers  had  fought  their  way 
to  power  over  the  heads  of  their  enemies,  and  through 
innumerable  obstacles  and  dangers,  their  sons,  born  in 
peace  and  reared  in  Courts,  were  only  trained  to  luxurious 
ease. 

As  though  Italy  were  not  sufficiently  crushed  by  all 
these  evils,  others,  equally  serious,  combined  to  assail  her. 
By  a  reaction  against  the  feeble  tyranny  of  her  rulers, 
daring  spirits  arose  among  her  people,  ready  to  resort  to 
the  most  desperate  deeds,  rather  than  submit  to  the  actual 
state  of  things.  Conspiracy  was  rampant  throughout 
those  years.  In  1476  three  plots  were  hatched.  Girolamo 
Gentile  tried  to  deliver  Genoa  from  the  Milanese  yoke  ; 
Olgiati,  Visconti,  and  Lampugnani  assassinated  Duke 
Galeazzo  in  church,  and  were  themselves  torn  to  pieces 
by  the  enraged  populace  in  the  streets  of  Milan  ;  Niccoli 
d'Este,  with  a  band  of  six  hundred  men,  tried  to  gain 
possession  of  Ferrara  and  overthrow  his  brother,  Duke 
Ercole,  but,  together  with  most  of  his  followers,  perishes 


ì  <.v./a\  VJD  TIME 

:m  the  us,  all  these  piota  ended  in  the  de- 

t*  their  authors,  an  J   only  in  1   the   mi 

I  f  ;  and  rousing  the 

rs, 
\  ndismayed  by  danger,  men  were  rati 

ventures,  and  no  year  ; 

•    mptS.      The   most  terrible  conspiracy  oi 

all  was  that  of  the   Pazzi  in    Florence.     On  April 

while  M..  i  was  being  celebrated  in  the  cathedral, 
and  at  the  the  elevation  of  the  Host,  Giuliano 

de1  Medici  was  stabbed  by  the  Pazzi.  Lorenzo  escaped 
the  blows  aimed  at  himself,  and,  having  time  to  draw  his 
sword,  was  able  to  fight  his  way  into  the  sacristy.  Angelo 
Poliziano,  who  helped  to  save  him  by  promptly  closing 
the  door,  tells  us  that  the  noise  and  confusion  was  so  great 
at  the  moment  that  it  seemed  as  though  the  church  itself 
were  fallino:  down.1 

This  conspiracy  was  certainly  extraordinary  in  all  its 
details  ;  remarkable  for  the  sagacity  and  daring  of  its 
plan;  the  moment  chosen  for  its  execution;  the  high  rank 
of  those  engaged  in  it;  and  the  number  of  victims  slain, 
both  at  the  time  and  afterwards.  Most  astonishing  of  all 
was  the  number  and  rank  of  the  ecclesiastics  implicated  in 
the  plot.  The  dagger  that  was  to  despatch  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici  was  entrusted  to  a  priest  ;  Archbishop  Salviati  was 
the  leader  of  the  conspiracy  in  Florence  and  Rome;  and, 
according  to  public  rumour,  the  Holy  Father,  Sixtus  IV., 
himself  was  one  of  the  hottest  and  most  determined  of 
its  promoters.  He  had  hoped  to  increase  his  nephews' 
power  by  this  means,  and  infuriated  by  the  failure  of  the 
plot,  threw  all  other  considerations  to  the  winds  and  made 
open  war  upon  the  Florentines  as  their  declared  enemy. 

It  was  in  these  times  and  amid  these  events  that  the 

1  A.    Politiani,  "  De    Pactiana   conjuratione,  Historia  sive   commen- 
iarium."' 


o 

:?: 

o 

< 

0 
S 
w 

o 


FIRST  SERMONS  OF  SA  VONAROL.  I.  29 

mind  of  Savonarola  grew  into  shape.  The  state  of  the 
world  and  the  Church  filled  him  with  a  horror-stricken 
grief,  only  to  be  relieved  by  prayer  and  study.  Owing  to 
the  increasing  esteem  felt  for  him  by  his  superiors,  he  was 
promoted  from  his  office  of  instructor  to  that  of  preacher. 
He  undertook  the  task  with  great  ardour  ;  for  his  original 
intention  of  remaining  in  silence  and  solitude  was  begin- 
ning to  yield  to  an  imperious  need  of  moral  and  intel- 
lectual activity,  and  he  therefore  rejoiced  to  find  a  new 
field  for  his  young  and  abounding  energies. 

In  his  first  sermons  he  seems  to  have  adopted  the  same 
style  as  in  his  lectures,  although  giving  more  space  to 
practical  remarks  and  moral  precepts.  Then,  gradually 
discarding  Aristotelian  rules,  he  drew  nearer  and  nearer  to 
the  Bible,  which  was  soon  to  become  his  sole  and  insepar- 
able guide.  Nothing  more  is  known  of  these  sermons  ; 
and  they  cannot  have  had  much  success,  since  no  writer  of 
the  time  has  mentioned  them,  nor  has  any  record  of  them 
survived.  We  only  know  that  a  certain  Giovanni  Garzoni, 
Professor  of  Philosophy  at  the  University  of  Bologna, 
reproved  Savonarola  for  having  abandoned  the  rhetorical 
rules  he  had  taught  him,  and  denied  Priscian  in  favour  of 

the  Bible.1 

In  the  year  148 1  he  was  sent  by  his  superiors  to  preach 
in  Ferrara.  He  lived  there  as  one  dead  to  the  world, 
seeing  none  of  his  acquaintances,  and  very  little  of  his 
family,  for  fear  of  awaking  his  dormant  affections.  The 
streets,  houses,  and  churches  of  his  native  town  spoke  to 
him  of  a  past  that  he  sought  to  banish  from  his  mind. 
Apparently  his  fellow-citizens  cared  little  for  his  preach- 
ing, since  we  afterwards  hear  him  complain  that  he  had 
proved   the  truth  of  the  old  saying  :  Nemo  propheta  in 

1  "  Cognovi  te  Prisciano  grammatico  belium  indixisse."  Apparently 
Savonarola  had  at  first  sought  the  advice  of  this  Professor  Garzoni. 
Vide  some  of  his  letters  in  Gherardo  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  &c,  pp.  8-10, 


any    report    of    these 

in  v. hv   they   i 

We  may,  h<  ■  ijecture 

to  his  purpose  of  di         rding 

or  other  preachers  who  floundered  in  the 

Bcholast         phistry,  or  indulged  ina  iness 

as,  in  our  time,  would  barely  he  tolei 

lowest    public   resorts.2       Besides,   Savonarola   had 

•    learnt   to  wield    his  own   Special   gifts  of  ora: 

and  was  too  uncertain  of  himself  to  dominate  his  hearers 

and   carry  them  wirh    him   by  a   new  path.      Ncverthe 

v    must     already    have    been    flashes    of    power     and 

in   his  speech,  as,  indeed,  may  he  inferred  from 

many  anecdotes  given  by  the   biographers.      One  day,  for 

instance,  he   was  journeying  up   the   Pò   from   Ferrara    to 

Mantua  by  boat.     There  were  eighteen  soldiers  on  board 

i   were   noisily  gambling    and    swearing  without    any 

respect    for    his    monastic    robe    or    position.     Suddenly 

Savonarola  addressed  them  in  terms  of  indignation  ;  and 

straightway  eleven  of  the  men  fell  on  their  knees  before 

him  and   asked    pardon  for    their  sins.3     But   of  course 

it  is  easier  to  impress  a  few  ignorant  troopers  and  persuade 

them  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  conscience,  than  to  preach 

1  Letter  to  his  mother,  from  Pavia,  dated  the  day  of  the  Conversion 
of  St.  Paul,  1490.  It  was  published  by  Father  Marchese,  in  the 
"Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Appendix  of  vol.  iii.  :  "Lettere  e  documenti 
inediti  di  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola."  The  same  complaint  was  frequently 
repeated  in  Savonarola's  sermons. 

■  Vide  Tiraboschi,  u  Storia  Della  Letteratura,"  concerning  the  sacred 
oratory  of  the  fifteenth  century.  See  also  the  sermons  of  Fra  Paolo 
Attavanti,  compared  by  Ficino  with  Orpheus,  and  those  of  Fra  Roberto 
da  Lecce,  the  most  famous  disciple  of  Fra  Bernardino.  The  latters 
style,  however,  was  marked  by  a  great  simplicity,  almost  childish  ingenu- 
ousness of  which  all  traces  had  disappeared  towards  the  close  of  the 
century.  In  the  "Archivio  Storico  per  le  Provincie  Napolitane"  (1882, 
No.  1,  pp.  140-165)  there  is  a  learned  study  on  Fra  Roberto  da  Lecce,  by 
Professor  F.  Torraca.  The  author  does  not  seem  to  me  to  have  proved 
that  the  Friar  had  any  oratorical  power. 

3  Burlamacchi,  p.  12  ;  Pico,  p.  150. 


HIS  DEPARTURE  FROM  FERRARA.  3I 

a  forcible  sermon  from  the  pulpit  to  a  large  congregation. 
In  the  first  case  natural  eloquence  is  enough,  and  with 
that  Savonarola  was  abundantly  endowed  ;  in  the  second, 
oratorical  art  is  required,  and  in  this  he  seems  to  have 
been  as  yet  unversed. 

In  the  same  year  1481,  serious  alarms  of  war  v/ere 
threatening  Ferrara  from  all  sides.  Already  many  of  the 
inhabitants  had  fled,  and  before  long  the  University,  in 
which  the  Dominicans  taught  theology,  was  closed. 
Thereupon,  either  from  economy  or  as  a  measure  of  pre- 
caution, the  Superior  of  the  Order  despatched  the  greater 
part  of  his  monks  elsewhere.  Savonarola  was  directed 
to  go  to  Florence.  He  thus  bade  a  last  farewell  to  his 
family,  friends,  and  native  town,  for  he  was  destined  never 
to  see  them  again.1 

This  war,  solely  directed,  at  first,  against  the  Duke 
of  Ferrara,  gradually  spread  on  all  sides,  until  nearly 
the  whole  of  Italy  was  split  into  two  camps.  The  true 
motives  of  it  were,  on  the  one  hand,  the  rising  ambition 
of  the  Venetians  to  extend  their  power  on  the  mainland  ; 
on  the  other,  the  covetous  desire  of  the  Pope  to  increase  his 
nephew's  dominions.  These  reasons,  however,  were  kept 
concealed.  The  Pope  pretended  that  he  sought  revenge 
on  the  Duke  for  having  served  under  the  Venetians  when 
they  were  forced  into  war  with  him,  after  the  failure  of 
the  Pazzi  plot  ;  while  the  Venetians  found  pretexts  for 
hostility  in  certain  frontier  disputes  and  the  usual  quarrels 
concerning  their  salt  trade.  In  vain,  the  Duke  of  Ferrara 
offered  to  yield  on  all  these  points  :  the  two  powers  were 
now  determined  on  war,  and  drew  into  it  not  only  the 

1  The  early  biographers  all  assign  Savonarola's  departure  from  Ferrara 
to  the  year  148 1.  In  the  first  edition  we  adopted  the  date  given  by 
Father  Marchese,  of  1482,  when  the  war  really  burst  out.  But  it  is  most 
probable  that  tumults,  anxieties,  and  preparations  had  gone  on  for  some 
time  before.  To  fix  his  departure  in  1482  would  necessitate  the  displace- 
ment of  many  other  dates. 


WON.  W  TIMES* 

R  .  bur  a  number  of  petty  potentates  in 

1   the-    Marches,     On  the  other   hand,  the 

Florentine     Republic,    the     King    of     Naples,     Duke 

Milan,    Marquis   of    M.mtu.i,    Bentivogho,   lord    ot 

i     and     the     powerful     Ho  I      1     '.onii.i,     all 

A   with    the   Duke    of    Ferrara.      Thus    the   whole  of 

Italy    was    in   arms,   and    although    the    Florentines    t 

only  a  verbal  part   in   the   contest,  the  rest  of  the  allies 

ly    in     the     field.      The     Duke     of    Calabria 

encountered    the    papal    forces    commanded    by    Roberto 

Malatesta;    the   Colonna    issued    from    their  strongholds 

and   ravaged    the   Roman   Campagna,   while  the  Genoese 

attacked   the   western   frontier  of   the    Duchy   of   Milan. 

But  the   chief  part   in   the   campaign   was  played   by  the 

Venetians.     Investing  Ferrara  with  two  of  their  armies, 

they   marched  a  third  against  the  Duke  of  Milan  ;  and 

urged  on  hostilities  with  so  much  vigour  that  Ferrara  was 

alreadv  reduced  to  famine  and  could  hold  out  no  longer. 

It  was  plainly  evident  that  all  the  profits  of  the  war  would 

be  reaped  by  the  Venetians. 

But  directly  Sixtus  IV.  realized  that  his  coveted  prey 
was  about  to  escape  him,  he  hastened,  in  the  blindness  of 
his  fury,  to  change  sides.  Concluding  a  treaty  with  the 
Neapolitan  king,  he  granted  the  Duke  of  Calabria  free 
passage  through  his  states  ;  excommunicated  the  Venetians, 
whom  he  branded  as  foes  of  Christ,  and  incited  all  the 
powers  of  Italy  to  make  war  upon  them.  This  sudden 
transformation  was  only  amazing  to  those  unacquainted 
with  the  impetuous  nature  of  Sixtus  IV.,  and  the  excesses 
he  was  prepared  to  commit  in  order  to  fill  his  treasury  and 
widen  his  frontiers.  And  although  the  Venetians  remained 
undismayed,  the  Pope's  desertion  changed  the  whole 
aspect  of  the  campaign.  The  Duke  of  Calabria  had 
already  conveyed  supplies  to  Ferrara  and  disturbed  the 
progress  of  the  siege  :  thus  all    decisive   operations  were 


DEATH  OF  SIX T US  IV. 

again  deferred.  The  hostile  forces  remained  facing  each 
other,  without  coming  to  open  battle;  the  neighbouring 
country  was  continually  ravaged  ;  numbers  died  of  hunger, 
none  by  the  sword.  The  campaign  dragged  on  in  this 
incredibly  feeble  manner  to  the  year  1482,  when  all  wearied 
of  a  war  that  was  equally  hurtful  to  either  side.  Then 
the  Venetian  general  accepted  proposals  of  peace  ;  all  the 
combatants  withdrew,  and  to  the  universal  satisfaction  hos- 
tilities were  suddenly  at  an  end. 

The  Pope,  however,  was  implacable.  He  had  neve- 
ceased  to  fan  the  blaze  he  had  kindled,  and  could  not 
resign  himself  to  the  loss  of  all  he  had  hoped  to  obtain  bv 
the  war.  On  the  12th  of  August,  1484,  when  the 
ambassadors  appeared  before  him,  and  read  the  terms 
of  the  peace,  he  was  wild  with  rage,  and,  starting  to  his 
feet,  exclaimed,  "The  peace  you  announce  is  humiliating 
and  shameful  !  "  The  following  day  his  chronic  malady, 
gout,  flew  to  his  chest,  and  thus  the  Holy  Father  died 
of  grief  because  peace  was  concluded.1 

This,  then,  was  the  war  that  drove  Savonarola  from 
Ferrara  to  Florence.  In  crossing  the  Apennines  by  lonely 
mountain  paths,  on  his  way  to  a  new  city,  an  unknown 
people,  his  mind  was  harassed  with  sad  thoughts.  That  a 
Pope,  for  the  sake  of  aggrandizing  two  or  three  dissolute 
youths,  should  throw  all  Italy  in  confusion,  when  the 
infidels  were  almost  at  her  gates,  and  when  less  than  two 
years  had  passed  since  the  Turks'  descent  on  Otranto  ! 
The  wind  whistling  among  the  beeches  and  pines  seemed 
almost  to  hurl  maledictions  against  the  wicked  who  were 
rending  the  robe  of  the  Lord's  spouse,  and  perhaps  sounded 
like  an  echo  to  his  own  daring  words  : 

"  Se  romper  si  pot  ria  quelle  grandi  ali  !  " 
"  Oh,  that  I  might  break  those  spreading  wings  !  " 

1  "Sismondi,"  vol.  vi.  chap.  6;  Leo,  bk.  v.,  §  vii.  ;  Steph.  Infessurae, 
Diarium,"  &c. 

4 


.    .      '        TIMES. 

(  In  this,  his  al  in  Florence,  in  1481,  he  entered 

the  Y.  k,  where  the   br  |    and 

the  lift    were   to    he     }  And 

the  name  1         i  onarola  is  alwa; 

with  that  or"  Sr.  Mark,  it  will  be  well   to  Bay  a    lew  words 
on  the  convent's  history. 

the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  it  was  a  poor, 
Led  building,  inhabited  by  a  few  monks  of  the 
St  Sylvester,  whose  scandalous  life  occasioned 
complaints  to  be  laid  before  the  Court  of  Rome. 
illy,  Cosimo  the  Elder  obtained  the  papal  permission 
to  remove  these  monks  elsewhere,  and  granted  the  house 
to  the  reformed  Dominicans  of  the  Lombard  congregation. 
Then,  deciding  to  rebuild  it,  he  charged  the  celebrated 
architect,  Michelozzo  Michelozzi,  with  the  work  ;  and  six 
years  later,  in  1443,  the  monastery  was  finished  at  a  cost 
ot  36,000  florins.  Cosimo  was  never  sparing  of  expense 
for  churches,  monasteries,  and  other  public  works  fitted  to 
spread  the  fame  of  his  munificence  and  increase  his  popu- 
larity. While  the  convent  was  in  course  of  erection,  he 
had  been  very  generous  in  helping  the  Dominicans,  and 
now  that  the  work  was  so  successfully  completed,  he  was 
not  satisfied  until  he  could  endow  them  with  a  valuable 
library.  This,  however,  was  a  difficult  undertaking  and 
one  of  considerable  expense,  since  it  was  a  question  of 
collecting  manuscripts,  which,  just  then,  commanded  ex- 
orbitant prices.  But  the  opportune  decease  of  Niccolò 
Niccoli,  the  greatest  manuscript  collector  in  Europe, 
enabled  Cosimo  to  fulfil  his  purpose.  Niccoli  had  been 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  day,  and  spent  his 
whole  life  and  fortune  in  acquiring  a  store  of  codices  that 
was  the  admiration  of  all  Italy.  He  had  bequeathed  this 
treasure  to  Florence,  but  having  also  left  many  debts  behind 
him,  his  testamentary  dispositions  had  not  been  carried  out. 
Accordingly  Cosimo  paid  off  the  debts,  and  reserving  a 


ST.    MARK'S   CONVENT. 


ST  ANTONINE.  35 

few  of  the  more  precious  codices  for  himself,  entrusted  the 
rest  of  the  collection  to  the  Monastery  of  St.  Mark. 
This  was  the  first  public  library  established  in  Italy,  and 
the  monks  kept  it  in  such  excellent  order  as  to  prove 
themselves  worthy  of  the  charge.  St.  Mark's  became 
almost  a  centre  of  erudition,  and  being  joined  to  the  con- 
gregation of  the  Lombard  Dominicans,  the  more  learned 
brothers  of  the  Order  resorted  to  Florence,  and  increased 
the  new  convent's  renown.  The  most  distinguished  men 
of  the  time  frequently  came  to  St.  Mark's  to  enjoy  con- 
versation with  the  friars.  It  was  during  these  years  that 
Fra  Giovanni  da  Fiesole,  better  known  as  Fra  Beato 
Angelico,  was  employed  in  covering  the  convent  walls 
with  his  incomparable  works.  But  above  all  their 
treasures  of  art  and  learning,  the  brethren  chiefly  gloried 
in  their  spiritual  father  and  founder  St.  Antonine,  one  of 
those  characters  who  are  true  glories  of  the  human  race. 

History  might  be  ransacked  almost  in  vain  for  an 
example  of  more  constant  self-abnegation,  active  charity, 
and  evangelical  neighbourly  love  than  that  of  St.  Antonine. 
He  was  the  founder  or  reviver  of  nearly  every  benevolent 
institution  in  Florence.  His  was  the  noble  idea  of  convert- 
ing to  charitable  uses  the  Society  of  the  Bigallo,  founded 
by  St.  Peter  Martyr  for  the  extermination  of  heretics,  and 
that  had  so  often  stained  the  streets  and  walls  of  Florence 
with  blood.1  Thenceforward  the  Captains  of  the  Bigallo, 
instead  of  burning  and  slaying  their  fellow-men,  rescued 
and  succoured  forsaken  orphans.  St.  Antonine  was  the 
founder  of  "  St.  Martin's  Good  Men  "  (Buoni  Uomini  di 
San  Martino),  a  society  that  fulfils  to  this  day  the  Christian 
work  of  collecting  offerings  for  distribution  among  the 
poveri  vergognosi — i.e.,  the  honest  poor  who  are  ashamed 
to  beg.  It  would  be  quite  impossible  to  relate  all  that  he 
did  for  the  public  benefit  ;  but,  at  the  period  of  which  we 
1  Previously  styled  "  Captains  of  the  Faith." 


ID    TIMES. 

many*  II  living  who  remembered  having  often 

s<-'  •  about  the  city  and  its  environs,  leading  a 

ith    bread,  clothing,  &< .,    fi  r    \  ui 
from    plaj        or   pestilence.      His   death    in    [459    was 
n*         :    in    Florence   as  a  public   calamity  ;    and  when 

to  Sr.  Mark's  in   14S1,  the  mem< 
St  Antonine  was  still  cherished  with  so  lively  a  veneration, 
that  the  cloister  still  Beemed  to  be  pervaded  by  his  spir 

None  mentioned  his  name  save  in  accents  of  the  1 

spect;   his  sayings  were  continually  recalled  and  carri 
the  greatest  weight,  and  when  the  friars  sought  to  describe 
a  model   of  Christian   virtue,   the  only  name   that  rose   to 
their  lips  was  that  of  St.  Antonine.1 

During  his  first  days  in  Florence,  Savonarola  was 
accordingly  half  intoxicated  with  delight.  He  was 
charmed  by  the  smiling  landscape,  the  soft  lines  of  the 
Tuscan  hills,  the  elegance  of  the  Tuscan  speech.  Even 
before  reaching  the  town,  the  gentle  manner  of  the 
countryfolk  he  met  on  the  way  had  predisposed  him  to 
expect  happiness  in  this  fairest  of  Italian  cities,  where  art 
and  nature  contend  for  the  palm  of  beauty.  To  his 
deeply  religious  mind,  Florentine  art  seemed  the  expression 
of  a  divine  harmony,  a  proof  of  the  omnipotence  of 
genius  when  inspired  by  faith.  The  paintings  of  Fra 
Angelico  appeared  to  have  filled  the  cloisters  of  St.  Mark 

1  Padre  Vicenzo  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  San  Marco,"  bk.  i.  Florence  : 
Le  Monnier,  1855.  This  work,  written  with  much  elegance  of  style, 
care,  and  precision,  contains  many  interesting  particulars  concerning 
St.  Antonine  as  well  as  the  convent.  For  still  minuter  details  the  reader 
may  be  referred  to  the  "  Summa  Historialis,"  or  "  Chronicon  "  of  the 
Saint,  with  additions  by  the  Jesuit  Father.  Pietro  Maturo,  "Lugduni," 
&c,  ap.  "Junctas,"  1585  and  1586,  vol.  iii.  ;  Castiglioni,  "Vita  B. 
Antonini,"  Verona,  1740.  For  minuter  details  of  the  charitable  institu- 
tions, vide  Passerini,  "Storia  degli  Istituti  di  beneficenza  in  Firenze," 
Florence,  1853.  Vide  also  Ridia,  "Notizie  storiche  delle  Chiese  di 
Firenze  \n  "  Annalcs  Conventus  S.  Marci,"  Cod.  112  of  the  Library  of 
St.  Mark,  Florence,  now  comprised  in  the  Laurentian  Library;  Fabroni 
Vita  Magni  Cosmi  Medicei." 


SAVONAROLA  FORGETS  HIS  S0R&01VS.  37 

with  a  company  of  angels  ;  and  as  he  gazed  upon  them, 
the  Friar  felt  transported  into  a  blessed  sphere  like  unto 
the  world  of  his  dreams.  The  sacred  memories  of 
Antonine  ;  the  Saint's  deeds  of  charity  still  enduring  and 
still  venerated  by  the  brotherhood  ;  the  friars  themselves 
so  superior  in  culture  and  refinement  to  any  that  he  had 
yet  known  — all  combined  to  make  him  believe  his  lot 
cast  among  real  brethren  of  the  soul.  His  heart 
expanded  with  ingenuous  hopes,  he  forgot  all  past  dis- 
appointments, and  did  not  anticipate  the  still  sadder  trials 
awaiting  him  when  he  should  have  been  long  enough  in 
Florence  to  better  understand  the  nature  of  its  inhabitants. 


^m^)' 


CHAPTER    III. 


LORENZO  THE  MAGNIFICENT,1  AND  THE  FLORENTINES 

OF  HIS  DA  Y. 


T  the  time  of  Savonarola's  coming, 
Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  had  reigned  in 
Florence  for  many  years,  and  was  then 
at  the  height  of  his  power  and  fame. 
Under  his  rale  all  things  wore  an  air  of 
prosperity  and  well-being.  The  fac- 
which  had  so  frequently  distracted  the  city  had  long 
all    refusing    to    bend    beneath    the 


tions 
been 


extinguished 


1  lie  was  born  in  1448,  and  ruled  from  1469  to  1492.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  fill  this  chapter  with  quotations.  The  historians  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici 
are  so  well  known  that  it  wouid  be  superfluous  to  repeat  their  names. 
We  need  only  say  that  Roscoe's  "  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  "  is  by  no' 
means  an  infallible  guide.  It  is  safer  to  refer  to  Fabroni  ("  Vita  Laurentii 
Medicis  Magnifici"),  from  whom  Roscoe  has  borrowed  wholesale  both  in 
the  text  and  appendix  of  his  book.  But  Lorenzo  may  be  studied  to  most 
profit  in  his  own  writings  :  "  Poesie  di  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,"  Florence, 
1825,  four  vols,  in  quarto;  "Canti  Carnascialeschi,"  Florentine  edition 
of  1750  ;  in  his  letters,  many  of  which  are  still  unpublished  ;  and  also  in 
numerous  works  by  contemporaries  who  wrote  freely  upon  him,  and  with 
no  intention  of  courting  his  favour.  Guicciardini's  "  Opere  Inedite," 
recently  published  by  the  Counts  Guicciardini,  with  annotations  by 
Giuseppe  Canestrini,  also  throws  much  light  on  the  .lives  of  Cosimo  and 
Lorenzo.  Particular  reference  may  be  made  to  the  dialogue  on  the 
44  Reggimento  di  Firenze"  in  vol.  ii.,  and  on  the  "Storia  Fiorentina"  in 
vol.  111.  of  the  "  Opere."  Some  of  the  "  Discorsi  "  of  Jacopo  Nardi  also 
serve  to  confirm  our  views  of  the  Medicean  rule.  Long  after  the  first 
appearance  of  our  book,  Baron  von  Reumont  published  his  work  on 
"Lorenzo  de'  Medici,"  two  vols.,  Leipsic,  1875,  which  ran  to  a  second 
edition  in  1883. 


CHARACTER  OF  LORENZO.  39 

Medicean  yoke  were  either  imprisoned,  exiled,  or  dead  ; 
and  general  tranquillity  reigned.  Continually  occupied 
with  festivities,  dances,  and  tournaments,  the  Florentines, 
once  so  jealous  of  their  rights,  seemed  now  to  have 
forgotten  the  very  name  of  freedom. 

Lorenzo  took  an  active  part  in  all  these  diversions,  and 
was  perpetually  seeking  out  or  originating  others.  His 
most  famous  invention  was  that  of  the  "  Canti  Carnascia- 
leschi." These  were  ballads  of  his  own  composition,  to  be 
sung  in  carnival  masquerades  of  the  triumph  of  death, 
troops  of  devils,  or  other  whimsicalities  of  the  same  kind. 
The  performers  were  the  young  nobles  of  Florence,  who 
paraded  the  streets  in  disguises  suited  to  their  parts. 
Perusal  of  these  songs  brings  the  corruption  of  the  time 
far  more  clearly  before  us  than  could  any  description. 
Nowadays  they  would  excite  the  disgust  not  merely  ^  of 
cultured  aristocrats,  but  of  the  lowest  rabble;  and  to  sing 
them  in  the  streets  would  be  an  offence  against  public 
decorum  not  to  be  committed  with  impunity.  ^  Then,  on 
the  contrary,  their  composition  was  the  favourite  pastime 
of  a  ruler  praised  by  the  whole  world,  held  up  as  a 
model  to  all  other  sovereigns,  and  proclaimed  a  prodigy  of 
wisdom  and  of  literary  and  political  genius. 

Such  was  the  general  opinion  on  Lorenzo  in  his  own 
day,  and  even  now  many  concur  in  the  verdict.  They  are 
willing  to  pardon  the  bloodshed  by  which  he  maintained 
the  power  usurped  by  himself  and  his  kin  ;  the  disorders 
he  wrought  in  the  Republic  ;  his  embezzlement  of  the 
funds  of  the  State  for  his  private  extravagance;1  the 
shameless  profligacy,  to  which,  despite  his  weak  health,  he 
was  completely  abandoned  ;  and  even  his  diabolical  method 
of  corrupting  the  popular  mind  by  every  means  in  his 
power  !  And  all  these  sins  are  to  be  condoned  in  virtue 
of  his  patronage  of  letters  and  art  ! 

«   Vide  Machiavelli,  "  Istorie  Fiorentine.'* 


-  of   Florence  in    Lorenzo's  d 
d    witk  Culture  lly 

k     ••    I  Atin  and  I  Ireek  ;    every  one 
lircd    •  many    v.  were  accompli 

>f  Greek  and  Latin  verse.     Painting  and  the  other 

fine  aits,  which  had  declined   since  Giotto's  day,  were  now 
d    to    new    life;    Btately     churches,     palaces,    and 

elegant    buildings   were   rising  on   all   sides.      But   arti 

•     ol    letters,    Statesmen,    nobles,    and    people,  were   all 

equally    corrupt    in    mind,    devoid    of  public   or    private 

-tue,    devoid    of"  all    moral    sense.      Their    religion   was 

either  an  engine  of"  government  or  a  base  hypocrisy  :   they 

were  without  faith  of  any  kind,  whether  civil  or  religious, 

moral    or   philosophical;   they    were   not   earnest   even   in 

•pticism.      Their  dominant  feeling  was  utter  indifference 

to  principle.      These  clever,  keen-witted,  intellectual  men 

were  incapable  of  real  elevation  of  thought,  and,  despising 

all  enthusiasm  for  noble  and  generous  ideas,  showed  their 

contempt    by    coldly    compassionate    smiles.     Unlike    the 

sceptic    philosophers,   they   neither    combated    nor    threw 

doubt  on  such  ideas;  they    simply    regarded    them  with 

pity.      And  this  vis  inertia  was  more  hurtful  to  virtue 

than    a    declared   and  active  hostility.       It    was    only    in 

country    places    and    among  the  lowest    classes    removed 

from  all  contact  with  politics  and  letters,  that  any  germ 

of  the  old  virtues  was  still  to  be  found.      And  even  this 

was  not  visible  on  the  surface. 

This  state  of  morals  could  not  fail  to  have  a  powerful 
effect  upon  mental  culture.  In  fact,  philosophy  had 
shrunk  to  mere  erudition  ;  scholastic  lore— which,  although 
so  much  derided,  possessed  a  youthful  spirit  and  energy 
absent  from  fifteenth-century  writings — had  also  decayed. 
Literature  consisted  of  learned  essays  or  of  imitations  of 
Virgil,  Cicero,  Homer,  Pindar,  and  so  on.  Even  at  the 
time    of    Boccaccio's   death.    Franco    Sacchetti    mourned 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITY  OF  THE  FLORENTINES,  4; 

the  decay  of  literature  in  his  pure  and  simple  verses. 
What  chiefly  afflicted  him  was  not,  he  said,  the  loss  of  the 
great  dead  ;  but  the  hopelessness  of  seeing  their  like  again, 
the  jack  of  souls  able,  at  least,  to  comprehend  them."  Had 
he  lived  in  the  times  of  which  we  write,  he  would  have 
had  still  graver  cause  for  lament  ;  he  would  have  heard 
the  Italian  tongue  declared  unsuited  to  the  utterance  or 
lofty  ideas;  and  Dante's  "  Divina  Commedia"  pronounced 
inferior  to  the  "Ballate"  and  "  Canti  Carnascialeschi  "2  or 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  !  Even  the  fine  arts,  necessarily  the 
last  to  suffer  from  the  nation's  moral  and  political  calamities, 
were  no  longer  inspired  by  the  daring  and  all-embracing 
conceptions  with  which  Giotto,  Orcagna,  and  so  many  or 
their  compeers  had  adorned  Italian  buildings.  Most 
assuredly  this  age  could  have  produced  no  edifice  infused 
with  the  spirit  of  freedom  discernible  in  Arnolfo's  Cathedral 
and  the  Palazzo  Vecchio. 

Nevertheless,  aithough  causing  so  many  ills,  the  loss  of 
liberty  had  been  of  positive  advantage  to  literature  and  the 
fine  arts.  All  ways  being  barred  to  political  action  and 
ambition,  to  the  exercise  of  any  public  virtue,  and  in  the 
decline  of  all  those  branches  of  trade  and  commerce  in 
which  such  enormous  fortunes  had  been  reaped,  what  active 
energy  still  survived  was  applied  to  artistic  and  literary 
ends.  And  although  there  were  now  no  men  of  trans- 
cendent genius  equal  to  those  who  had  flourished  during 
the  Republic,  there  was  a  general  atmosphere  of  intellectual 
activity,  a  general  yearning  for  the  study  of  new  languages, 
the  production  of  new  books  and  pictures.  This  yearning 
was  all  the  stronger  because  students  were  ignorant  how 
to  make  their  knowledge  available  for  loftier  aims.     In 

1  Franco  Sacchetti,  'Opere,"  Canzoni   IV.,  in  the  "Lirici   Italiani.» 
Florence,  1839. 

2  The  famous  Pico  della  Mirandola  was  one  of  those  maintaining  this 
view. 


4*  .     •  AND  Ti  Mrs. 

f   b0K   the  air   of  I   rat  school;    there   wàs  a 
ral  craze  for  the  collection  of  manuscripts  and  ancient 

Itliary,    and    the   only   subjects   discussed    were   points   of 

mimar,   philology,   or   erudition.      The  Greek   sai 
riven  by  the  fall  or*  Constantinople  to  seek  refuge  in  the 

v7estj  were  enthusiastically  welcomed  in  Florence,  and  their 

ines  and  teaching  gave  additional  impetus  to  the  ra^e 
for  antiquity  and  the  desire  to  visit  Greece  and  ransack  its 
soil,   monasteries,  and   temples   in  search    of  old   remains. 
Journeys  to  the  East  were  undertaken  by  travellers  willing 
to  face  all  discomforts  and  dangers  and  expend  considerable 
fortunes  for  the  sake  of  acquiring  literary  treasures  of  more 
or    less    value.       Some  of   these    expeditions    have    been 
recorded  in  history.      We  know  the  successful  researches 
made   by  Poggio    Bracciolini   in  almost  all   the   cities   of 
Europe;   the  eastern  travels  of  Guarino  of  Verona,  whose 
hair  suddenly  turned  white,  it  was  said,  from  grief  at  the 
loss   by  shipwreck  of  the    treasures    of  learning   he  had 
laboured  so  hard  to  collect  ;   the  wanderings  of  Giovanni 
Aurispa,  who,  returning  to  Venice  with   more  than  two 
hundred    manuscripts,    which    had    cost    him     his    whole 
fortune,  found  himself  in  extreme  old  age  as  rich  in  fame 
as  he  was  poor  in  substance.     We  also  know  the  travels  of 
Francesco  Filelfo  and  of  many  other  visitors  to  the  classic 
land    of  Greece.      Throughout    Italy,    and    especially    in 
Florence,  the  return  of  one  of  these  pilgrims  was  an  occa- 
sion of  public  festivity  and  triumph.     The  leading  men  of 
the  place  went  forth  to  meet  him  ;  the  ruler  of  the  city 
gave  him  a  most  honourable  reception  ;   laudatory  reports 
of  his  discoveries  were  drawn  up,  and  private  letters  were 
filled  with  the  same  theme.    Then  came  discussions  on  the 
authenticity  and  interpretation  of  the  manuscripts  ;   there 
were  hot  disputes  on  philological  or  grammatical  details, 
and  the  strife  overleaping  the  limits  of  debate,  these  learned 
scholars  tore  one  another  to  pieces  in  violent  onslaughts  on 


THE  FINE  ARTS  IN  FLORENCE.  43 

their  respective  honour  and  reputation.  Liberty  to  quarrel 
in  this  fashion  was  in  fact  the  only  freedom  retained  by 
the  Florentines,  although  nominally  their  government  was 
still  a  republic,  and  their  gentle-mannered  tyrant  a  mere 
private  citizen. 

The  fine  arts  fared  better,  although  their  practitioners 
indulged  more  freely  than  any  other  class  in  the  fri- 
volous enjoyments  of  the  time,  revelling  and  working 
with  equal  absence  of  care.  In  those  days  of  universal 
art-patronage,  painters  and  sculptors  were  everywhere 
welcome  guests,  and  throughout  Italy  all  rich  men  and 
nobles,  all  churches  and  convents,  demanded  their  works. 
Thus  their  lives  were  pleasantly  divided  between  work  and 
amusement,  and  while  forsaking  their  former  lofty  ideals, 
they  made  infinite  advance  in  truthful  representation  of 
nature,  delicacy  of  expression,  and  management  of  colour. 
It  was  then,  too,  that  the  discovery  of  oil-painting  marked 
a  new  period  in  the  history  of  art.  Sculpture  and  archi- 
tecture, in  which,  unlike  painting,  so  much  depends  on  the 
materials  employed,  also  made  great  progress,  partly  by 
the  influence  of  classic  remains,  partly  through  the  numerous 
difficulties  which  practice  taught  them  to  overcome.  The 
names  of  Donatello,  Ghiberti,  Brunelleschi  and  many  others 
have  won  immortality,,  Certainly  at  that  period  the  arts 
attained  an  unprecedented  elegance  and  refinement  of 
execution  that  was  destined  to  perish  in  the  succeeding 
century. 

Nevertheless  most  of  the  facts  we  have  just  related  had 
their  origin  before  the  power  of  the  Medici  was  established, 
and  consequently  owed  nothing  to  the  latter 's  aid.  The  rage 
for  classical  studies  had  begun  to  spread  even  in  Petrarch's 
and  Boccaccio's  time,  had  gone  on  increasing  ever  since, 
and  private  citizens  had  willingly  consumed  their  substance 
in  the  travels  and  researches  mentioned  above,  content  to 
reap  glory  as  their  sole  reward.     As  to  the  artists,  the 


VX)    TI' 

at  the  beginning  of  the  century 
was  born  in   i       ..  and  di  [446  ; 

(-  -i;s\    Donatello,   [386    1466,  :cio 

and    their    noblest    works   were    produced 

without  cither  the  patronage  or  advice  of  the  Medici.* 

The         :  ruction  or   the  cupola  afterwards  executed  by 

Brunelle  chi,  had   been   already   decided   upon   in    1407  by 
the  Cathedral  workmen,  and  the  Medici  had  nothing  to  do 
with  its  completion.     Ghibcrti   began  his  bronze  doors  in 
1 4  33,  at  the  instance  of  the  Merchants  or  Calimala  Guild, 
id  received  for  the  first  of  them  the,  then,  enormous  price 
of  22,000  florins.     The   frescoes  by   Masaccio  and  other 
famous  artists  in  the  Carmine  chapel  were  executed  at  the 
expense  of  private  individuals;  and  Beato  Angelico,  whose 
paintings  were  entirely  inspired  by  love  of  art  and  religious 
enthusiasm,  frequently  refused  all  payment  for  his  work. 

The  Medici  therefore  cannot  be  said  to  have  created  a 
state  of  things  that,  indeed,  no  human  power  could  have 
called  into  existence.     It  was  the  necessary  outcome  of  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  Republic  during  many  centuries,  of  the 
national  culture,  and  of  the  general  decay  of  freedom  then 
going   on   throughout  the  whole  of  Italy.     The  Medici 
found  it  already  in  existence  and  fostered  by  the  citizens 
at  large  ;  but  they  had  the  rare  sagacity  to  make  use  of  it 
and  turn  it,   by  their  favour,  to  their  own  profit.     And 
certainly  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  was  the  man  of  all  others  best 
adapted  for  the  purpose.     Gifted  by  nature  with  a  brilliant 
intellect,  he  had  inherited  from  Cosimo  a  subtle  astuteness, 
rendering  him,— although  by  no  means  a  statesman  of  the 
first  order,— very  swift  of  resource,  full  of  prudence  and 
acumen,  dexterous  in  his  negotiations  with  other  powers, 
still  more  dexterous  in  ridding  himself  of  his  enemies,  and 
equally  capable  of  daring  and  cruelty  whenever  emergencies 

1  Cosimo  returned  from  exiie  in   1434  ;  Lorenzo,  as  we  have  already 
noted,  began  his  rule  in  1469. 


LORENZO   THE    MAGNIFICENT. 


CORRUPTION  OF  THE  TIMES. 

cailed  for  bold  strokes.    He  was  alike  regardless  of  honestv 
and  honour  ;  respected  no  condition  of  men  ;  went  straight 
to   his   ends,  trampling  over    all    considerations,   whether 
human  or  Divine.     The  cruel  sack  of  unfortunate  Vol- 
terra;   the    robbery    of   the    funds    of   the    Monte    delie 
Fanciulle,1  in  consequence  of  which  many  dowerless  girls 
fell    into    bad   courses  ;    and   his   rapacious    appropriation 
of  public  property,  are  all  stains  that  even  his  blindest 
worshippers  are  unable  to  ignore.2     His  countenance  was 
a  true   index  to   his   character.      It  was  a  dark-skinned, 
sinister,  unpleasing  face,  with  a  flattened,  irregular  nose, 
and  a  wide,  thin-lipped,   crooked  mouth,  suited   to   the 
accents  of  his  nasal  voice.     But  his  eyes  were  lively  and 
penetrating,  his  forehead  lofty,  and  his  manners  marked  by 
the  most  perfect  finish  of  that  cultured  and  elegant  age  ; 
his  conversation  was  full  of  vivacity,  wit,  and  learning  ; 
and  he  won  the  genuine  affection  of  all  who  were  admitted 
to  his  intimacy.     He  encouraged  all  the  worst  tendencies 
of  the  age,  and  multiplied  its  corruptions.    Abandoned  to 
pleasure  himself,  he  urged  the  people  to  lower  depths  of 
abandonment,   in  order  to   plunge  them  in  the  lethargy 
of  intoxication,     in  fact,  during  his  reign  Florence  was 
a  continuous  scene  of  revelry  and  dissipation.     It  is  true, 
that  in  the  midst  of  this  corrupt,  pleasure-loving  society,  a 
mighty  transformation  of  the  human  mind  was  already  in 
progress.     But  it  seemed  to  grow  spontaneously  by  the 
natural  force  of  things,  uncared  for  and  unnoticed.     What 
was  most  visible  at  the  time  was  the  general  passion  for 
pleasure,   the   pride    of    pagan  learning,  the    increasingly 
sensual  turn,  both  of  art  and  literature,  under  the  fostering 
hand  of  the  man  who  was  master  of  all  in  Florence. 
Lorenzo  had  a  genuine  poetic  gift  and  a  fine  taste  for 

1  A  charitable  institution  for  providing  respectable  girls  with  marriage 
portions. 

2  Vide  Guicciardini,  "  Del  Reggimento  di  Firenze  e  Storia  Fiorentina,* 
in  the  "Opere  Inedite." 


4<3  SAVON*  ,/£s 

?!:     ]  ommcrdal  business  of  his  House  to 

t,  be  devoted  h  ,rc  to  the 

which  he  had  been  tr  the  most 

m™  menofth  .     He  had  learnt  the  arti         try 

I  studied  the  Aristotelian  philosophy  with 

Ai^iropulus^and  the  Platonic  system  under  Ficino    Even 

as  a  child  he  had  given  proofs  of  intellectual  gifts  word  y 

catton  to  the  Muses:  great  quickness  of  compre- 
si, singular  accuracy  of  expression,  and  a  very  lively 
fancy.  Afterwards,  as  the  patron  of  scholars  and  artists 
his  mansion  became  the  resort  of  the  finest  minds  of  the 
day.  All  literary  men  of  any  note  in  Florence  gathered 
round  Lorenzo  ;  many  came  from  other  parts  of  Italy  in 
order  to  join  his  distinguished  circle.  And  both  at 'the 
meetings  held  in  his  own  house  and  those  of  the  renowned 
f  ht°nx  :my>   his   genius   shone  amidst  this  chosen 

band,  while  his  literary  culture  gained  no  little  nourish- 
ment  from  their  intercourse. 

Accordingly,   contemporary   writers    were    eloquent    in 
their   praise    of    Lorenzo,   and    some  of   the   works  they 
lauded  to  the  skies  are  still  held  in  admiration.     All  his 
poems  in^the  vulgar  tongue,  and  particularly  his  fable  of 
Ambra,'    have  a  freedom  of  movement,  a  spontaneous 
grace,  and  an  observant  feeling  for  nature  by  no  means 
common   m  his  time.      For  although  his  verse  is  too  fre- 
quently imitated  from  Poliziano's  «  Ottave,"  it  is  impos- 
sible  to  deny  that  he  was  possessed  of  rare  intellectual 
endowments.      He  was  the  typical  man  of  his  age-all  his 
qualities  were    confined    to    his    intellect;    his    courteous 
manners   were    the    result   of  mental    refinement,  not  of 
kindness  of  heart  ;  his  patronage  of  the  learned  was  born 
of  his  passion  for  culture,  and  also  because  he  found  it  a 
peasant  pastime,  and  one  useful  to  his  influence  as  a  ruler. 
Lorenzo's  life  was  strangely  complex  !     After  hours  of 
strenuous  labour  over  some  new  law  framed  to  crush  any 


ANGELO  POLIZIANO.  47 

lingering  remains  of  liberty,  or  after  passing  some  new 
decree  of  confiscation  or  sentence  of  death,1  he  would 
repair  to  the  Platonic  Academy  and  take  part  in  heated 
discussions  on  virtue  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul  ; 
then  go  about  the  town  to  sing  his  tf  Canti  Carnascialeschi" 
in  the  company  of  dissolute  youths  and  indulge  in  the 
lowest  debauchery.  After  this  he  would  return  home, 
receive  Pulci  and  Poliziano  at  his  table,  and  vie  with  them 
in  reciting  verses  and  discoursing  on  the  poetic  art.  And 
whatever  was  the  occupation  of  the  moment,  he  threw 
himself  into  it  as  heartily  as  though  it  were  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  his  life.  Strangest  of  all,  in  no  aspects  of  this 
multiform  life  do  we  find  a  single  instance  of  genuine 
kindness  either  towards  his  people,  his  intimates,  or  his 
kindred.  Had  he  performed  any  good  deed,  his  inde- 
fatigable flatterers  would  certainly  not  have  failed  to  record 
it.  This  is  not  only  a  proof  of  his  depravity,  but  of  the 
still  worse  depravity  of  the  times  ;  for  had  justice  and 
virtue  been  then  rightly  valued,  Lorenzo  would  certainly 
have  assumed  their  championship — at  least  in  appearance. 
Among  Lorenzo's  constant  companions  were  two  men 
of  European  reputation,  and  whose  names  have  come 
down  to  posterity.  One  of  these  was  Angelo  Poliziano, 
the  most  learned  man  of  letters  of  that  learned  age,  and 
almost  the  only  writer  of  his  time  with  a  vein  of  true 
poetry  in  his  soul.  He  began  a  translation  of  Homer's 
"  Iliad"  when  onlv  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  at  eighteen 
composed  Greek  epigrams  and  a  Latin  elegy  of  incom- 
parable beauty  on  the  death  of  Albiera  degli  Albizzi. 
He  was  little  more  than  twenty-one  years  old  when  his 
magnificent  octaves  on  the  "Tournament"  of  Giuliano  de' 

1  Sismondi  gives  a  list  of  the  numerous  citizens — chiefly  nobles— put 
to  death  by  Lorenzo  for  political  reasons.  See  also  the  marvellous  por- 
trait of  Lorenzo  given  by  Guicciardini  in  his  "  Storia  Fiorentina  "  and 
his  remarks  on  the  Medici  at  p.  43  and  fol.  of  his  "  Del  Reggimento  di 
Firenze." 


48  TIMES. 

the  first  poet  of  the 
mmortality.     Winning  1 
by  these  •  appointed  his  private  secretary, 

brarian,  and  preceptor  to  his  children,  and  became  a  per- 
manent member  of  his  household.  But  in  these  new  and 
luxuti  us  conditions  the  sacred  fire  of  poeti  dually 
waned,  although  his  •  f  erudition  waxed  greater  and 

until  it  was  truly  prodigious.     Lorenzo  naturally 

derived   much   benefit   troni   the   service   and   conversation 
a    man   of  such  vast   acquirements,   but    Poliziano 

n  was  injurious  to  his  tame.  The  pertinacity  with 
which  later  ages  have  insulted  his  memory  by  accusations 
Ol  unmentionable  vice,  is  probably  to  be  attributed  to  his 
excessive  intimacy  with  Lorenzo,  whom  he  sincerely  loved 
and  admired. 

The  prince's  other  intimate  was  Messer  Luigi  Pulci, 
a  youth  of  noble  birth  and  the  brother  of  two  poets  whose 
renown  has  been  almost  eclipsed  by  the  superior  merit 
of  his  own  poem  the 'c  Morgante  Maggiore,"  a  spirited, 
graceful  medley  of  strange  and  sparkling  fancies,  in 
which  an  invocation  to  the  Virgin  is  followed  by  another 
to  Venus,  and  this  again  by  a  satire  on  the  immortality 
of  the  soul.  And  as  the  poem,  so  was  the  man.  He  was 
the  most  fantastic  and  light-hearted  of  mortals  :  a  sceptic 
brimming  over  with  irony  ;  a  lover  of  pleasure  and 
sensual  excess  ;  devoted  body  and  soul  to  Lorenzo,  and 
a  sharer  in  his  midnight  revels  and  in  all  lawful  and 
unlawful  amusements.  His  work  was  composed  at  the 
instance  of  Lucrezia  Tornabuoni,  the  mother  of  Lorenzo^ 
and  he  recited  it  at  the  Medici  table,  whert  v/me  flowed 
as  freely  as  verse. 

Besides  the  company  of  his  friends,  Lorenzo  aiso  gave 
much  time  to  the  society  of  artists,  taking  part  in  their 
pleasures  and  showing  a  singular  interest  in  their  strange 
adventures    and    characteristics.      He    was    not    able    to 


LORENZO  ENCOURAGES  THE  ARTS.  A9 

patronize  them  so  efficiently  as  Cosimo,  who  had  lavished 
treasures  on  the  building  and  decoration  of  churches  and 
palaces  ;  but  he  always  welcomed  them  with  smiles,  and 
helped  and  encouraged  them  by  every  means  at  the 
command  of  so  powerful  a  prince.  Had  he  done  nothing 
else  for  the  arts,  the  founding  of  the  garden  of  St.  Mark 
was  in  itself  a  most  praiseworthy  act.  This  enclosure  con- 
tained all  the  ancient  statues  and  fragments  of  sculpture  he 
had  been  able  to  collect,  together  with  the  designs  of  the 
best  masters,  and  he  opened  its  gates  to  all  students  of 
any  promise.  Here  Michelangelo  Buonarotti,  then  a  poor 
and  almost  unknown  youth,  made  his  first  essays  with 
the  chisel  and  enjoyed  the  hospitality  that  forms  one  of 
Lorenzo's  best  titles  of  merit.1 

As  yet  we  have  made  no  mention  of  the  man  who, 
more  than  all  the  rest,  may  be  designated  as  a  creature 
of  the  Medici.  This  was  Marsilio  Ficino,  the  friend  and 
instructor  of  Lorenzo,  and  head  of  the  famous  Platonic 
Academy,  whose  doctrines  were  then  universally  diffused, 
and  modified,  to  some  extent,  even  those  of  Savonarola. 
Of  this  Academy  and  its  founder  we  shall  speak  at  length 
in  the  ensuing  chapter. 

1  Apropos  to  this,  we  may  quote  an  English  book  :  "  The  Life  of 
Michael  Angelo  Buonarotti,  also  Memoirs  of  Savonarola,  Raphael, 
ttid  Vittoria  Colonna,"  by  John  S.  Harford,  2  vols.  London,  1857.  This 
Tvcrk  contains  many  particulars  of  Savonarola's  times  ;  but  although  the 
luthor  professes  different  political  views  from  those  of  Roscoe,  he  adopts 
'.he  latter's  literary  judgments,  which  are  often  exaggerated  and  occa- 
iionally  false.  Since  the  first  edition  of  our  biography,  many  valuable 
vorkb  on  Michelangiolo  have  appeared.  We  need  only  quote  that  of 
Springer,  "  Raffael  and  Michelangiolo."    Leipzig  :  Seemana,  1877-78. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


MARSILIO  FICISO  AND  THE   PLATONIC  ACADEMY. 


|  A  HE  Council   held  at   Florence  in   1439, 


Dgf     to    promote    the    union    of   the    Greek 
V^CO     and  Latin  Churches,  while  rendering  no 


service  to  religion  proved  very  beneficial 
<hffljp)  t0  letters.  Eor  the  representative  of 
s^-— O  the  Eastern  Church,  the  Emperor  John 
Paleologus,  arrived  from  Constantinople  with  many 
profoundly  learned  men  ill  his  train.  These  scholars, 
speaking  the  tongue  of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  at  that  time 
so  generally  studied  and  admired,  were  accordingly 
welcomed  everywhere  with  enthusiasm  and  treated  with 
a  respect  almost  amounting  to  worship. 

Giorgio  Scolari  1  and  Bessarion,  afterwards  a  convert 
to  Catholicism  and  ultimately  a  cardinal,  were  included 
in  the  band,  but  the  most  renowned  of  all  the  number 
was  Gemistos  Pletho,  who,  although  somewhat  unjustlv 
neglected  by  posterity,  was  then  esteemed  the  first  of 
Greek  philosophers.  He  might  have  been  a  contemporary 
of  the  sages  of  old,  for  so  admirable  were  his  writings 
that  it  was  difficult  for  the  best  philologists  to  distinguish 
them    from    those    of    the    brightest    period    of    Greciar 

1  Also  known  as  Gennadi  us. 


GEMISTO S  PLETHO.  5 , 

literature,  i     It  was  in  token  of  reverence  for  Plato  and 
profound  knowledge  of  his  doctrines  that  he  assumed  the 
name  of  Georgios  Gemistos  PJetho.     So  great,  indeed,  was 
his  passion  for  antiquity,  that,  in  his  frequent  discourses 
on    the    approach    of  a    religious  reform  when    a  single 
preacher  vyould  teach  a  single  doctrine  to  the  whole  world 
and  all  differences  of  creed  be  swept  away,  it  was  easy 
to  see  by  his  words  that   he  hoped  for  the  restoration  of 
the  Pagan  religion,  though  with  certain  modifications  in 
accordance    with    his    own    Neo-Platonic    beliefs.     His 
principal  work  "On   Laws,"  in  which  these  ideas  were 
enounced,  was  burnt  by  his  enemies,  after  his  death,  and 
only  a  few  fragments  of  it  survive.*     Here,  as  in  all  his 
other  writings,  the  religious  hopes  of  Gemistos  are  very 
clearly  expressed.      Yet— such   were    the    times— he  was 
chosen  to  represent  the  interests  of  the  Greek   Church, 
and  willingly  accepted  the  charge,  believing  this  Church 
to  be  less  hostile  than  the  Catholic  to  his  special  ideas 
which  were  already  finding  favour  in  Greece.     And  even 
in  Italy  he^  was  cordially  welcomed.     The  gravity  of  his 
manners,  his  vast  learning  and  advanced  age,  the  elegance 
of  his  writings  and  his  almost  Platonic  diction,  endued 

1  On  this  point  there  can  be  no  better  judge  than  Giacomo  Leopardi, 
who,  m  his  "  Discorso  in  proposito  di  una  orazione  Greca  di  G.  G.  Pletone 
e  traduzioni  della  medesima"  ("  Opere,"  voi.  ii.  p.  335.  Florence  : 
Le  Monnier,  1865),  deplores  the  oblivion  into  which  this  author  has 
fallen,  adding  that  his  writings  are  dictated  "with  such  abundance  and 
weight  of  authority,  with  so  much  sobriety,  power,  and  elevation  of  style, 
purity  and  refinement  of  language,  that  the  reader  is  tempted  to  pro- 
nounce Gemistos  the  equal,  in  all  save  antiquity,  of  the  great  Grecian 
writers  of  old.  And  this  was  the  verdict  of  the  learned  of  his  own  land 
in  his  own  age." 

Plèthon,  "Traité  des  Lois  ou  recueil  des  fragments,  en  partie  inédits, 
de  cet  ouvrage."  Paris  :  Didot,  1858.  The  Greek  text  was  collected 
by  A.  Alexandre,  translated  by  A.  Pellisier.  See  also  F.  Schultze, 
1  Geschichte  der  Philosophic  der  Renaissance,"  vol.  i.  Jena,  1S74.  This 
volume— the  only  one,  we  believe,  as  yet  published— is  entirely  devoted  to 
Gemistos  Pletho 


fi  !\S  uri:  A  xi)  t/m. 

him  with  un  authority  thi  .  •  could  contest     But  his 

P    ■  'Must  have  reaped  little  satisfaction 

in     !  ,    where    at     that    time     men     read     Aristotle 

and   Plato  with   equal    avidity,  without    noting,  aln 

thout    perceii  lifferencc    between    th 

After  having  so  long  studied  the  Aristotelian  philosophy 

h    the    help  or   its  Arabian    commentators,  the   Italians 
of    the   fifteenth    century    at    last    ;  ;     the    original 

rk9  both  of  Aristotle  and  Plato.  But,  as  yet,  they 
ed  from  one  to  the  other  without  making  any  dis- 
tinction between  them.  Learned  students  were  then 
wholly  absorbed  in  struggling  with  the  difficulties  of  the 
language  and  its  interpretation;  all  discussion  turned 
upon  points  of  grammar  or  philology;  and  philosophic 
learning  had  not  yet  come  into  existence.  But  it  was 
about  to  arise,  and  could  not  fail  to  turn  in  favour 
of  Plato,  on  account  of  the  greater  ease  with  which  his 
doctrines  could  be  brought  into  harmony  with  the 
Christian  creed.1 

It  was  Gemistos  who  suddenly  started  the  question  in  the 
field  of  philosophy  by  his  pamphlet  u  De  Platonica  atque 
Aristoteliae  philosophic  differentia."2  Here,  after  marshal- 
ling the  respective  claims  of  the  two  philosophers  with 
much  keenness  and  penetration,  he  decided  all  points  in 
favour  of  Plato.  This  caused  a  mighty  quarrel  among  the 
Greeks,  in  which  the  Italians  took  part  ;  and  thus  arose  the 
two  parties  of  Aristotelians  and  Platonists  who  disputed 
with  a  fierceness  that  is  well-nigh  incredible  at  the  present 
day  Giorgio  Scolari  and  Teodoro  Gaza,  both  GretKs 
of  the  Aristotelian  camp,  were  the  first  to  contradict 
Gemistos,   the  one  with   irony,   the  other   with   violence. 

1  Tiraboschi,  "Storia  della  Letteratura";  Bruckeri,  "  H  istoria  Philo- 
sophise."    Leipzig,  1743. 

a    Basilea?,  1574.      There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Marucellian  Library  of 
Florence. 


ARISTOTELIANS  AND  PLATO  NI  STS 

Thereupon  Bessarion,  their  adversary's  disciple    took  up 
the    pen,  defending    his  master  in  an  anonymous  letter 
m  which    he>  sought    to   reduce  the    dispute  to  a   more 
peaceful  footing.     But,  unfortunately,  he  let  it  be  known 
that    he    considered    Teodoro    Gaza    superior    in    learn 
ing  to  Trapezuntios,i  another  Greek,  then  in  Florence 
The    latter   was    a    violent,  presumptuous   man,    rough- 
mannered,  and  exceedingly  touchy.      He  immediately  took 
up  the  gauntlet  with  a  fierceness  that  was  surprising  to  all 
In  spite  of  being  an  Aristotelian,  he  assailed  both  camps 
with    equal  violence  ;    styled   them   non  philosophos  sed 
philotenebras,  and  added  all  sorts  of  scurrilous  abuse  ;  and 
then,  not  content  with  outraging  the  living,  finally  heaped 
insults  on  the  dead.2     According  to  him,  Plato  had  been 
addicted  to  every  vice— to  gluttony,  lust,  and  all  kinds  of 
excesses  ;  was  devoid  of  truth,  dignity,  or  sense  of  honour, 
and  so  on.     This  unseemly,  indecent,  and  untruthful  lan- 
guage naturally  roused  the  disgust  of  honest  men,  and 
Trapezuntios  found  himself  censured  and  forsaken  by  all. 
But  this  had  no  effect  upon  him  ;  and,  persisting  in  the 
same  course,  he  passed  his  closing  years  in  an  unhappiness 
that  roused  compassion  in  none. 

Meanwhile  Bessarion  had  been  engaged  on  a  great  work, 
entitled  "  In  Calumniatorem  Platonis,"  3  and  brought  it 
out  when  the  strife  was  at  the  hottest.  After  triumphantly 
vindicating  the  great  philosopher's  good  fame,  he  proceeded 
to  show  that  the  divergences  between  his  doctrines  and  those 

1  Likewise  known  by  the  name  of  George  of  Trebizonde,  the  birthplace 
of  his  parents.     He  was  a  native  of  Crete. 

Comparationes  philosophorum  Aristotelis  et  Platonis."      Venetiis 
1523. 

3  He  brought  out  two  treatises,  one  of  which  ("  De  Natura  et  arte  ad- 
versus  Georgium  Trapezuntium  cretensem  ")  recounted  the  whole  history 
of  the  quarrel  ;  while  the  other  ("  In  Calumniatorem  Platonis")  treated  at 
length  the  philosophic  part  of  the  question.  In  the  folio  edition  of  this 
work  (Venetns  :  in  aedibus  Aldi  et  Andreae  Soceri,  mdxvi.)  the  first  treatise 
is  added  to  the  second  and  incorporated  in  the  same  book. 


;  ini'  AND 

e,  were  :  many 
had  -        it  to  prove1  i  Hellenic  Aristotle,2  he  con- 
cluded,              and   v  old  be  brought   into  accord   with 
to:  this  had  Ik-  .  by  the  Alexandri 

that  ht  also  be  accomplished  by  the  Italians  of  the 

enth  centi  Thus  the  non  was  resumed  < 

more   orderly  and    courteous    basis  ;    and    the   philosophy 
always   known   tS  the    Platonic — although   in   reality  N 
Platonic  or  Alexandrian — finally  triumphed  in  Florence. 
The  tradition   of   it  had  always  been   kept  alive  in  ( 
and  was  now  transplanted  to  Italy  by  its  latest  support 

But  the  most  noteworthy  fact  in  this  philosophic  Strife 
was  the  point  on  which  the  whole  dispute  hinged.  Gemis- 
tos  maintained  that  both  Plato  and  Aristotle  are  agreed 
that  the  operations  of  Nature  have  a  definite  aim  ;  but, 
reas  Plato  insists  that  Nature  works  with  a  purpose 
{consulto  agii) — i.e.,  that  there  is  a  spirit  or  essence  in 
Nature  conscious  of  the  aim  she  has  in  view — Aristotle 
compares  Nature  to  a  labourer,  who,  having  once  learnt 
his  trade,  continues  to  work  mechanically  [non  consulto), 
though  always  for  a  definite  end.  And  according  to 
Gemistos,  the  great  superiority  of  the  Platonic  idea  con- 
sisted in  this  :  that  Nature  being  the  art  of  God,  is  vastly 
superior  to  the  art  of  man  ;  in  Nature  the  hand  and  spirit 
of  God  are  ever  present,  and  although  man  may  sometimes 
act  by  habit,  God  always  acts  by  supreme  reason  alone. 
The  question,  however  drily  and  confusedly  expressed,  was 
one  of  the  deepest  gravity.  It  sought  to  decide  whether 
Nature  works  by  reason  or  by  chance  ;  whether,  in  short, 
Nature  be  the  manifestation  of  the  Divine  and  universal 
spirit,  informing  and  ruling  the  world,  or  merely  the  blind 

*  For  information  concerning  Bessarion,  the  reader  may  refer  to  Henri 
Vast,  "  Le  Cardinal  Bessarion  "  (1403-1472)  ;  M  Etude  sur  la  Chrétienté  et 
la  Renaissance."     Paris:  Hachette,  1878. 

a  Aristotle  in  the  original  Greek  was  always  so  called,  in  contradis- 
tinction to  the  versions  of  the  commentators  and  bad  translations. 


ORIGIN  01  THE  PLATONIC  ACADEMY.  55 

effect  of  the  laws  of  matter.  That  Gemistos  Pletho,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  should  not  only  have  been  able  to  suddenly 
transport  Italian  scholarship  into  the  field  of  philosophy, 
but  also  to  concentrate  it  upon  a  question  of  vital  impor- 
tance, proved  him  to  be  possessed  of  great  philosophic 
insight.  Nor  was  it  less  remarkable  that  his  learned 
contemporaries  should  have  so  quickly  appreciated  the 
importance  of  the  question  and  contested  its  grounds  with 
so  much  zeal.1 

When  Gemistos  witnessed  the  ardour,  tempered  by 
sobriety,  with  which  Bessarion  and  his  former  pupil  in 
Greece  championed  the  Platonic  ideas,  and  saw  that  these 
were  triumphing  in  Florence,  he  entirely  withdrew  from 
the  discussion  and  sought  some  more  effective  way  of  dif- 
fusing and  making  them  permanent.  Having  a  singular 
gift  of  inspiring  others  with  his  own  reverence  for  Plato, 
he  accordingly  sought  the  acquaintance  of  Cosimo  de' 
Medici,  plied  him  with  many  arguments,  gained  his  atten- 
tion, and  finally  succeeded  in  rousing  the  enthusiasm  of 
that  powerful  ruler.  Then,  when  he  saw  that  he  had 
kindled  a  passion  for  the  new  ideas,  he  went  a  step  farther 
and  communicated  to  Cosimo  his  cherished  plan  of  estab- 
lishing in  Florence  a  revival  of  the  ancient  Academy  that 
had  won  so  much  glory  for  Greece  and  been  of  so  much 
service  in  the  propagation  of  the  Platonic  method. 
Cosimo  was  enchanted  with  the  plan,  took  it  up  warmly 
and  set  to  work  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  the  famous  Platonic  Academy  that  throughout 
the  century  had  so  much  influence  on  the  progress  of 
philosophy.2 

1  Gemisti  Pletonis,  "De  Platonica  atque  Aristotelirc  philosophic 
differentia  "  ;  Bessarionis,  "  In  Calumniatorem  Platonis  "  ;  Trapezuntii, 
"  Comparationes  philosophorum  Aristotelis  et  Platonis." 

a  The  origin  of  this  Academy  is  narrated  by  Ficino  in  the  dedicatory 
letter  affixed  to  his  Latin  translation  of  Plotinus.  Vide  Ficini,  "  Opera." 
Basilea?,  1576.     Two  vols,  in  folio. 


N  IA  <  >.    vò  uà  r  .ì 

Vhc  triumph   o(    his   doctrines   being   thu  tred, 

returned   to  Peloponnesus  in  order  to  pass  his 
■   inquillity.    But  his  enemi 
him  n<  ced  him  to  continue-  the  strii 

5<  Sarins  who  had  been  among  the  first  to  opi 
him  in  Florence,  and  was  now  made  Patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople,  carried  on   the    warfare  more  fiercely  than  ever. 
W  ith  the  zeal  of  a  fanatic,  he  harassed  Gemistos,  during  his 
life,  by  charges  of  heresy  and  unbelief;   after  the   philoso- 
pher's death,  tried  to  blacken  his  fime  in  every  way,  and 
finally   cast    into    the  flames  his    manuscript  work  «  On 
Laws,"   which  was    thus  irretrievably   lost  to  the  world. 
Nevertheless    the   name  of  Gemistos   Pletho  was  greatly 
ned   iti  Italy,  and  so  much  love  and  veneration  felt 
him    personally,   that  in   1465,   fifteen   years  after   his 
death,  Sigismund  Malatesta  carried  off  his  remains  during 
the  war  in  Morea,  and  brought  them  to  Rimini  as  sacred 
relics.    They  lie  buried  in  that  city  in  a  marble  sarcophagus, 
inscribed  to  the  memory  of  the  "  Prince  of  philosophers 
and  learned  men,"1   outside  the  church  of  San  Francesco, 
that,  thanks  to  the  gold  of  Malatesta  and  the  genius  of 
Leon  Battista  Alberti,  is  one  of  the  noblest  gems  of  the 
Italian  Renaissance. 

At  that  time  Savonarola  had  not  yet  completed  his 
fourteenth  year.  But  what  must  he  have  thought  on 
hearing  of  the  funeral  honours  paid,  at  the  gates  of  a 
church  dedicated  to  St.  Francis,  to  one  who  had  hoped  in 
the  revival  of  Paganism  ?  What,  too,  must  he  have  felt 
on  learning  that  the  most  splendid  chapel  in  the  church 
itself  enshrined  the  monument  (Divae  Isottce  Sacrum) 
erected  to  her  who,   before  being  the  wife,  was  long   the 


1  u 


Temisthn  Bizantn.  phiiosophor  (urn)  sua  temp,  (estate)  principis  re- 
liquum  Sig.  (ismundusj  Pan.  (dulfus)  Mal.  (atesta)  Pan.  (dulfi)  F.  (ilius) 
belli  Pelop.  (onnesiaci)  adversus.  Turcor.  (urn)  regem.  Imp.  (erator)  ob- 
in-entem.  eruditorum.  quo  flagrat.  amorem.  hue.  onerendum.  introqus 
mutendum.  curavit.     MCCCCLXV." 


li 'S/  l/f 

't'f  m. 


"/'/  '/'/'/'//'///SBBUÈ 


I 
I 


SIGISMONDO  MAL  ATESTA. 


57 


concubine  of  that  bloodthirsty,  sacrilegious  adulterer, 
Sigismondo  Malatesta  ?  The  whole  temple,  indeed,' 
would  seem  to  be  dedicated  to  him,  to  his  Isotta,  and  the 
deity  of  the  Gentiles,  rather  than  to  the  Virgin  or  the  God 
of  the  Christians.  This  was  certainly  in  accordance  with 
the  Renaissance  spirit,  and  the  elegant  architecture  of  the 
building  was  deemed  all  the  more  worthy  of  praise.     But 


LEON  BATTISTA  ALBERTI. 


although  the  world  might  laud  the  name  of  the  blood- 
stained, sceptical  Maecenas,  whom  a  passion  for  ancient 
art  had  urged  to  this  profanation  of  a  Christian  church, 
these  were  the  views,  these  the  men,  whereby  the  fire  of 
Savonarola's  wrtah  was  kindled. 

But  to  return  to  Gemistos.     It  is  an  undoubted  fact 
that,  owing  to  the  decline  of  Greek    studies  among  us,  his 


•i    uni  I    to    < 

*'■  Plat  mie  philo 

ofhon  test 

bei  :    I:  .:  ;uvc.1 

v  &«  had   I  left   Morene-,  than  Cosimo 

■  Platonic  Academy  could  nor  possibly 

flouri  thout   some   ruling  spirit  at   its  hea         He 

^  l   the  son  of  his   own   medical   atten- 

int,  a  vouth  of  marvc  promise,  born  in    1433,  and 

named   Marsilio  Ficino.     In  his   ardour  for  knowled 

th  ig  Rcino  had  already  devoured  Plato's  philosophy, 

and  written  voluminous  works  upon  it,  while  still  in  his 
lis.-  Now,  spurred  by  Cosimo,  he  applied  himself  to 
the  study  of  Greek,  diligently  reading  the  great  philoso- 
pher in  the  original,  making  commentaries  on  his  works, 
and  preparing  for  their  complete  translation.  And  to 
s  day,  notwithstanding  the  progress  achieved  in 
Hellenic  philology,  Ficino's  excellent  version  still  keeps 
its  place  in  the  public  esteem. 

The    young    student's   veneration   for    the   philosopher 

1  Giacomo  Leopardi  makes  an  effort  to  vindicate  the  fame  of  Gemistos 
in  the  same  "  Discorso  "  from  which  we  have  before  quoted.  "If  the 
fame  of  Georgios  Gemistos  Pletho,  of  Constantinople,  has  passed  away 
simply  for  this  reason,  that  human  celebrity,  as  indeed  may  be  said  of  all 
human  things,  depends  rather  on  fortune  than  merit,  ...  it  is  certain  that 
Gemistos  had  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  beautiful  minds  of  his  time, 
i.e.,  of  the  fifteenth  century.  He  lived  in  honour  in  his  native  land  ;  and 
then  as  a  survivor  of  his  country  and  of  his  Grecian  (or,  as  he  said,  Roman) 
name,  was  welcomed  and  held  dear  in  Italy,  .  .  .  gained  a  splendid 
reputation  in  his  new  country,  and  likewise  in  all  other  parts  of  Europe 
where  literary  studies  were  then  diffused.''  G.  G.  Pletho  was  born  in 
Constantinople  (1355;,  and  died  in  the  Peloponnesus  (1450),  aged  about 
95  years.  Constantinople  had  not  then  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Turks;  therefore  Leopardi  was  inaccurate  in  saying  that  Pletho  "sur- 
vived his  own  country  and  his  Greek  (he  said  Roman)  name."  Vide 
Schultze,  op.  cit.,  p.  106. 

■  In  riper  years  he  condemned  these  works  to  the  flames. 


FICINVS  PASSION  FOR  STUDY.  59 

reached  so  idolatrous  a  pitch  that  it  was  publicly  asserted 
that,  although  a  Canon  of  St.  Lorenzo  and  the  champion 
of  Christian  philosophy,  he  kept  a  lamp  burning  before 
Plato's  bust.  Soon  extending  his  studies  over  the  entire 
field  of  ancient  literature,  he  eagerly  devoured  the  works 
of  every  sage  of  old.  Aristotelians,  Platonists,  Alexan- 
drians, he  read  them  all  with  untiring  zeal.  He  sought 
out  the  remains  of  Confucius  and  Zoroaster  ;  he  studied 
the  Book  of  Genesis  ;  he  leapt  from  one  age  to  another, 
from  this  system  to  that,  almost  unconsciously  :  in  his 
overflowing  enthusiasm  for  ancient  lore,  all  was  grist  to 
his  mill.  At  one  time  the  learned  world  had  sworn  by 
Aristotle  alone,  but  now  extended  its  faith  to  all  the 
ancients.  This  was  undoubtedly  a  token  of  advance; 
and  the  controversy  between  the  Platonists  and  Aristo- 
telians was  in  itself  an  indication  of  the  approaching 
triumph  of  reason.1  But  the  day  of  victory  had  not 
arrived.  Philosophy  had  first  to  range  the  whole  field  or 
antiquity,  and  assimilate  results,  before  becoming  conscious 
of  its  own  independence. 

Ficino  was  so  completely  absorbed  by  his  feverish 
passion  for  study,  that  he  became  a  species  of  living 
dictionary  of  ancient  philosophy,  and  his  works  are  practi- 
cally an  encyclopaedia  of  all  the  philosophic  doctrines  of 
his  time.  He  was  also  versed  in  natural  science,  and  had 
received  some  training  in  medicine  from  his  father. 
Nevertheless   these  studies  failed  to  give   him   habits  of 

1  In  Gibbon's  "  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  "  we  find  the 
following  just  remark:  "So  equal,  yet  so  opposite,  are  the  merits  of 
Plato  and  Aristotle,  that  they  may  be  balanced  in  endless  controversy  ; 
but  some  spark  of  freedom  may  be  produced  by  the  collision  of  adverse 
servitude."  The  closing  pages  of  chapter  bevi,  of  this  work  are  full  of 
important  details  and  remarks  on  the  character  and  learning  of  the 
Greeks  who  emigrated  to  Italy.  Recently,  however,  the  works  of 
Burckhardt  ("Die  Renaissance  in  Italien")  and  Voigt  ("  Die  Wieder- 
belebungdes  classischen  Alterthums  ")  have  thrown  new  light  on  th# 
classic  revival  in  Italy. 


6o  5  /.//•/'  A.M)    TIM 

)v-         ntand  ind  ration.     Neither  hit  own 

whole   of  nature,  nor  the  conscious! 
humanity,  sufficed  :•         le  him  to  the  discovery  of  tr 
Hfe  v--  never  i  :  until  he  could  verify  resulta  by 

to    Plato,    Or    even    to   s^nic   ancient    sceptic    or 

I  here  is   a  little   work    by    Ficino   on    the   Christian 
iigion,    that,    although    of    small    intrinsic    importance, 

us  the  best  notion  of  the  strange  jumble  of 
in   his   brain.1      In  order  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of 
Christ's  teachings  and  His  Divine  mission,  we  find  him 
;inning  with  these  words  : 

IC The  coming  of  Christ  was  frequently  prophesied  by 
the  Sybils  ;  the  verses  in  which  Virgil  foretold  it  are  known 
to  all.      l'Iato,  on  being  asked  how  long  the  precepts  of  his 
philosophy   would   endure,   replied  :   Until    the  coming   of 
him   by   whom   the  source  of  all   truth  will   be  unsealed. 
Porphyry  says  in  his  responses  : — The  Gods  declared  Christ 
to  be  highly  pious  and  religious,  and  affirmed  that  he  was 
immortal,  testifying  of  him  very  benignanti)?'1    Nearly  the 
whole    of  the    work    is  based    upon    similar    arguments. 
Therefore,  according  to  him,  the  testimony  of  the  Sybils, 
of  Virgil,  and  of  Plato,  was  needed  to  prove  the  truth  of 
the  Christian  religion  ;   together  with  Porphyry's  assurance 
that  the  Gods  had  kindly   born  testimony  to  Jesus  Christ  ! 
Such  was  the  mind  of   Marsilio  Ficino,    such    were    his 
studies  !     He  was  the  incarnation  of  the  general  spirit  of 
gladness   aroused  throughout  Europe  by  the  discovery   of 
the  treasures  of  antiquity,  and  his  mind  was  so  thoroughly- 
saturated   with  learning  as  to   become  incapable  of  inde- 
pendent thought.      We  find  him  naively  confessing  to  his 
friends,  that  in   composing  his  great  work  on  "Platonic 
Theology,"  he  had  at   first   intended   to   write  it  from  a 

•     "  DcHa  Religione  Cristiana."    Florence  :  The  Giunti  Press,  1568. 


FICINOS  WORK  ON  "PLATONIC  THEOLOGY."    Ci 

purely  pagan  point  of  view,  and  only  decided  after  mature 
consideration  on  making  it  accord  with  Christianitv.1 

This  was  Ficino's  principal  work,2  in  which  he  sought 
to  marshal  all  his  doctrines,  in  a  certain  logical  and  syste- 
matic form.  But  no  one  must  expect  to  find  in  it  any 
genuine  philosophical  unity.  None  existed  in  the  author's 
mind,  and  all  his  writings  take  the  shape  of  lengthy  disser- 
tations, here  and  there  interrupted  and  confused  by  a  crowd 
of  secondary  ideas  gleaned  from  a  host  of  different  writers, 
Neither  scientific  unity  nor  logical  sequence  of  thought  is 
to  be  found  in  his  works.  We  do  not  even  find  the  ele- 
gance of  style  that  might  well  be  expected  from  an  author 
who  spent  his  whole  life  in  the  study  of  Greek  literature. 
So  true  is  it  that  genuine  elegance  is  only  born  of  clear  and 
precise  ideas,  and  by  a  spontaneous  development  of  thought 
that  had  been  stifled  in  the  mind  of  Ficino. 

Nevertheless,  in  the  history  of  science,  more  especially 
in  that  of  philosophy,  there  is  a  special  unity  to  be  found, 
a  vitality  appertaining  rather  to  science  itself  than  to  its 
followers,  that  makes  steady  progress  and  cleaves  its  way 
through  all  difficulties  opposed  to  it  by  the  incapacity  of 
its  exponents.  The  quarrel  of  the  Platonists  with  the 
Aristotelians  had  already  concentrated  philosophy  upon  a 
vital  point,  and  thus  Ficino  was  obliged  to  collect  his  ideas 
and  arrange  them,  almost  unconsciously  to  himself,  in  some 
sort  of  unity  and  system.  In  what  manner  does  Nature 
operate  ?  This  was  the  question  then  asked  by  all 
philosophers  ;  rather  perhaps  because  it  was  the  theme  of 
the  great  controversy,  than  from  any  real  appreciation 
of  its  importance.  Ficino,  although  a  Platonist,  would 
have  preferred  either  to  agree  with  both  parties,  or  keep 
silence  altogether.     This,  however,  was  impossible  ;   he  was 

1  Bruckeri,    "Hist."  &c.  ;    "  Marsilii  Ficini  Vita,"    auctore  Johanne 
Corsio,  published  by  Ang.  Mar.  Bandini. 

2V   Marsilii  Ficini,  ""Opera."      Basiled    1576. 


»n  out  the  subject  and  ,; 
r*n  "  I  Piatemi* 

!    which   all 
tions  were  ne  ,Upcd. 

w   he   tells  us    is  animated   by  a   countli 
:  water,  earth, plants,  sti  ,1  light,  have 

c:l,ch  *  or  soul  of  its  own.     'I  hese  souls  arc 

all  rational  and  immortal,  but  inseparable  from  their  outer 
form  :  they  compel  Nature  to  eternal  motion  by  passing 
through  successive  transformations  ;  by  them  water  spon- 
taneo;  merates  animals,  the  earth  vegetation,  the  stars 

m   perfect  order,   and   all  nature   is  guided  by  the 
I  terna)  Reason.     But  do  these  souls  correspond  with  the 
i  of  Plato,  or  the  form  of  Aristotle  ?     With  both,  said 
h:cmo.     According  to  Plato,  matter  exists  in   so  far' as  it 
corresponds  with  an  idea  ;  according  to  Aristotle,  in  so  far 
as  it  is  possessed  of  a  form.     But  the  latter  recognizes  in 
all   things  one    primary  form  that  also  predominates    in 
individual  things.     This  form  is  not  substantially  different 
from  the  idea  or  Plato,  and  both  are  one  with  the  rational 
soul   or  third  essence.       It  was  in  this    way  that   Ficino 
sought  to  bring  Plato  and  Aristotle  into  agreement. 

Ì  his  infinite  host  of  souls  or  third  essences  is  divided  into 
twelve  orders,  according  to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac  • 
they  have  a  mutual  correspondence,  and  are  all  mirrored 
in  the  soul  of  man,  who  is  almost  the  microcosm  of  all 
creation.     Hence,  all  the  souls  of  nature  can  act  upon  the 
soul  of  man,    inasmuch   as   an  intercorrespondence  exists, 
and  this  consequently  explains  to  us  the  influence  of  the 
stars.     If  the  planet  Mars,  in  a  certain  position,  can  exer- 
cise influence  over  a  man,  it  is  because  the  martial  spirits, 
into   which  vigour  is  infused  by  the   planet,  are  already 
existent  in  him.     If  some  stone  or  herb  excites  one  passion 
in  us  and  extinguishes  another,  this  is  because  the  third 
essence  of  such  stone  or  herb  finds  in  our  soul  the  corre- 


SUPERSTITION  OF  THE  AGE. 


63 


spondent  or  opposite  passion.  Thus  the  philosophy  of 
Ficino  confirmed  all  the  prejudices  of  his  age,  from'  the 
which  prejudices  he  was  by  no  means  exempt.  In  fact  he 
ascribed  his  habitual  melancholy  to  the  influence  of  Saturn.1 
He  always  wore  a  great  number  of  amulets,  continually 
changing  them  to  suit  the  condition  of  his  mind,  and  in 
his  tractate  u  De  vita  coelitus  comparanda,"2  he  gave  a  com- 
plete account  of  the  influences  of  stars,  stones,  and  beasts, 
and  descanted  on  the  occult  virtues  of  the  agate  and  topaz^ 
of  vipers'  fangs,  lions'  claws,  and  so  on. 


MARSILIO   FICINO. 


Nor  were  these  ideas  peculiar  to  Ficino.  They  were 
characteristic  of  an  age  in  which,  as  we  have  said,  similar 
beliefs  were  gaining  fresh  strength  and  daily  becoming 
more  diffused.  Whether  the  Greeks  had  imported  them 
from  the  East,  or  because,  in  the  general  absence  of  assured 
faith  and  genuine  science,  men's  minds  were  peculiari v 
disposed  to  superstition,  it  is  certain  that  the  most  earnest 
thinkers  of  the  day  were  entirely  under  their  influence. 
Without  strength  or  courage  to  think  for  themselves,  they 


1  This  we  learn  from  his  Epistola?,  particularly  from  those  in  Book  1 1 1 
*  Lugduni,  1567.     It  forms  the  principal  part  of  his  work  "  De  Vita.'' 


64 

edily  pursued  vain  in  Alchemy,  judi- 

,  and  every  other  occult  sciencej  were  a 
at   the   Uni\  ind  in   the 

All  nature  appean         teem  with  hid 
rits  holding  converse  wit 
All   men,  and    I:  in  particular,  \\ 

by  presentiments  of  Btrange  events,  mighty  changes,  and 
overwhelming  misfortunes.  There  were  many  rumour.1, 
too.  of  the  alterations  and  reforms  about  to  take  place  in 
religion.  We  have  seen  how  Pletho  looked  forward  to  the 
triumph  of  the  Gods  of  Olympus  ;  and  we  find  the  grave 
and  learned  Landino  drawing  the  horoscope  of  religion,  and 
arguing  from  the  conjuction  of  Jupiter  and  Saturn  that  the 
25th  November,  [484,  would  be  the  date  of  a  mighty 
reform  in  the  Christian  faith.1  It  was  an  age  of  doubt 
and  superstition,  of  icy  indifference  and  strange  exaltation. 
Italians  incapable  of  drawing  sword  in  defence  of  their 
country  willingly  braved  a  thousand  dangers  in  search  of  a 
manuscript  ;  and  believed  in  spirits,  while  doubting  the 
existence  of  a  God.  In  fact  Niccolò  Machiavelli  said  that 
he  thought  "  the  air  to  be  full  of  spirits,  who,  in  com- 
passion to  mortals,  gave  warning  by  means  of  evil  omens 
of  the  ills  about  to  befall  them."  2  And  Francesco  Guicci- 
ardini likewise  affirmed  the  existence  of  M  aerial  spirits, 
namely  those  holding  familiar  converse  with  men,  inas- 
much as  I  have  witnessed  such  an  experience  of  this  as  to 
make  it  appear  most  certain."  3  Accordingly  Marsilio 
Ficino  merely  referred  to  antiquity  in  support  of  the 
strange  beliefs  of  his  age  ;  and  the  Neo-Platonic  philo- 
sophy was  marvellously  suited  to  that  end. 

1  Niccolò  della  Magna,*4  Commento  Alla  Divina  Commcaia."  Florenc  -, 
1481.  See  in  particular  the  passage  interpreting  the  "Veltro  allegorico." 
It  has  been  noticed  à  firopos  to  this  date,  that  Martin  Luther  was  born 
in  the  month  of  November,  1483,  or,  according  to  some  authorities,  1484. 

8  "  Discorsi,"  bk.  i.  chap.  xvi. 

2  "  Ricordi  politici  e  civili,"  Rie  rio  eexi. 


FICINO' S  NEO-PLATONIC  PHILOSOPHY.  oS 

According  to  Ficino,  we  have  to  recognize  two  souls  in 
man — namely,  first,  the    sensitive    soul   or   third  essence, 
inseparable  from  the  body  and  subjecting  the  body,  after 
death,   to    the    eternal    transformations    of  matter  ;    and 
secondly,  the    mind,    or    intellectual    soul,   which  'is    the 
Divine   breath  of  life,  imparted  to   man  by  his  Creator. 
This  soul  is  our  spiritual  and  universal  nature,  is  a  micro- 
cosm of  all  creation,  and  in  contact  with  all  other  souls. 
Consequently,  while  drawn  to  earthly  cares,  subject  to  the 
passions,  and  full  of  sorrow  and  misery,  it  can  rise  to  the 
contemplation    of  celestial   things  ;    can    see    beyond    the 
present,   prophesy   the    future,    and,  rapt  in  ecstasy,  can 
behold  the  blessed  vision  of  Deity.     This  vision,  granted 
to  Plotinus  and  Porphyry,  constitutes  the  highest  felicity 
attainable    on    earth  ;    it    is   the    image   of  the    beatitude 
awaiting  us  on  High.     But,  what  is  the  Supreme  Being 
^  according  to  Ficino  ?     It  is  Unity.     To  him,  as  to  all  the 
Neo-Platonists,  perfection  consists  in  The  One  ;  therefore 
the  Deity  is   essentially  One,  or  indeed  Unity  itself.     It 
might  also  be  said  that  God  is  Mind  ;  only  that  would 
entail  the  conclusion  that  in  Him  mind  is  soul  and  body  at 
the  same  time.     But  as  the  Creator  could  not  deign  to 
come  into  contact  with  Nature,  He  has  surrounded  His 
throne  with  angels,  immortal  and  rational  beings,  by  whose 
means    the    creation    has    been*  effected    of  all   the  third 
essences  confided  to  their  charge.     Thus  from  the  Supreme 
Being  is  emanated  an  infinite  series  of  souls,  of  whom  one- 
half  is  created   and   governed  by  the  other.     The  Lord 
infused  His  Divine  breath  into  man  alone,  willing  him  to 
be  the  work  of  His  own  hands,  and  made  in  His  own 
likeness.      For  this  reason,   concludes  Ficino,   the   centre 
point  of  the  human  mind  is  the  point  of  sublime  contact 
between  the  Creator  and  the  created.1 

1  This  exposition  of  Ficino's  doctrines  is  entirely  derived  from  his 
"  Theologia  Platonica." 

6 


WON  ARO  LAS  LIFE  AND  TIMI 

■  \         '    doctrines  :  namely, 

\  o  Platonic  theories  ;  an  amalgamation, 

•  all  antiquity  with  the  Alexandrian  school, 

h  Christianity  by  means  of  fan- 

•ul    puerile    device.      Platonic   ideas,   Aris- 
rms,  third  esser.  ITS,  heathen  gods,  and  the 

the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  were  to  be  united 
i   single   conception   of  a   loftier   kind.      But    this    new 
com  was    beyond   the    powers   of  Marsilio   Kicino. 

11.     had    only    a   confused    feeling   that    the    Pagan    and 
Christian    philosophies    might   be    brought    into    harmony 
and    cease    to    contradict   each   other.       This   was   a    need 
stroncrlv  felt   by  his  age,  and  consequently  his  doctrines, 
although    void    of    all    intrinsic    philosophic    worth,    all 
originality  and  all   organic  unity,   have  an   historic  value 
as  an   expression  of   the  general   sentiment    by  one  who 
shared  it.     And  notwithstanding  the  defects  of  his  works, 
b'icino  undoubtedly  promoted  the  cause  of  science,  aiding 
its  advance  almost  unconsciously,  and,  as  it  were,  against 
his  will.     When  he  said  :  The  sea  has  a  third  essence  of  its 
own,  rivers  another,  stones  again  another,  and  so  forth; 
but  there  is  a  third  essence  still  more  general,  constituting 
the  soul  of  our  whole  planet;  even  as  in  all  things  there  is 
one  form  dominating  the  form  of  individual  things  ; — he 
was  then,  unknown  to  himself,  clearing  the  way  for  the  first 
independent  and  original  philosopher  that  Italy  possessed. 
For  what  did  Giordano  Bruno  achieve,  when,  on  the  wings 
of  novel  speculation,  he  took  the  sublime  and  daring  flight 
that  led  to  his  tragic  end  ?     He  merely  united  in  a  single 
soul  the  numerous  souls  of  Ficino.     This,  he  said,  is  the 
soul  of  the  world — mind,  body,  and  soul  in  one  ;  God  and 
nature  at  the  same  time,  manifested  in  infinite  ways  and 
infinite  worlds;  unrestricted  by  any  limits  of  time  or  of 
space  :   in  this  soul  all  opposed  terms  are   brought  into 
accordance.     Having  once  attained  to  the  conception  of 


FANATICISM  OF  THE  FLORENTINE  ACADEMY.  67 

this  new  and  supreme  Unity,  Bruno  gave  free  vent  to  his 
pagination;    the  v.v.d    force  of  his"  speculative   gen 
broke  through  the  servile  traditions  of  the  Platonic  school 
and,  full  of  «  heroic  fury,"  he  soared  into  the  free  heaven 
of  science,  where  his  star  will  shine  for  ever  with  a  special 
light  of  its  own.  special 

Bruno,  however,  was  only  born  in  the  following  renturv 
and  Ficino  never  dreamt  that  he  was  hewing  a  path  for  a 
mind  audacious  enough  to  declare  war  against  the  adored 
antiquity  in  whose  cause  his  whole  life  had  been  spent 

Besides  his  two  great  works— the  translation  of  Plato 
and  the  «Theologia  Platonica  "—Marsilio  Ficino  produced 
innumerable   translations   from    the  Alexandrian  writers 
tractates   epistles,  and  orations.     He  gave  public  lectures 
in  the  Florentine  school  (studio)  ;  was  the  instructor  of 
three  generations  of  the  Medici  House,  i.e.,  of  Cosimo 
nero    and  Lorenzo  ;  and  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
new  Academy,  which,   under  his  rule,  at  last  began   to 
flourish,  to   the   great   contentment   of  its    patrons   and 
approbation  ot    the   public.     When,  later,   Lorenzo   de' 
Medici  honoured  its  sittings  by  his  presence  and  took  an 
animated  part  in  its  debates,  an  infinite  number  of  learned 
men    hastened    to    solicit    the    privilege    of  joining    the 
Academy.     They  used   to  read  Plato's  Dialogues,  some 
of  the  members  taking  the  parts   of  the  various  inter- 
locutors, commenting  and  supporting  their  arguments  in 
order  to  prove  that  Christianity  was  taught  in  them  by 
means  of  strange  and  subtle  allegories.     The  Academicians 
also   delivered  lengthy  Latin  orations,  and   in   these  the 
vastness   of   Ficino's   learning  was   always   triumphantly 
displayed,  and  Lorenzo's  fluent  versatility  gained  heartv 
applause.     The  27th  November,  the  supposed  anniversary 
of  Plato's  birth  and  death,  and  that  had  always  been  cele- 
brated with  solemn  rites  by  the  Neo-Platonists  of  antiquity, 
was  observed  almost  as  a  religious  festival  by  the  Fiorai-' 


68  SAVOA  TS  Un  Aim  TIMES. 

e  Academicians.     Crowning  the  bust  of  the  immortal 
phil  i  laurel,  they  enshrined  it  in  a  place  or 

honour  and  hailed   it  with   pi  and   hvmns.      By  sonic, 

fanaticism  even  went  to  the  extent  of  proposing  that  the 

p0p  Jd  be  asked  to  canoni/e  Plato  SS  I  siunt.1 

Jt  fficult   to    realize    the   immense   importance    then 

attached  to  this  learned  assemblage,  and  the  distinction  it 
conferred  on  Ficino,  the  Medici,  and  Florence  itself.  The 
city  became  the  resort  of  scholars  from  all  parts  of  Italy, 
and  the  studious  youth  of  Germany,  France,  and  Spam 
came  there  on  purpose  to  attend  the  lectures  of  Ficino  ;  for 
his  works  were  eagerly  read  throughout  Europe,  and  their 
merits  and  defects^  truths  and  errors,  alike  contributed  to 
swell  his  popularity.  As  the  discoverer  of  a  system  of 
philosophy  reconciling  Christianity  and  Paganism,  he  was 
regarded  with  universal  enthusiasm.  Even  Savonarola 
was  greatly  influenced  by  this  Neo-Platonic  mysticism, 
and  ficino  praised  and  admired  the  Friar  in  the  days  of 
his  prosperity,  and  then— after  the  fashion  of  the  other 
learned  men— basely  forsook  and  betrayed  him  in  his  time 

of  peril. 

Meanwhile,  however,  these  same  learned  men  were  the 
undoubted  inaugurators  of  a  new  epoch  of  civilization, 
not  only  in  Florence  but  throughout  Italy.  Everywhere 
professors  lectured  to  attentive  crowds,  academies  and 
universities    flourished,  erudite    themes    were    continually 

1  Many  authors  have  written  on  the  Platonic  Academy.  Ficino  fre- 
quently refers  to  it,  both  in  his  works  and  his  letters.  Vide  also  Corsi, 
"Ficini  Vita."  It  is  mentioned  in  nearly  all  histories  of  Italian  philo- 
sophy and  literature,  in  those,  for  instance,  of  Fabroni,  Roscoe,  and 
Gibbon.  In  Mr.  Harford's  "  Life  of  Mich.  An-,  liuonarotti,"  &c,  there 
are  some  pages  on  the  Platonic  Academy,  which,  although  containing 
little  fresh  information,  have  the  merit  of  not  being  mere  repetitions  of 
Roscoe  and  Tiraboschi.  But  the  best  account  of  the  Academy  is  given 
by  Sieveking,  "  Die  Geschichte  der  Platonischen  Akademie  zu  Florenz," 
as  an  appendix  to  his  short  history  of  Florence,  published  anonymously 
at  Hamburg  in  1844. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  FREE  THOUGHT.  69 

discussed;  there  was  an  incredible  ardour  for  study.  The 
almost  general  habit  of  writing  and  speakirg  the  Latin 
tongue,  the  introduction  of  printing,  by  which  books  were 
now  multiplied  and  ideas  rapidly  diffused  through  the 
world;  the  continual  effort  to  bring  past,  present,  and 
future  into  harmony— all  contributed  to  draw  men  closer 
together,  rouse  the  human  species  to  a  consciousness  of  its 
unity,  and  spread  the  sentiment  of  universal  brotherhood 
that  may  some  day  prove  the  crowning  triumph  of  Chris- 
tianity. This  was,  in  fact,  the  inauguration  of  modern 
culture,  and,  as  the  leader  of  the  great  movement,  Italy 
was  the  school  of  the  world,  the  civilizer  and  teacher 
of  all  the  European  nations,  by  whom  her  benefits  were 
afterwards  so  cruelly  repaid.  Scholars  and  erudites,  servile 
plagiarists  of  antiquity,  even  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  himself, 
were  all  involuntary  instruments  of  this  great  work,  and 
unconscious  contributors  to  the  establishment  of  modern 
civilization  and  the  triumph  of  free  thought. 


CHAPTER  V. 

/7A's7    7(ESI7)EV£CB    I&C    TUSCoé&CY,     TT&tVELS 

l.-\   L"SMi;jl'/i-l)Y,  .'/c\-D  •A,/.7r;v."V  TO  FLOT(E&CCE. 


(148  1  — 1490.) 

first  few  days  in  Florence, 
was  again  oppressed  by  a 
feeling  of  isolation.  Intimacy  with  the 
inhabitants  quickly  betrayed  the  con- 
firmed scepticism  and  flippancy  hidden 
beneath  their  great  intellectual  culture. 
The  general  absence  of  principle  and  faith  once  more 
threw  him  back  upon  himself,  and  his  disgust  was  all  the 
greater  in  consequence  of  the  lofty  hopes  with  which  he 
had  entered  Florence.  Even  among  the  brethren  of  St. 
Mark's  there  was  no  real  religious  feeiing,  for  although 
the  name  of  St.  Antonine  was  so  often  on  their  lips, 
it  was  uttered  in  a  vainglorious  rather  than  a  loving 
spirit.  But,  above  all,  his  indignation  was  aroused  by  the 
much-vaunted  studies  of  the  Florentines.  It  was  a  new 
and  horrible  experience  to  him  to  hear  them  wrangling 
over  the  precepts  of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  without  caring 
or  even  perceiving  that  from  party  spirit  and  in  the  heat 
of  discussion  they  were  denying  the  most  essential  prin- 
ciples of  the  Christian  faith.  Accordingly  he  began,  from 
that  moment,  to  regard  all  these  men  of  letters,  erudites, 
and  philosophers,  with  a  sort  of  angry  contempt,  and  this 


LOVE  OF  THE  FLORENTINES  FOR  STYLE. 


7* 


feeling  increased  in  strength  to  the  point  of  often  leading 
him  to  disparage  the  very  philosophy  in  which,  by  many 
years  of  strenuous  labour,  he  was  himself  so  thoroughly 
versed. 

But  in  no  case  would  it  have  been  possible  for  him 
to  have  long  retained  the  sympathy  of  the  Florentines, 
inasmuch  as  they  were  held  apart  from  the  newly  arrived 
Friar  by  an  irreconcilable  diversity  of  temperament. 
Everything  in  Savonarola  came  from  the  heart,  even 
his  intellect  was  ruled  by  its  generous  impulse,  but  hi; 
manners  and  speech  were  rough  and  unadorned.  H< 
spoke  with  a  harsh  accent,  expressed  himself  in  a  homely 
way,  and  made  use  of  lively  and  almost  violent  gesticu- 
lations. Now  the  Florentines  preferred  preachers  of 
scholarly  refinement  of  gesture,  expression,  and  style,  able 
to  give  an  unmistakable  imitation  of  some  ancient  writer, 
and  copious  quotations  from  others  :  as  to  the  gist  of  the 
sermon,  they  cared  little  about  it  ;  often,  indeed,  conferring 
most  praise  on  the  speaker  who  allowed  them  to  see  that 
he  had  little  belief  in  religion.  Savonarola,  on  the  con- 
trary, thundered  forth  furious  diatribes  against  the  vices 
of  mankind,  and  the  scanty  faith  of  clergy  and  laity  ; 
he  spoke  disparagingly  of  poets  and  philosophers,  con- 
demned the  strange  craze  for  ancient  authors,  and,  quo- 
ting from  no  book  save  the  Bible,  based  all  his  sermons  on 
its  texts.  Now  there  were  few  Florentines  who  read  the 
Bible  at  all,  since  finding  its  Latin  incorrect,  they  were 
afraid  of  corrupting  their  style. 

Having  entered  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark  towards  the 
end  of  148 1,  the  following  year  Savonarola  was  charged 
by  the  friar  with  the  instruction  of  the  novices,  and 
applied  himself  to  the  task  with  his  accustomed  zeal. 
Continually  dominated  by  the  same  mystic  enthusiasm, 
he  constantly  exhorted  his  pupils  to  study  the  Scriptures, 
and  often  appeared  among   them  with  tear-swollen   eyes. 


fi  SAVONAROLA'S  lì  VD  llMl-s. 

and  wrought  almost  to  ecstasy  by  prolonged  vigila  and 

fervid   meditation. ' 

His   inspired  oratory  soon  exercised  a  potent  fascina- 

over    His    youthful    hearers,    who    listened    most 

reverenti v  to  his  words,  and  accordingly  he  was  invited 
to  preach  the  Lenten  sermons  in  St.  Lorenzo.  Iftit 
here,  in  the  presence  of  a  coldly  critical  public  accus- 
tomed to  another  style  of  preaching,  and  preferring 
eloquence  and  doctrines  of  a  very  different  sort,  his  words 
could  make  no  effect.  His  congregation  went  on  dimin- 
ishing, until  at  last,  towards  the  end  of  Lent,  it  was 
reduced  to  twenty-five  persons,  women  and  children 
included.2 

Savonarola  quickly  understood  the  cause  of  his  failure. 
I  le  knew  what  kind  of  men  were  most  successful  in 
Florence,  and  the  devices  employed   by   them  to  attract 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  13  and  fol.  ;  Cinozzi,  "Epistola,"  Codex  2053. 
Riccardi  Library,  Florence. 

2  This  is  mentioned  in  Burlamacchi's  "  Biografia  Latina,"  and 
Cinozzi,  in  his  biographic  "  Epistle,"  states  that  he  attended  Savonarola's 
Lenten  sermons  in  St.  Lorenzo  the  year  after  the  Friar's  arrival  in 
Florence,  in  14.81.  Cav.  Gherardi  is  inclined  to  doubt  this  ("Nuovi 
Documenti,"  p.  246  and  fol.),  inasmuch  as  the  result  of  his  researches 
(p.  11  and  fol.)  was  that  neither  in  the  latter  part  of  14S2,  nor  at  any 
period  in  1483,  had  Savonarola  preached  in  St.  Lorenzo.  If  we  accept 
Father  Marchese's  opinion  that  Savonarola  could  not  have  come  to 
Florence  before  May,  1482,  the  time  when  the  war  with  Ferrara  first 
oroke  out,  it  was  certainly  impossible  that  he  could  have  preached  in  St. 
Lorenzo  during  the  Lenten  season  of  1482.  But  we  have  already  shown 
that,  according  to  the  evidence  of  all  the  biographers,  he  may  have  come 
to  Florence  at  an  earlier  date.  It  is  true  that  we  find  it  recorded  in  the 
"  Annals  of  St.  Mark's  Convent"  (c.  219/)  that  "Savonarola  erudiendis 
fratribus  Florentiam  missus  est  anno  1482  ;"  but  this  is  not  enough  to 
overthrow  the  testimony  of  the  biographers,  nor,  above  all,  that  of 
Cinozzi.  All  these  writers  were  Savonarola's  contemporaries  and  monks 
of  the  same  convent.  Consequently  their  evidence  is  at  least  as  good  as 
that  of  Ubaldini,  who  first  began  the  compilation  of  the  "Annals"  in 
1505,  with  the  aid  of  an  older  volume  (V.a.c.r),  giving  fewer  particulars 
regarding  Savonarola.  It  is  also  quite  possible  that  his  vague,  inexact 
phraseology  was  merely  intended  to  express  that  Savonarola  was  charged 
with  the  instruction  of  the  novices  in  1482,  not  that  he  had  only  just 
then  arrived  in  Florence. 


ELOQUENCE  FAILS  TO  MOVE  THE  FLORENTINES.  73 

the  attention  of  a  public  almost  deaf  to  the  precepts  of 
Christianity,  and  only  delighting  in  Pagan  quotations  and 
elegant  turns  of  speech,  with  an  occasional  dash  of  sceptical 
or  indecent  allusion.     Accordingly  there  was  no  reason  to 
be  much  disheartened  by  his  want  of  success.     But  all  who 
have  any  experience  of  the   troubles  always  besetting  the 
first  steps  of  any  man's  career  in  life,  and  the  doubts  and 
uncertainties  to  be  overcome,  before  he  can  attain  to  a  sure 
appreciation  of  his  own  value,  will  easily  see  how  pain- 
fully Savonarola  must  have  been  impressed  by  the  coldness 
of  his  reception.     He  found  himself  checked  at  the  very 
beginning  of  his  path,  for  the  way  now  closed  to  him  was 
necessary    to    his    existence.      He   was    burning  with  an 
irresistible    desire    to    address   the    world,    in     order    of 
convert   it  to    virtue    and    faith;    and   day  by    day    his 
desire  burnt  more  hotly  within  him.     But  how  was  he  to 
move  and  gain  power  over  hearers  such  as  these  ?     How 
could  he  rise  to  eloquence,  when   he  could  elicit  no  spark 
of  sympathy  ?     The  cynical  smiles  with  which  his  words 
were  received  had  the  effect  of  a  cold  douche  on  his  head, 
paralyzed  his  heart,  and  checked  his  enthusiasm.    Accord- 
ingly he  determined  to  follow  the  advice  given  him   by 
others,    and    return    to    teaching    and    interpreting    the 
Scriptures.     The  decision  cost  him  much  pain,  but  he  saw 
its  necessity,  and  therefore  announced  it  from  the  pulpit 
to  his  scanty  congregation.1 

Fortunately  for  him,  he  was  just  then  sent  by  his 
superiors  to  Reggio  d'Emilia,  to  attend  a  Chapter  of  the 
Dominicans  held  in  that  town.  He  set  out  on  the 
journey  much  troubled  and  oppressed  by  his  mishaps  in 
Florence.  His  sadness  was  increased  on  the  road  by  the 
news  of  the  war  that  was  then  breaking  out  against  his 
native  Ferrara.  Reflecting  that  these  ills  were  solely 
caused  by  the  insatiable  ambition  of  a  Pope,  who  shame- 
x  Burlamacchi,  p.  14;  Cinozzi,  "  Epistola." 


-i  SAFONA  A' o/.  is  ///■/:  A.\n  r/.wss 

fully  plunged  all    Italy  in  confusion  for  the  aggrandi 
men  called  nephew         ronarola  became  m 

d,   and    arrived    at    R  in    a    white 

heat  of  indignation.       1  [c  Came  as  the;  ffltativc  o(  St, 

Mark's  Conventi  and   the   Chapter  was   attended  not  only 

by  It    number   of     eccl  S,    but    also    by    several 

laymen    ot    distinguished   repute   in    letters   and   seienee.1 

Of  all  ti:  re,  the  pe  e  who  attracted  m< 

the  celebrated  Giovanni    Pico,  Count   of 

Mirandola.9     Although    not   yet   twenty   years   of  age, 

he  was  already  tamed  in  Italy  as  a  prodigy  of  seienee, 
and  the  name  <  f  Phoenix  of  Genius,  by  which  lie  was 
afterwards  known  to  all,  was  already  bestowed  on  him 
by  many.  Even  in  childhood  his  precocious  intelli- 
gence and  marvellous  memory  had  excited  astonishment, 
ving  rapid  progress  in  all  his  studies,  he  frequented 
the  principal  universities  of  Italy  and  France,  showing 
a  liverish  ardour  for  work.  Not  content  with  writing 
Latin  and  Greek  with  even  greater  ease  than  his  native 
idiom,  he  was  the  first  to  devote  himself  to  the  study 
ot  Oriental  languages  and  of  all  other  tongues  for  which 
teachers  and  grammars  could  be  found  ;  and  was  said 
to  be  acquainted  with  no  less  than  twenty-two.  In 
science  as  well  as  languages  he  aspired  to  universal 
knowledge,  hoping  to  grasp  the  omne  scibile  of  his  time. 

1  Cav.  Gherardi  ("  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  250  and  fol.)  proves  that  the 
Chapter  of  Reggio  could  not  have  been  held  in  i486,  as  was  supposed, 
but  only  in  14S2.  Hence  the  necessity  of  accepting  the  fact  of  Savona- 
rola's brief  journey  to  that  place,  of  which  the  old  biographers  made  no 
mention.  Nevertheless  they  all  state  that  Savonarola  attended  the 
Chapter,  without  fixing  its  date,  and  furthermore  add  that  at  the  end  of 
the  first  Lenten  season  after  his  arrival  in  Florence,  he  immediately 
set  out  towards  Lombardy.  This  would  seem  to  prove  that  we  have 
placed  events  in  their  due  order,  although  the  biographers  have  con- 
fused this  short  journey  with  the  other,  and  much  longer  one,  afterwards 
made  by  Savonarola  to  the  same  part  of  Italy. 

2  Uncle  to  the  Giovanni  Francesco  Pico  who  wrote  the  life  of 
Savonarola. 


PICO  DELLA  MIRANDOLA.  75 

Being  well  versed  in  theology  and  philosophy,  he  sought 
to   bring    them   into   agreement,  and    even    to   reconcile 
Paganism   with   Christianity.     Overwhelmed  with  praise 
from  all   quarters,  he  conceived  so  lofty   an  opinion  of 
himself  that,  on   going  to  Rome  in    i486,  he   proposed 
a  philosophical  tournament  of  a  new  and  singular  kind. 
Issuing    nine    hundred    propositions    embracing,    as    he 
declared,    the    whole    range    of   science,    he    announced 
himself  ready  to   reply  to   all   comers   on  every  one  of 
these    points,  sent   invitations    to    the    learned    world   in 
his  own  name,  and  promised  to  pay  the  expenses  of  all 
combatants  unable   to  afford   the  journey.     His    propo- 
sitions were  but  poor  stuff  in  the  main,  and  of  no  special 
significance  ;    but  as  some   of  them   touched   on  judicial 
astrology  and  serious  philosophico-religious  questions,  all 
the  nine   hundred    were   condemned    by   Pope    Innocent 
VIII.,  and  his  challenge  fell  to  the  ground. 
_  Pico  then  wrote  an  Apology,  and  tendered  his  submis- 
sion to  the  Court  of  Rome  ;  but  it  was  long  before  he 
was  pardoned.     Nevertheless,  and  perhaps  In  consequence 
of  all  this,  his  fame  continued  to  spread.     Certainly  no 
other  name,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  alone  excepted,  became 
so  rapidly  and  generally  celebrated  as  that  of  Pico  della 
Mirandola.     Posterity,    however,    has    shown    him    little 
indulgence,  and  his  reputation    has  gradually  died   out. 
His  vast   erudition   was  on  the  whole  very  superficial  ; 
he^  was    inferior    to    Poliziano   in    letters,   to    Ficino    in 
philosophy.1     As  to  his  vaunted  knowledge  of  twenty- 
two  languages  and  their  respective  literatures,  it  was  so 
slight    that    a  Jew  was    able    to   palm    upon    him   sixty 
manuscripts    as    books    written    by    the    command    of 

■  Io.  Pici  "  Opera  omnia."  Basilea?,  ex  officina  Henricpetrina.  Two 
folio  volumes,  the  second  of  which  contains  the  works  of  his  nephew 
Giov.  Franc.  Pico.  Pico's  philosophy  was  merely  a  feeble  copy  ot 
that  of  Ficino. 


76  SAVONAROLAS  LIFE  AMD  TIM. 

Irus,   whereas   in   reality   they    were   only    the    well- 
•rn  "  Cabbala."     And  it  is  certain  that  nb  acquaint- 
ance with  some  of  the  twenty-two  ton         went  little 

further    than   their   alphabets.      He   wrote    very    inelegant 

Italian,  and  his  literary  judgment  was  so  faulty,  that  he 
e  or  the  critics  who  rated  the  poems  of  Lorenzo 
Medici  above  those  of  Petrarch  and  Dante.1  Never- 
theless he  had  undoubted  merits  in  other  things.  He 
the  first  to  extend  the  learning  of  his  age  to  the 
Oriental  tongues,  previously  unstudied  by  all;  he  was 
an  example  of  unflagging  industry  in  the  cultivation 
ot  letters,  and  of  a  prince  who  renounced  the  privileges 
of  rank  to  live  on  an  equality  with  the  learned  world. 
His  quickness  of  mind  ;  his  wonderful  memory  ;  the 
varied  brilliancy  of  his  conversation  ;  his  nobility  and 
grace  ;  his  youthful  beauty  ;  the  fair  hair  falling  in 
thick  curls  on  his  shoulders;  everything  about  him,  in 
short,  attracted  sympathy,  and  helped  to  advance  his 
reputation.2  Such  was  the  man  who  was  the  centre  of 
attraction  to  all  the  distinguished  scholars  attending  the 
Chapter  at  Reggio,  and  to  whom  homage  was  paid  by 
the  highest  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  At  that  moment, 
fresh  from  the  Universities  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara,  where 
he  had  completed  his  studies  in  theology  and  philo- 
sophy, he  was  at  the  height  of  his  youthful  beauty, 
and  already  renowned  for  his  eloquence. 

1  "  Lettera"  addressed  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  15th  July,  1484.  There 
were  many  at  that  time  who  held  Dante's  poetry  to  be  of  very  little 
account. 

3  A  host  of  authors  have  written  on  G.  Pico  della  Mirandola  ;  but  a 
true  appreciation  of  his  powers  can  only  be  gained  by  perusal  of  his 
numerous  works.  These  treat  of  the  most  varied  topics,  and  although 
frequently  very  superficial,  are  always  informed  with  a  genuine  and 
ardent  love  of  truth.  Among  the  many  volumes  devoted  to  Poliziano, 
we  must  not  fail  to  mention  a  little  known  collection  of  historical  essays 
by  the  Rev.  \V.  Pair  Creswell,  published  at  Manchester,  1805.  It  contains 
much  useful  information  on  Poliziano  and  other  men  of  learning. 


PICO    DELLA    MIRANDOLA 


CONTRAST  BETWEEN  PICO  AND  SAVONAROLA.  77 

Meanwhile  our  hero,  Savonarola,  sat  among  the  other 
monks,  absorbed  in  his  own  thoughts,  his  cowl  drawn 
over  his  head.  His  pale  and  haggard  face,  the  fixed 
yet  sparkling  glance  of  his  deep-set  eyes,  the  heavy  lines 
seaming  his  forehead — his  whole  appearance,  in  short 
indicated  a  profoundly  thoughtful  mind.  Any  one  com 
paring  him  with  Pico,  the  one  full  of  charm,  courteous, 
sociable,  and  buoyant  ;  the  other  full  of  gravity,  lonely, 
severe  and  almost  harsh,  might  have  judged  the  two 
characters  to  be  thoroughly  antagonistic  and  incapable 
of  coming  to  an  understanding.  Yet  from  that  day  each 
felt  drawn  to  the  other,  and  their  sympathy  went  on 
increasing.  Neither  fame,  flattery,  nor  self-conceit  suc- 
ceeded in  spoiling  Pico's  heart.  His  nature,  unlike  that 
of  the  other  learned  men  of  the  day,  was  essentially  good, 
and  readily  receptive  of  the  holy  inspirations  of  truth 
and  goodness.  Thus,  despite  all  real  and  apparent  dis- 
similarities existing  between  them,  these  two  men  became 
united  in  an  enduring  friendship. 

That  same  day  Savonarola  was  suddenly  stirred  to 
action.  So  long  as  the  discussion  turned  upon  dogma 
he  remained  motionless  and  silent,  not  caring  to  take 
part  in  a  merely  scholastic  dispute.  But  when  a  question 
of  discipline  was  mooted,  he  started  to  his  feet,  and  his 
powerful  accents  had  the  effect  of  a  thunder-clap  upon 
his  hearers  and  transfixed  them  with  amazement.  Inveigh- 
ing against  the  corruptions  of  the  Church  and  the  clergy, 
he  was  so  carried  away  by  the  impetus  of  his  own 
words,  that  he  found  it  difficult  to  cease  speaking.  This 
harangue  revealed  him  to  his  audience  as  an  extraordi- 
nary man,  of  superior  mental  endowment.1  Many  sought 
his  acquaintance  ;  several  entered  into  correspondence  with 
him  ;  but  the  person  most  transported  by  his  eloquence 
was  the  youthful  Pico,  who  from  that  day  became  his 
1  Burlamacchi,  p,  15  ;  "  Biografia  Latina,"  et  e.  4l- 


7*  SAVONAROLA'S  LIFE  AND  TIMES, 

Imirer,  although  their  rccipmc.il  friendship  only 

It  .1  later  date.      I  Ic    be-an  to  speak  of  him 

^  with  a  mysterious  moral  ,  and 

*h<  laid    never    he   I  ten.  Mat 

,  Pico'  I   stud  :-e  leading 

him  ir  :erent  groove  and  with  other  ideals  in  view. 

On  going  hack   to  Florence,  s  amed  his 

ypecia]  IS  and   his  labours  as  a  teacher;    hut   he  found 

it    impossible  to   adhere   to   his  former  decision   of  n 
tin  attempting  to  preach.      His  first  sermons,  however, 

were  very  m<  and  Only  addressed   to  a  small   audience 

in  the  little  church  of  the  Murate  convent.  The  Floren- 
tine public  still  remained  unimpressed  by  his  words,  for 
erudition  and  Paganism  were  more  triumphant  in  the 
pulpit  than  ever. 

Fra  Mariano  da  Genazzano,  a  monk  of  the  Augustinian 
Order,  was  then  preaching  in  Santo  Spirito,  and  the  great 
church  proved  too  small  for  the  crowds  flocking  to  hear 
him.  This  Fra  Mariano  was  in  high  fivour  with  the 
Medici,  who  had  erected  a  convent  for  him  outside  the 
:a  San  Gallo,  to  which  Lorenzo  the   Magnificent— in 

his  desire  to  prove  the  universality  of  his  knowledge 

often  repaired  to  discuss  theology  with  him.  He  had 
a  great  reputation  in  Florence,  and  especially  among  the 
literary  men  of  the  Court,  who  all  flocked  to  hear  him 
and  praised  him  to  the  skies.  Poliziano  gives  an  eloquent 
description  of  the  orator's  merits,  in  a  very  beautiful 
letter,  but,  unconsciously  to  himself,  his  praises  betray 
the  faults  of  preacher  and  congregation  alike. 

"  I  went,"  writes  Poliziano  to  his  friend,  Tristano 
Calco,  "feeling  badly  disposed,  and  mistrustful  of  the 
great  praises  I  had  heard  of  him.  But  no  sooner  did 
I  enter  the  church  than  the  preacher's  appearance,  his 
habit  ^ and  his  face,  wrought  a  revulsion  in  my  feelings, 
and    i    at    once    desired    and    expected    great    things.     I 


FRA  MARIANO  DE  GENAZZANO.  79 

confess  to  thee,  that  he  frequently  seemed  to  soar  to  a 
gigantic  height  in  the  pulpit,  fir  beyond  all  human 
proportions.  And  now,  behold,  he  begins  to  speak  ! 
/  am  all  ears  to  the  musical  voice,  the  chosen  words,  the 
grand  sentences.  Then  I  note  the  clauses,  recognize  the 
-periods,  am  swayed  by  their  harmonious  cadence,  &c."  l 

Thus,  even  a  man  of  Poliziano's  great  taste  and  learn- 
ing, was  principally  struck  by  the  preacher's  choice  or 
words  and  harmonious  periods.  The  friar's  name  has 
indeed  been  forgotten  by  posterity;  but  contemporaries 
extolled  him  to  the  sky,  and  so  far,  Savonarola  was 
completely  overshadowed  by  this  rival.  Even  Girolamo 
Benivieni,  already  his  faithful  follower,  said  to  him  : 
"  Father,  one  cannot  deny  that  your  doctrine  is  true, 
useful,  and  necessary  ;  but  your  manner  of  delivering 
it  lacks  grace,  especially  as  it  is  daily  compared  with  that 
of  Fra  Mariano."  To  which  Savonarola  made  reply, 
almost  in  anger  :  "  These  verbal  elegancies  and  orna- 
ments will  have  to  give  way  to  sound  doctrine  simply 
preached."  2  But  that  was  still  in  the  future,  and  mean- 
while Fra  Mariano's  popularity  daily  increased.  His 
words,  phrases,  and  gestures  were  all  studied  ;  his  lines 
from  the  Latin  poets  were  declaimed  with  much 
elegance  ;  and  he  was  lavish  of  quotations  from  Plato 
and  Aristotle.  His  sermons  were  copied  from  the 
orations  of  Ficino  to  the  Platonic  Academy,  which  were 
then    considered    models    of  the    highest    eloquence  ;    he 

1  "  Politiani  Opera,"  two  vols.  Lugduni,  1533.  Vide  vol.  ii.  p.  116, 
the  letter  to  Tristano  Calco  with  the  date  xi  kal.  Aprilis  1489.  Niccolò 
Valori,  "Vita  Laurentii  Medicei."  Florentias,  1749.  In  Quetifs  addi- 
tions to  Pico's  "Vita  di  Savonarola  "  there  are  some  particulars  regarding 
Fra  Mariano  da  Genazzano.     Vol  ii.  p.  22. 

3  "  Epistola"  of  Girolamo  Benivieni  to  Pope  Clement  VII.,  in  defence 
of  Savonarola's  doctrines  and  prophecies.  It  is  in  the  Codex  2022  of 
the  Riccardi  Library,  and  was  published  by  Signor  G.  Milanesi  at  the 
conclusion  of  Benedetto  Varchi's  "Storia  Fiorentina."  Florence:  Le 
Monnier,  1857-58. 


so  SAVONAROLA  S  / 1  VD  TIMES. 

frequently  recounted  laughable  ane<  and  u  ed  every 

devu    '      wdl  the  number  of  bis  heart 

1  vti  of  this  kind  was  no  humiliation 

irola.      Nevertheless  it  u  '   him  to  see  a 

running  after  polished  niceties  of  form  even  in 

church,  and,  careless  of  Holy  Writ,  preferring  g  preacher 

who  followed  Cicero,  rather  than  the  Bible,  the  Fathers, 

or  the  martyrs  of  the  Faith.2  Instead  of  disheartening 
him,  however,  this  irritation  spurred  his  indignation  and 
made  him  increasingly  pertinacious  of  his  own  ideas.  Ine 
popular  indifference  merely  proved  the  necessity  of  his 
efforts  and  convinced  him  that  he  had  a  mission  from  above. 
1  le  recalled  the  history  of  the  prophets  of  old,  and  how 
they  had  been  obliged  to  fight  against  the  ingratitude  of 
the  Jews.  The  comparison  heightened  his  wrath  and 
strengthened  his  resolve  to  war  to  the  death  against  the 
vices  of  the  age  and  the  scandals  of  Rome.  In  prayer, 
contemplation,  and  ecstasy  he  awaited  some  direct  revela- 
tion from  God.  According  to  Ficino's  philosophy,  such 
revelation  was  not  only  possible,  but  could  be  scientifically 
explained,  and  the  Friar,  in  his  religious  earnestness  and 
mysticism,  so  ardently  yearned  for  it,  that  he  at  last  be- 
lieved it  vouchsafed  to  him. 

In  this  strangely  excited  state  of  mind,  further  increased 
by  prolonged  watching  and  abstinence,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Savonarola  should  have  seen  many  visions.  On  one 
occasion,  while  conversing  with  a  nun,  he  suddenly,  as  he 
thought,  beheld  the  heavens  open  :  all  the  future  calami- 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  24. 

a  All  this  is  proved  by  Poliziano's  letter,  quoted  above,  and  the  letters  oi 
other  contemporaries.  One  of  these  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition.  Fra  Mariano's  sermons  have  never,  we  think,  been  published. 
We  have  only  two  of  his  Orations  :  one  addressed  to  Innocent  VIII.,  the 
other  to  Alexander  VI.,  published  during  the  fifteenth  century,  and  men- 
tioned in  Cappelli's  "  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  &c.,p.  12.  The  second 
is  only  to  be  found  in  the  Public  Library  of  Modena,  and  neither  serves 
to  give  us  anv  idea  of  his  sermons. 


DEA  TH  OF  SIXTUS  IV.  8 , 

ties  of  the  Church  passed  before  his  eyes,  and  he  heard  a 

voice  charging   him    to   announce   them  to   the   people  i 

From  that  moment  he  was  convinced  of  his  Divine  mission 

held  it   to  be  the  main  duty  of  his  life,  and  thought  of 

nothing  but  how  best  to  fulfil  it.      He  longed  to  be  able  to 

make  his  voice  resound  over  the  whole  earth,  and  cry  to 

all  nations  :   "  Repent  ye,  and  return  to  the  Lord  "     The 

visions  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  Apocalypse  stood 

arrayed  in  his   fancy  as   living  realities,    representing  the 

calamities  of  Italy  and  the  Church,  and  symbolical  of  their 

future  regeneration  by  his  efforts.     On  all   sides  he  heard 

voices  urging  him  to  persist  in  his  undertaking,  without 

yielding  to  weariness  and  without  being  cast  down  by  the 

indifference  of  the  Florentines. 

In  the  same  year  (1484)  the  death  of  Pope  Sixtus  IV. 
occurred,  and  while  many  hoped  that  a  successor  would  be 
chosen  able  to  put  an  end  to  the  woes  of  the  Church,  it 
was  rumoured  that  there  was  some  fear  of  a  schism  owing 
to  the  serious  dissensions  going  on  in  the  conclave.  It  was 
then  that  Savonarola  composed  a  laud,  addressed  to  Jesus 
Christ,  containing  these  words  :  — 

"  Deh  !  mira  con  pietate  in  che  procella, 

Si  trova  la  tua  sposa, 
E  quanto  sangue,  oimé  !   tra  noi  s'aspetta, 

Se  la  tua  man  pietosa, 
Che  di  perdonar  sempre  si  diletta 

Non  la  riduce  a  quella 
Pace  che  fu,  quando  era  poverella."* 

1  This  fact  was  mentioned  in  the  Trial  of  Savonarola,  printed  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  and  given,  together  with  the  other  documents  we  dis- 
covered, in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition.  It  is  also  mentioned 
by  Father  Marchese,  "Storia  di  San  Marco,"  p.  118;  and  Fra  Bene- 
detto, alludes  to  it  in  his  writings. 

2  "  Lauda  composta  l'anno,"  1484  :  Poem  viii.  in  the  Florence  edition 
of  1847. 

Translation.—  Ah,  look  with  pity  on  thy  storm-beaten  bride  !  Look  on  the 
blood  that  must,  alas,  be  shed,  Unless  Thy  merciful  hand,  The  hand  ever 
ready  to  pardon,  Will  not  restore  her  to  the  peace  of  past  days  of  poverty. 


8 j  AND   TIMES. 

lit  of  (he  election  sh  1  the  hopes  of    hon 

•i.     All  I-    .  echoed  with  the  details  of  the  scandaloui 

irried    On    111    the  conclave  ;    every    one    knew    the 
nanus  of  those  who  had  Bold  their  \  and  the  prices  paid 

And  no  sooner  had  Innocent  VIII.  ascended 
the  Papal  throne,  than  his  conduct  of  affairs,  incredible 
though  it  seem,  made  men  look  hack  with  regret  to  the 
IS  I  for  the  present  Pope  no  longer  disguised 
his  children  under  the  title  of  nephews,  hut  called  them 
princes,  and  openlv  acknowledged  them  as  his  sons.  1  le 
was  not  onlv  a  parent,  and  a  dissolute  parent,  but  so  lenient 
to  all  descriptions  of  vice,  that  the  Roman  Court  became 
the  head-quarters  of  sensuality  and  scandalous  living. 
All  men  were  revolted  by  actions,  equally  threatening  to 
religion  and  dishonouring  to  humanity  ;  nor  was  it  possible 
to  foresee  to  what  fate  Italy  might  be  doomed,  under  the 
pening  misrule  of  the  Papacy.  It  had  seemed  impos- 
sible that  the  successor  of  Sixtus  should  not  be  better  than 
his  predecessor,  but  now  all  hope  and  faith  in  the  future 
were  lost.  And  if  this  state  of  things  roused  even  a  corrupt 
people  to  wrath,  what  must  have  been  its  effect  on  the 
mind  of  Savonarola  ?  Certainly,  the  storm  of  emotion 
stirred  in  his  soul  can  be  more  readily  imagined  than  de- 
scribed. 

Fortunately  for  him,  in  the  years  1484-8  5, l  he  was 
sent  as  Lenten  preacher  to  the  little  republic  of  San  Gimig- 
nano  among  the  Sienese  hills.  It  was  then  very  unlike 
the  poor,  deserted  little  town  of  the  present  day.  Even 
now  its  lofty  coronal  of  towers,  visible  from  a  great  dis- 
tance, its  churches  lined  with  the  fairest  works  of  Domenico 
Ghirlandaio,  and  Benozzo  Gozzoli,  and  its  municipal  build- 
ings remain  to  prove  that  San  Gimignano  was  once  a 
flourishing  centre  of  artistic  and  political  life.  For  although 
its  inhabitants  may  have  lacked  the  exquisite  refinement  of 
1  Vide  the  "  Trial,"  before  quoted. 


SAN  GIMIGNANO. 


83 


the  Florentines,  at  least  their  simplicity  was  uncorrupted 
by  over-study  and  sophistry.  Their  religious  ideas  were 
not  drowned  in  a  sea  of  classic  phraseology,  nor  were  they, 
like  Poliziano,  content  to  hear  nothing  from  their  preachers 
save  skilful  syntax  and  a  musical  flow  of  words.  Amono- 
those  hills  and  valleys  the  land  wears  an  eternal  smile^ 
spring  is  a  season  of  almost  heavenly  beauty,  and  the  broad, 
tranquil  horizon  seen  from  the  heights  reconciles  man  with 
nature,  and  draws  him  nearer  to  God. 

Therefore,  among  the  towers  of  San  Gimignano,  Savona- 
rola could  raise  his  voice  more  freely  and  with  greater 
effect.  It  was  here  that  he  first  expounded  the  ideas 
which  had  so  long  filled  his  soul,  and  pronounced  the  words 
which  were  to  become  his  war-cry  and  the  standard  of  his 
whole  life  :  namely,  first,  that  the  Church  will  be  scourged  ; 
secondly,  that  it  will  be  speedily  regenerated  ;  thirdly, 
that  all  this  will  come  to  pass  quickly.  We  have  his  own 
words  to  prove  that  he  refrained  at  the  time  from  announ- 
cing these  utterances  as  revelations  from  Heaven,  inasmuch 
as  the  people  did  not  seem  to  him  ripe  for  such  things, 
and  he  supported  them  on  natural  reason  and  the  authority 
of  the  Bible.1 

The  history  of  the  Hebrew  people,  indeed,  consists  of 
an  unceasing  series  of  transgressions  and  punishments, 
and  it  accordingly  furnished  Savonarola  with  numberless 
arguments  to  the  effect  that  the  universal  corruption  of 
the  Church  must  inevitably  draw  down  the  scourge  of 
God's  wrath.2  And  he  expounded  these  arguments  all 
the  more  forcibly  since  they  had  first  convinced  him  that 

1  In  Savonarola's  "  Compendium  Revelationum,"  and  in  his  sermons  ol 
97  and  98,  we  find  the  history  of  his  preachings  frequently  repeated.  Sec. 
too,  the  "  Processo,"  Benivieni's  "Epistola,"  Burlamacchi,  Fra  Benedetto, 
&c. 

2  To  Franc.  Pico,  tl  Vita,"  &c.  In  chap.  v.  it  is  minutely  explained 
how  Savonarola  discovered  in  the  Bible  the  first  grounds  of  his  belief  in 
the  necessity  of  the  chastisements  he  foretold  to  Italy  and  the  Church. 


li  SAV0NA1 

religious  ex< 

men;  v.  :    which  he 

eli  the  recipient.     Besides,  his  courage  .ilv. 
whenever   he  inveighed   a  ruption  of 

scourges  to  come;  his  words 

ed  moi  remore  eloquent  and  effective  ;  the 

public  attention  was  roused,  hi  ience  moved  almost 

to  ecstasy,      Accordingly,  at  San  Gimignano  he  at  last 

found  his  true  vocation  ;  discovered  that  his  own  gloomy 
riments  were  also  lurking  in  the  hearts  of  the  multi- 
tude, and  that  by  his  daring  announcement  of  the  scourges 
at  hand  he  almost  revealed  the  Italians  to  themselves,  and 
found  a  general  echo  to  his  own  thoughts.  He  therefore 
returned  to  Florence  in  a  calmer  mood  and  with  greater 
confidence  in  himself;  but  while  strengthened  in  his  prin- 
ciples, he  had  also  learnt  caution  from  experience,  and  was 
more  reticent  in  his  addresses  to  the  indifferent  public. 

1  le  retained  his  modest  post  of  lecturer  to  the  novices 
to  the  Lent  of  i486,  when  he  was  sent  to  preach  in 
various  cities  of  Lombardy,  and  especially  in  Brescia. 
Here,  with  the  Book  of  Revelations  for  his  theme,  he 
found  it  easier  to  stir  the  sympathies  of  his  hearers.  His 
words  were  fervent,  his  tone  commanding,  and  he  spoke 
with  a  voice  of  thunder  ;  reproving  the  people  for'  their 
sins,  denouncing  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  threatening  all 
with  the  terrors  of  God's  wrath.  He  described  the  forms 
of  the  twenty-four  elders  and  represented  one  of  them  as 
rising  to  announce  the  future  calamities  of  the  Brescians. 
Their  city,  he  declared,  would  fall  a  prey  to  raging  foes  ; 
they  would  see  rivers  of  blood  in  the  streets;  wives  would 
be  torn  from  their  husbands,  virgins  ravished,  children 
murdered  before  their  mothers'  eyes  ;  all  would  be  terror, 
and  fire,  and  bloodshed.  His  sermon  ended  with  a  general 
exhortation  to  repentance,  inasmuch  as  the  Lord  would 
have  mercy  on  the  just.     The  mystic  image  of  the  elder 


HE  PREACHES  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  BRESCIA.  85 

made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  people.  The  preacher's 
voice  seemed  really  to  resound  from  the  other  world  ■  and 
his  threatening  predictions  awakened  much  alarm.  During 
the  sack  of  Brescia,  in  15  12,  by  the  ferocious  soldiery  of 
Gaston  de  Foix,  when,  it  is  said,  that  about  six  thousand 
persons  were  put  to  the  sword,  the  inhabitants  remembered 
the  elder  of  the  Apocalypse  and  the  Ferrarese  preacher's 
words.1 

The  great  success  of  these  Lenten  sermons  at  last  made 
the  name  of  Savonarola  known  to  all  Italy,  and  decided 
the  course  of  his  life,  for  henceforward  he  no  longer 
doubted  his  mission.  Yet,  such  was  the  goodness  and 
candour  of  his  nature,  that  self-confidence  only  made 
him  more  modest  and  humble.  His  ardour  for  prayer, 
his  faith  and  devout  exultation  rose  to  so  great  a  height^ 
that,  as  his  companion,  Fra  Sebastiano  of  Brescia,  says,' 
Savonarola,  when  engaged  in  prayer,  frequently  fell  into 
a  trance  ;  after  celebrating^  mass  was  so  transported  with 
holy  fervour  as  to  be  obliged  to  retire  to  some  solitary 
place  ;  and  a  halo  of  light  was  often  seen  to  encircle  his 
head.2 

Savonarola  remained  in  Lombardy  until  the  January 
of  1489,  and  during  that  period  wrote  to  his  mother 
from  Pavia  a  long  and  most  affectionate  letter.  In  this  he 
begs  her  to  forgive  him  if  he  has  nothing  but  prayers  to 
offer  to  his  family,  since  his  religious  profession  precludes 
him  from  helping  them  in  other  ways;  but  he  adds  that  in 
his  heart  he  still  shares  their  sorrows  and  their  joys.  "  I 
have  renounced  this  world,  and  have  become  a  labourer  in 
my  Master's  vineyard  in  many  cities,  not  only  to  save  my 
own  soul,  but  the  souls  of  other  men.  If  the  Lord  have 
entrusted  the  talent  to  me,  I  must  needs  use  it  as  He  wills; 

1  Burlamacchi,  pp.  13-14  ;  Fra  Benedetto,  "Vulnera  Diligentis."  bk.  i. 

chap.  xvlj#  ;  pjC0)  chap#  v      see  also  Barsanti,  "  Della  Storia  del  Padre 
Girolamo  Savonarola  da  Ferrara."     Leghorn,  1782. 
Burlamacchi,  p.  13  and  fol.  ;  Barsanti,  &c. 


U  ////■   AND  TIMES 

and  •  that  lie  hath  chosen  me  for  this  sacred  office, 

:  that  I  fulfil  it  fax  from  my  native  place,  for 

I    b<  nit    than    I   could   have   home   ar    Ferrara. 

There  it  WOllld  he  with  me  as  it  was  with  Christ,  when  His 

ntryman  said  :  '  Is  not  this  Man  a  carpenter^  and  the 
son  of  a  carpenter  t  '  '     But  out  of  my  own  place  this  has 

W  been  said  to  me;  rather,  when  I  have  to  depart,  men 
and  women  shed  tears,  and  hold  my  words  in  much  esteem. 
I  thought  to  have  written  only  a  tew  lines;  hut  love  hath 
caused  my  \^n  to  run  on,  and  I  have  opened  my  heart  to 
vou  far  more  than  was  my  purpose.  Know,  then,  that 
this  heart  of"  mine  is  more  than  ever  bent  on  devoting  soul 
and  body,  and  all  the  knowledge  granted  to  me  by  God,  to 
His  se/vice  and  my  neighbours'  salvation  ;  and  since  this 
work  was  not  to  be  done  in  my  own  land,  I  am  fain  to 
perform  it  elsewhere.  Encourage  all  to  righteous  living, 
.part  for  Genoa  this  day."2 

Of  Savonarola's  preachings  in  Genoa  nothing  is  known 
to  us.  But  we  know  that  in  the  summer  of  1489  he 
suddenly  recalled  by  his  superiors  to  Florence,  and, 
strangely  enough,  at  the  express  desire  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici.  The  prince  made  the  request  in  order  to  gratify 
his  favourite  friend,  Pico  della  Mirandola,  who  had 
earnestly  pressed  him  to  do  so.     At  this  moment  Pico 

1  Savonarola  used  the  term  smith  (fabbro)  instead  of  "carpenter,"  but 
we  have  preferred  to  give  the  usual  reading. — Translator's  Note. 

3  Padre  Marchese,  "  Lettere  inedite  di  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola," 
Letter  I.  (Appendix  of  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  vol.  viii.).  This 
letter  to  his  mother  is  published  from  a  sixteenth  century  copy,  preserved 
in  the  Library  of  St.  Mark  and  dated  :  Scripta  i?i  Pavia,  i?i  pressia,  el  di 
de  la  conversione  di  San  Paolo  Apostolo,  1490,  the  which  date  signifies 
the  25th  of  January  1490,  since  the  Lombards  did  not  reckon  by  the 
Florentine  calendar,  according  to  which  the  year  would  have  really  been 
1489.  It  is  our  belief  that  the  letter  was  certainly  written  in  1489, 
and  that  the  copyist  either  made  a  mistake  or  reckoned  by  the 
Florentine  calendar.  Otherwise  Savonarola  could  not  have  returned 
to  Florence  in  1489,  although  we  have  his  own  words  to  prove  that 
he  really  returned  in  that  year. 


HE  IS  SUMMONED  BACK  TO  FLORENCE.        87 

was  in  a  very  difficult  position.  His  nine  hundred  pro- 
positions, published  at  the  end  of  i486,  had  been  recently 
censured  in  Rome.  He  had  instantly  declared  his  submis- 
sion to  the  authority  of  the  Church,  and  even  published  an 
"Apology";  but  this  only  inflamed  the  anger  of  the  Pope, 
who  threatened  the  author  with  excommunication  unless  he 
retracted  all  that  he  had  said.  Pico  resolutely  refused  to 
do  this,  denying  that  he  had  asserted  any  heretical  doctrine, 
and  faithfully  adhering  to  his  own  theories  on  philosophy 
and  religion.  The  matter  began  to  look  serious,  for  Pico 
was  so  furious  that  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  who  had  assumed 
the  part  of  mediator,  wrote  to  Rome  to  warn  the  Pope  not 
to  go  too  far,  unless  he  was  prepared  for  a  great  scandal 
and  wished  to  drive  a  devout  believer  from  the  fold  of  the 
Church.1  Meanwhile  Pico  remained  very  uneasy  and  dis- 
turbed in  his  mind,  and  felt  the  need  of  advice  from  some 
one  of  real  independence  of  character  as  well  as  of  lively 
faith  in  religion.  In  these  circumstances  he  remembered  the 
zealous  Friar,  worn  with  watching  and  prayer,  whose  voice 
had  thundered  so  grandly  at  Reggio  against  the  corruption 
of  the  Church  and  the  clergy.  He  accordingly  entreated 
Lorenzo  to  recall  this  Friar  to  Florence,  assuring  him  that 
the  man  would  be  a  source  of  renown  both  to  himself  and 
the  city.  Lorenzo  readily  granted  his  friend's  wish,  and, 
making  him  write  the  order  of  recall,  affixed  his  own  seal 
to  it  and  despatched  it  to  the  superiors  of  the  Order. 

Thus  the  future  foe  of  the  Medici,  and  the  destroyer 
of  their  power,  was  summoned  back  to  St.  Mark's  at  the 
instance  of  their  chief.  Pico  was  as  yet  slightly  acquainted 
with  the  man  of  whom  he  was  afterwards  to  become  so 

x  He  wrote  many  letters,  some  of  which  are  dated  1489.  Part  of 
them  were  published  by  Fabroni  among  the  documents  appended  to 
his  "Vita  Laurentii  Medicis  Magnifici;"  others  were  given  by  Prof. 
D.  Berti  in  his  essay,  "Intorno  a  G.  Pico  della  Mirandola,  cenni  e 
documenti,"  first  published  in  the  "Rivista  Contemporanea"  of  Turin 
(1859).     Pico  had  been  t0  Paris»  and  was  then  in  Florence- 


M  SAI'O.y  rs  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

iple;  .Hid  Lorenzo,  with  all  his  keen  HgldtV, 

•.:•  i  resaw  the  evils  he  was  bringing  on  his  house, 

nor  the  flame  his  own  hands  were  kindling  in  t he  convent 
that  his  grandfather  had  built.1 

p.  15,  tdls  us  that  Savona  e  all  to  Florence 

CI!' 

nt.      The  same  statement  i 

lamacchiV'l  .4/.    Mons,  Perrons   "Jerome  Savon- 

es  predications  ct  scs  vol.  i.  p.  35.     1  53) 

bl  aa  to  the  interference  of  rico  and  L  ping 

\  in  the  Marcian  Library  of  Venice,  says  that  he  was  merely 

<1  by  his  anperiora.     This,  however,  does  not  preclude  the  inter- 
rinoli of  Lorenzo  in  the  affair.     Further  particulars  are  given  in  <  crtain 

-  Dill  century  manuscripts  containing  an  older  and  more  extended  com- 
pilation <>f  Burlamacchi  than  the  printed  version,  and  one  in  (loser  accord- 
ance with  'hat  author's  M  Biografia  Latina.''  In  fact,  we  find  it  stated  in 
the  abecchian  Codex,  I.  vhi.  43,  dating  from  the  sixteenth  centurv, 

■  warmly  entreated  Lorenzo,  and  that  the  latter,  "to  gratify  the 
Count,  for  whom  he  had  a  singular  affection,  sent  for  Ser  Piero  da  Bib- 
biena, his  secretary  and  counsellor,  and  bade  him  write  his  commands  to 
the  Lombard  Fathers  of  the  Order  of  St.  Dominic.     And  then  he  turned 
the  Count  and  said  :  Since  you  know  that  I  will  faithfully  serve  you 
with  good  will  and  good  ink,  your  Excellency  shall  compose  the  letter 
after  your  own  fashion,  and  my  secretary  shall  write  it  out,  and  having 
written  it,  shall  seal  it  with  my  seal.    And  thus  was  it  done.   And  it  befell 
Lorenzo,  as  it  befell  Pharaoh,  whose  daughter  saved  Moses  and  fostered 
him,  by  whose  means  her  father  was  doomed  to  be  drowned."     Professor 
Kanke,  in  his  recent  essay  on  Savonarola,  also  refuses  to  credit  this  fact. 
But,  like  Mons.  Perrens,  he  is  unacquainted  with  the  Italian  Codex  from 
which  we  quote,  and  also  with  the  "Biografia  Italiana."     He  observes, 
however,  that  the  fact  must  have  been  known  to  Pico's   nephew,  who 
merely  says  in  his  biography  of  Savonarola,  that  the  friar  ab  proposito 
■•rsitus,  qui  Joanni  Pico  patruo  meo  hac  in  re  vwrem  gerebat,  Flo- 
tentiam  appulit  {vide  Ranke,  op.  cit.  p.  349).    Pico  really  says  :  "  Post 
hac,  et   angelicis   colloquiis  monitus,  et    ab   eius  pra'posilis  accersilus, 
qui   loantii,  Pico  patruo  meo  hac  in  re  morem  gerebant,  Florentiam 
appulit  "   (chap.   vi.).     That   is   to   say,  he  was  recalled   by   his   supe- 
riors, who  in  so  doing  obeyed  the  will  of  my  uncle,  Giovanni  Pico.    And, 
according  to  the  Italian  codex  before  quoted,  the  latter  had  dictated  the 
letter  that  was  sealed  with  Lorenzo's  seal.     Therefore  Pico's  statement 
agrees  in  the  main  with  that  in  the  printed  version  of  Burlamacchi,  with 
the  Italian  codex  and  the  "Biografìa  Latina,"  or  at  least  does  not  con- 
tradict them.    But  the  crowning  proof  is  contained  in  Lorenzo's  "  Memo- 
randa "  of  his  daily  correspondence,  preserved  in  the  "Archivio  Medicio 
avanti  il  principato  "  (Cod.  No.  63),  in   which,  at  sheet  94/,  we  find  the 
following   record:    "April,    1489,   29th   day.— To   the   General    of    the 
Preaching  Friars  for  the  recall  of  Fra  Hieronymo  of  Ferrara."     We  are 
'-ndebted  for  this  detail  to  the  kindness  of  Cav.  Gherardi. 


HE  SEES  A    VISION.  S( 

Savonarola  obediently  responded  to  the  summons,  but 
throughout    the  journey   felt  a  presentiment  of  coming 
change.     At  Brescia  strange  prophecies  had  been  vouch 
safed  to  him  of  what  should  befall  him  in  Florence   and 
he  was  therefore  convinced  that    he  was   bidden   to  go 
thither  by  the  Lord's  command. i     Passing  by  Bologna 
he  crossed  the  Apennines  on  foot.     It  was  the  same  raid 
he  had  traversed  before  ;  he  was  returning  to  the  city  that 
had  received  him  so  coldly  ;  he  felt  himself  drawn  by  an 
irresistible  force  towards  some  new  and  mysterious  fate. 
It  was  a  hot    season,  and    he   became   exhausted   by  the 
fatigues  of  the  journey  and  great  mental  excitement.     At 
Pianoro,  about   eight   miles  from    Bologna,  his   strength 
suddenly  failed,  and  he  was  unable  to  continue  his  road, 
or   to    take    any  sustenance.     All   at  once  a  mysterious 
stranger  appeared  before  him,  restored  his  courage  and 
strength,  led  him  to  a  hospice,  forced  him  to  take  food, 
and  then  bore  him  company  to  Florence.     On  reaching 
the  San  Gallo  Gate  the  stranger  said  to  him  :  "  Remember 
to  do  that  for  which  God  hath  sent  thee,"  and  then  dis- 
appeared.2 

It  is  not  very  wonderful  that,  when  overwrought  by 
fatigue,  Savonarola  should  have  seen  a  vision  of  this  kind, 
and  it  may  well  be  that  he  mistook  for  an  angelic  messenger 
some  mortal  companion  who  succoured  him  by  the  way. 
The  reader  can  furnish  his  own  interpretation  to  the  tale. 
We  recount  it,  with  other  legends,  as  part  of  the  history 
of  die  times  when  even  great  minds  had  faith  in  similar 
visions.3     Of  Savonarola's  special  belief  in  them  we  have 

x  Burlamacchi,  G.  F.  Pico,  and  the  other  biographers  all  repeat  this 
on  several  occasions. 

2  Burlamacchi,  p.  15  ;  "Biografia  Latina,"  sheet  4/. 

3  We  might  quote  innumerable  examples  of  this  belief,  but  will  only 
refer  to  the  famous  letter  of  Christopher  Columbus  (also  quoted  in  Libri's 

'Histoire  des  sciences  mathematiques")  describing  a  similar  hallucination 
that  occurred  to  him  in  America,  when,  at  the  moment  that  he  was  for- 


(;o  VS  I  UT  AND  TIMES. 

tire  methu  !  better  pro  I        II  be  found 

further  on.     But,  tanding  his  new  fears  and  ex- 

cited imagination,  the  sight  of  the  walls  of  Florence 
must  ha-,         tiled  painful  memories  of  his  failure  to  stir 

the    hearts  of  11  I  I  '   ded  led,  therefore,  to   feel 

eery  Cautiously,  in   order   not   tO   incur   fresh  dis- 
iente,  and,  resuming   his   philosophical    lectures 

the  novice^,  made  them  the  principal  objects  at  his 
care  and  hope.  While  endeavouring  to  imbue  these  young 
men  with  his  own  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  make 
them  his  true  disciples,  he  was  content  to  wait  quietly  for 
better  times.  But  the  rumour  of  how  he  had  been  called 
back  to  Florence  at  Lorenzo's  desire,  and  how  much 
anxiety  Pico  had  shown  to  consult  him,  soon  attracted  the 
public  attention,  and  all  became  anxious  to  hear  his  voice. 
At  first  his  lessons  were  attended  only  by  the  Friars;  then 
a  few  laymen  sought  admittance,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
consent  to  their  request.  In  the  convent  garden  of  St. 
Mark's,  beneath  a  damask  rose  tree  that,  owing  to  the 
veneration  of  the  brotherhood,  has  been  re-grafted  down 
to  our  own  times,  he  began  to  expound  the  Apocalypse 
to  a  large  and  enthusiastic  congregation.1  Then,  almost 
without  his  being  aware  of  it,  his  lectures  were  gradually 
transformed  into  sermons.  The  audience  increased  daily; 
the  orator  spoke  in  a  higher  tone,  and  he  was  urged  by 
the  general  entreaty  to  again  mount  the  pulpit  and  preach 

saken  by  all,  he  heard  a  heavenly  voice  encouraging  him  to  persevere  in 
his  enterprise.  And  Libri  justly  considers  that  this  letter  is  one  of  the 
finest  examples  of  eloquence  in  our  literature.  It  gives  us  a  faithful  pic- 
ture of  the  character  of  Columbus  and  his  times. 

1  Of  Savonarola's  lectures  on  the  Apocalypse  and  other  subjects  in  St. 
Mark's,  as  well  as  of  many  of  his  unpublished  sermons  during  these 
years,  nothing  remains  to  us  excepting  the  rough  and  incorrect  notes 
contained  in  several  autographs,  and  a  few  apocryphal  manuscripts,  of 
which  further  details  will  be  given  in  a  special  note.  Many  of  these 
rough  notes  are  included  in  the  Appendix  of  the  Italian  edition  of  this 
work,  doc.  v.,  in  order  to  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  discourses  which 
^ere  probably  never  written  out  in  extenso. 


HE  GAINS  THE  EAR  OF  FLORENCE.  gi 

to  the  people  in  church.  When  no  longer  able  to  refuse 
the  request,  he  begged  his  hearers  first  to  beseech  the 
Lord  to  enlighten  his  mind,  and  finally,  one  Saturday, 
issues  the  following  announcement  :  "  To-morrow  we  will 
speak  in  church,  and  give  a  lecture  and  a  sermon." 

It  was  the  i  st^  of  August,  1489;  the  church  of  St.  Mark 
was  thronged  with  people,  some  sitting,  some  standing,1 
others  clinging  to  the  iron  gratings,  in  order  to  see  and 
hear  the  preacher,  who,  after  remaining  unnoticed  in 
Florence,  had  gained  so  great  a  reputation  in  Upper 
Italy.  At  last  Savonarola  appeared  in  the  pulpit;  he 
continued  his  exposition  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  the  walls 
of  St.  Mark  echoed  for  the  first  time  with  his  three,  already 
well-known,  conclusions.  At  one  moment  the  audience 
was  raised  to  a  transport  of  ecstasy  by  his  intellectual 
might  and  enthusiasm,  and  his  voice  resounded  with  an 
almost  supernatural  effect.  He  had  achieved  a  signal 
success  ;  all  Florence  spoke  of  him,  and  even  the  learned 
men  forsook  Plato  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  new  Chris- 
tian preacher. 

Nevertheless,  owing  to  his  continued  predictions  of 
calamity,  the  general  wonder  and  admiration  began  to  be 
exchanged  in  many  instances  for  feelings  of  doubt  and 
even  irritation.  Opinions  began  to  be  divided,  and  some 
already  regarded  the  Friar  as  an  ignorant,  visionary 
fanatic,  who  made  an  effect  rather  by  dint  of  loud  words 
and  fantastic  imagery,  than  by  any  real  logic  or  eloquence. 
But  Savonarola  was  quite  prepared  for  these  charges,  and 
having  once  taken  the  plunge  into  rough  waters,  refused 
to  draw  back.  He  felt  that  the  moment  for  conflict  had 
arrived.  First  of  all,  however,  he  determined  to  publish 
some  of  his  writings,  in  order  to  instruct  the  people  and 
refute  the  learned  men  who   accused  him  of  ignorance. 

*  Burlamacchi,  p.  19  ;  "  Biografia  Latina,"  sheet  5  and  fol. 


now  turn  to  the  ra  better  apprecia- 

tes inteUectua]  endowments.     Hitherto  there 

laid    On    this    point,    his   earlier   sermons   and 
writings   having   nearly   all    perished,  or    only  survived    in 

the       pe  oi  well-nigh  unintelligible  not* 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SAVONAROLA'S   PHILOSOPHY. 

F  all  Savonarola's  works,  his  philosophi- 
cal essays,  mainly  compiled  for  the  use 
of  the  novices,  were  those  held  in 
slightest  account.  Almost  all  the  bio- 
graphers continued  to  repeat,  without 
taking  the  trouble  to  read  them,  that 
they  were  poor  and  servile  imitations  of  Aristotle  and  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas.  To  us  this  appears  a  most  erroneous 
judgment,  but  many  circumstances  helped  to  diffuse  it. 
In  the  first  place,  the  scanty  bulk  of  these  essays,  and  the 
slight  estimation  in  which  they  were  held  by  their  author  ; 
and  secondly,  in  consequence  of  the  numerous  charges  the 
Friar  brought  against  philosophy  and  philosophers,  and 
the  vanity  of  such  studies.  It  seemed  improbable  that  he 
could  have  written  anything  of  value  on  a  science  of 
which  he  spoke  with  so  much  contempt  ;  and  as  parts  of 
the  essays  were  really  translations  and  compendiums 
of  Aristotle  and  St.  Thomas,  the  prevailing  opinion  was 
apparently  justified. 

Nevertheless,  in  our  anxiety  to  ascertain  the  grounds  of 
this  verdict,  we  determined  to  examine  these  writings  with 
the  utmost  care.  We  knew  in  how  dense  a  darkness  the 
first  glimmer  of  modern  philosophy  was  veiled,  and  the 
difficulty  experienced  by  historians  in  tracing  the  source 


96  V'ONAROIA  E  AND    TIMES. 

thos  \t  of  distingi  tween  the  real  Aris- 

totle and  the    V  ":asts. 

From  the  hools  i  third  waa  afterwards  evolved. 

i     i  may  be  said  to  have  been  initiated  by  Bernardino 

1    by    Tommaso   Campanella,  both 
o(  Calai  Telesio  studied  at  Padua,  where  he 

trained  in  experimental  philosophy  and  physies.      I  le 

:  to  combat  Aristotle  and  promote  the  experimental 

hod,  but  in  reality  he  was  rather  a  follower  of  Par- 
me: ,  and  composed  his  hook,  ''De  Rerum  Natura," 
under  the  influence  of  that  writer's   ideas.      On   returning 

to  his  native  Cosenza,  he  founded   the  famous  Cosentine 
Academy,    in   which  Tommaso   Campanella   was    trained. 
The  latter  was  a  thinker  of  idealistic  tendencies,  and   in 
deviating  to  some  extent  from  the  path  traced  by  Telesio, 
gave  birth  to  that  third  school  to  which  we  have  alluded. 
Campanella  recommended  the  experimental  method,  and 
attributed  to  sensation  so  large  a  share  in  the  formation  of 
knowledge,   as  to  seem  almost  a  pure  materialist  ;    but 
then,  on  the  other  hand,  he  granted  a  cognitio  abdita,  or 
intuition  of  primary  ideas,  affirming  that  from  these,  even 
without  the  aid  of  sensation,  we  derive  greater  certainty 
than  from  all  others.     But  he  could  not  find  any  mode  of 
connecting  these   primary  ideas   with   sensations,  nor   of 
tracing  sensations  back  to  these  ideas.     Accordingly  his 
doctrine  amounted  to  little  more  than  an  imperfect  eclec- 
ticism, in  which  experimental  philosophy,  together  with 
a  species  of  Neo- Platonic  idealism  (for  which  the  author 
had  a  natural  inclination)  are  jumbled  with  the  theology 
of  Aquinas.     But  these  contradictory  elements  are  never 
brought  into  fusion,  never  attain  to  the  unity  of  a  system. 
From  time  to  time,  however,  we  are  dazzled  by  marvel- 
lous   flashes    of  genius,    and    continually    struck    by  the 
author's  vigorous  freedom  and  independence  of  thought. 
In  fact  Campanella's  doctrines  were  the  conceptions  of  a 


CAMPANELLA  AND  SAVONAROLA.  s7 

vast  brain,  full  of  daring  and  enterprise,  and  that  although 
somewhat  disordered  and  confused,  gave  frequent  proofs 
of  extraordinary  penetration  and  preciseness.1 

Strangely  enough,  the  conditions  of  Savonarola's  life  were 
almost  identical  with  those  which  afterwards  gave  birth  to 
the  philosophy  of  Campanella.  He  too  was  a  Dominican 
monk,  had  diligently  studied  Aquinas,  and  assimilated  the 
Saint's  doctrines  with  his  own  ideas;  trained  from  his 
earliest  years  in  experimental  science  and  Aristotelian 
philosophy,  he  had  afterwards  come  to  Florence,  and 
found  himself  in  the  headquarters  of  the  Neo-Platonic 
school,  and,  with  a  natural  tendency  to  mysticism,  had  been 
thrown  in  the  company  of  Marsilio  Ficino  and  the  rest  of 
the  Academy.  Even  intellectually  Savonarola  bore  no 
small  resemblance  to  Campanella.  He  too  was  a  free 
and  daring  spirit,  yearning  to  project  his  mind  over  the 
whole  world:  he  too  sometimes  gave  forth  flashes  of 
light  and  unexpected  strength,  while  at  others  hopelessly 
involved  in  the  mazes  of  scholasticism.  But  the  Friar  had 
one  great  advantage  over  Campanella  ;  for  in  the  depths 
of  his  mind  and  heart  there  lay  a  moral  idea,  clear,  precise, 
and  powerful,  constituting  the  pith  of  his  thoughts,  the 
light  of  his  life,  and  the  unity  of  his  existence. 

In  short,  there  is  so  strong  a  resemblance  between  the 
philosophical  systems  of  these  two  Dominicans,  that 
it  is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  we  should  be  the  first  to 
mark  it.2 

\  Campanella,  "  Metaphysica."  Parisiis,  1638.  There  is  one  copy  of 
it  in  the  National  Library  of  Florence.  The  greater  part  of  Campa- 
nula's other  works  are  in  the  Riccardi  and  Marucelli  Libraries  of  the 
same  city. 

2  Padre  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  San  Marco,"  p.  164,  attempted  to  prove 
a  certair  «-oc.amV,u«AA  v^*... —  ^ i:.:_,  _r  L  1         a, 


panella, 

meniO  Ql  j.  .i^m.^.         .uul,  a.o   wt  suou  ott,  niv;  iwu  incus  uuiu  vciy  uu 

ideas  on  politics.  The  "Città  del  Sole"  was  pan  of  Campanella's 
"  Utopia,"  not  of  the  system  he  sought  to  put  into  practice  ;  therefore 
it  cannot  fitly  be  compared  with  the"  Reggimento  di  Firenze."     liut  this 


TIMES, 

B  in  detail  of  Savonarola's  philosopliic.il 

w:.!l  first  remark,  tli.it  the  old  catalogues  of  his 

that  he  had  devoted   much 
and  that  some  oi  .\^n\  it 

have   per  Among   these   was   a   compendium   of 

nearly  all  the  w .  and  Aristotle.1    His  prii 

tied    in  a  silvie  volume,  com  <>f'four 

:   trac:   I         "(  ilo  di   61  ,  di   Morale  e  di 

and   lastly,  of  a   pamphlet    on    the    M  Divisione   e 
dignità  di  tutte  le  scienze."2 

I  lis  Compendium  of  Philosophy  begins  by  treating 
i  motion,  the  primary  motive  force,  heaven,  the 
generation  and  decay  of  all  things;  and  thus  proceeds  to 
subject  the  whole  of  nature  to  examination,  in  an  ascend- 
ing scale,  from  inanimate  objects  to  man.  He  describes 
the  world  as  it   was  then  described  by  the  Aristotelians  : 

point  will  be  treated  elsewhere.  As  to  the  philosophical  works  of  Savona- 
rola, Marchese  tells  us  (p.  104)  :  "  We  have  here  a  complete  compendium 
of  the  writings  of  the  Stagirite,  in  all  their  variety."  Hcrr  Meier,  always 
a  very  painstaking  writer,  says  with  more  exactness  :  u  Aristoteles  bildet 
naturlich  die  Grundlage,  doch  zeigt  sich  bei  hàufiger  Beriicksichtung  des 
Thomas  von  Aquino,  auch  eigenes  Urtheil  unci  Kritik.  Der  Stil  ist 
meistens  leicht,  und  ein  Streben  nach  Klarheit  und  Bestimmtheit  nicht 
zu  vcrkennen  "  ("  Savonarola,"  &c,  Erst  Kap.,  s.  25).  Rudclbach,  writing 
with  the  sole  aim  of  discovering  Protestant  ideas,  pays  no  attention  to 
Savonarola's  philosophical  works.  Mons.  Perrens,  on  the  contrary,  gave 
them  careful  examination,  but  merely  translates  some  passages  from  them, 
without  pronouncing  any  judgment  upon  the  value  of  their  doctrines. 
Nevertheless  he  expresses  an  opinion  in  accordance  with  the  traditional 
verdict  :  "  Ces  dcrits  sont  done,  pour  ainsi  dire,  des  catechismes  sans 
pretention."     "  L'Auteur  nV  met  rien  du  sien  "  (vol.  ii.  p.  308). 

1  u  Aristotelis  pene  omnia  opera,  et  Platonis  abreviati."  This  is  the 
title  given  in  the  catalogue,  "  De  operibus  viri  Dei  non  impressis,"  at  the 
end  of  the  "  Biografia  Latina,"  and  included  in  the  Appendix  (Doc.  vi.) 
to  the  Italian  edition  of  this  work. 

'"Compendium  totius  philosophiac"  (to  which  in  other  editions  are 
added  the  words  :  u  tarn  naturalis  quam  moralis  ")  ;  "  Opus  de  divisione 
omnium  scientiarum  ;  "  "  Compendium  Logices."  Veneris  :  Lucae  Antonii 
Junta?,  1542.  There  are  many  other  and  some  older  editions  of  these 
works.  The  treatise  on  the  Art  of  Poetry,  of  which  we  shall  speak  else- 
where is  often  included  among  them- 


HIS  THEORY  OF  COGNITION.  99 

namely,  as  a  huge  animal  informed   by  three  great  souls 
the  vegetative,  sensitive,  and  intellectual  (or  comprehen- 
sive) souls.^    On  this  subject  it  is   unnecessary  to   follow 
the  author  in  detail,  inasmuch  as  he  only  repeats  the  ideas 
of  the  school.     But  in  the  theory  of  cognition  we  recog- 
nize Savonarola's  own  bold  touch  and  freedom  of  mind, 
and  will  therefore  give  it  less  summary  treatment.      "  We 
must  start  from  things  best  known,"  he  says,  «  to   arrive 
at  the  unknown  ;  since  only  thus  is  it  easy  to   reach  the 
truth."  I     Sensations  are  nearest  and  best  known  to  us  ; 
they  are  stored  in  the  memory,  when  the  mind  effects  the 
transformation  of  many  individual  sensations  into  a  single 
general  rule  or  experience.  After  this  it  carries  on  the  process 
until  from  the  union  of  many  experiences  universal  truths 
are  deduced.2     Therefore  true  wisdom  is  directed  towards 
first  principles  and  first  causes  ;  it  is  speculative,  free,  and 
of  a   very  lofty  nature.3     AH  our  knowledge,  therefore, 
proceeds  from  sensation  ;    hence   in   philosophy  all  that 
is  perceptible  to  the  senses  must  precede  that  which   is 
imperceptible  to  and  above  the  senses."  4     Elsewhere  he 
treats  in  the  same  fashion  of  the  process  by  which  sensa- 
tion is  transformed  into  idea.     "  Sensations  are  stored  in 
the  shape  of  pictures  in  our    fancy;  there  the  intellect 
seizes  upon  them,  and  by  its  own  virtue  transforms  them 
into  intellectual  acts."  5     From  sensation,  therefore,  with- 
out any   real  process   of  ratiocination,  and  without  any 
doctrinal  authority ,  our  knowledge  is  derived.      Neverthe- 
less   the  intellect  itself  could  not  convert  sensation  into 
idea  without  pre-existing  intellectual  cognition,  deprived  of 
which  it  would  be  merely  a  force,  incapable  of  achieving 
the  act  of  knowing,  incapable  of  comprehending  even  the 
meaning  of  words.      Consequently  every  doctrine    must  be 
founded  on  pre-existing  cognitions  of  the  senses,  and  on  the 

1  Bk.  i.  p.  17.  *  Bk.  i.  pp.  2,  8.  3  Bk.  i.  pp.  6,  7,  8,  9,  jo. 

4  Bk.  i.  p.  28.  5  Bk.  xiv.  p.  7. 


,oo  SA  5  ////•  AND  TIMES 

st  principles.    These  are  known 
.my  demonstration,  inasmuch  as  they  arc  true 
lent.1     They  may  indeed  seem  far  from  us  and 
hard  to  understand,  but  arc  substantially  the  very 
f  truth  and  evidence.     For  not  only  arc  they  true 
in  themselves,  but  constitute  the  truth  of  other  principles 
experience  apparently    nearer  to   us  and  more   easily 
under  And  truly  the  things  best  known  in  them- 

selves are  those  sharing  most  in  the  actum  esscndi,  as,  for 
instance,  God  Himself,  primary  intelligences,  and  primary 
principles.  Our  intellect  proceeds  from  the  power  to  the 
act  ot  knowing  ;  in  the  potential  state  it  perceives  with 
,  and  almost  by  intuition,  such  first  principles  as  it 
finds  clearest  and  nearest  to  itself;  but  on  coming  to  the  act 
of  knowing — that  is  to  say,  when  we  are  forced  to  rise  from 
the  individual  to  the  general — we  then  find  them  most 
remote  and  most  difficult."  2  Not  that  the  difficulty  con- 
sists in  knowing  the  cognitions  pre-existing  in  the  intellect, 
but  in  placing  primary  ideas  in  relation  with  primary 
nsations,  and  in  filling  the  immense  void  between  them  : 
namely,  in  establishing  the  first  foundations  of  science. 

This  was  the  sagacious  way  in  which  Savonarola 
attacked  the  fundamental  problem  of  philosophy,  but  he 
went  no  farther,  and  made  no  attempt  to  conquer  the 
difficulties  he  had  so  clearly  discerned.  He  often  repeats 
that    the    inductive    method    is    the    best    by    which    to 


I    u 


Logica,"  Bk.  viii.  p.  5. 
a  Comp.  Phil.,  bk.  i.  p.  13.  See  also  bk.  1.  pp.  17,  iS,  bk.  11.  p.  4  ; 
"  Logica,"  bk.  viii.  pp.  6,  7,  8.  Perusal  of  these  writings  will  show  that 
as  regards  form,  language,  and  many  of  their  ideas,  they  are  entirely 
Aristotelian,  but  that,  nevertheless,  the  doctrines  inculcated  show  con- 
siderable originality  and  the  working  of  an  independent  mind.  And 
this  will  be  still  better  understood  if  we  reflect  that  in  lecturing  to  the 
novices  Savonarola  was  compelled  to  adhere  to  traditional  forms,  inas- 
much as  in  his  day,  and  for  many  following  centuries,  the  scholastic 
philosophy  alone  was  allowed  to  be  taught  in  monastic  establishments. 
At  the  present  day  theology  is  the  only  flourishing  study  in  convents,  and 
even  this,  as  all  know,  is  always  taught  on  the  scholastic  method. 


SOURCES  OF  HIS  PHILOSOPHY. 


IOI 


proceed  from  the  known  to  the  unknown;  but  as  he  is 
content  with  these  vague  generalities,  there  is  the  same 
void  in  his  system  that  was  afterwards  found  in  Cam- 
panella's.  In  our  author  also  we  may  often  note  a  contra- 
dictory order  of  ideas,  and  in  his  mind  likewise  Platani* 
and  Aristotelian  doctrines  are  jumbled  with  the  theology 
of  Aquinas  without  being  brought  into  complete  harmony 
with  it.  Nevertheless,  of  the  two  philosophers  Savonarola 
is  the  easier  to  excuse,  inasmuch  as  he  was  not  solely 
devoted  to  philosophy,  and  in  the  short  tractates,  expressly 
composed  for  the  use  of  his  novices,  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  attack,  much  less  to  solve,  the  hardest  problem  of 
science. 

_  No  more  need  be  said  of  this  first  treatise  or  Compen- 
dium of  Philosophy  in  general,  for  in  the  rest  of  it  the 
author  is  content  to  borrow  from  Aristotle,  frequently 
copying  and  summarising  his  words. 

In  the  treatise  on  Moral  Philosophy  Savonarola  treads 
in  the  steps  of  Aquinas,  but  with  a  leaning  towards  Neo- 
Platonic  ideas  betraying  the  influence  of  Ficino  and  the 
Academy.  "  The  ultimate  end  of  man,"  he  says,  "  is  un- 
doubtedly beatitude,  the  which  does  not  consist,  as  natural 
philosophers  would  have  it,  in  the  contemplation  of  specu- 
lative science,  but  in  the  pure  vision  of  Deity.  In  this 
life  we  can  only  have  a  distant  image,  a  faint  shadow  of 
that  beatitude  ;  in  the  next  life  alone  can  we  enjoy  it  in 
its  fulness  and  reality.  And  although  this  beatitude  is 
not  to  be  obtained  by  human  efforts  alone,  yet  man  must 
strive  for  it  by  a  motus  ad  beatitudinem  that  will  endow 
him  v/ith  the  disposition  required  for  its  reception.  God 
alone  is  in  Himself  blessed  ;  man  has  need  of  many  efforts, 
motibus  multis,  and  these  consist  in  good  works,  which  are 
also  called  merits,  because  beatitude  is  the  prize  of  virtuous 
deeds."  l 

1  Comp.  Phil.  Mor.,  bk.  i.  p.  25. 


ioa  WHIM  A1.  AND    TIMI 

II  in  philosophy  as  well 

in  th  ola  always  insisted  on  the  effica 

ood  works,  and  [liently  On   man's   tree 

will.      "Il  will,"   he  continues,  "that  distinguishes 

man  hieh   i'vee  will   is   neither  a  quality 

nor    a    habit,    but    the    very    essence    of    human    will, 

Voluntas*  l      I  It  then   inveighs  against  the 
astr  \'   dictum   of  the   human   will    being   influenced 

by  t:  ITS.      "Our  will   can   he  moved  by  no  extraneous 

C,  neither  by  the  stars,  nor  by  the  passions,  nor  even 
by  God.  For  the  Creator  does  not  destroy,  but  preserves, 
the  world  and  all  created  things  after  the  laws  of 
their  nature.  Now,  as  we  said,  if  our  will  is  of  its 
nature  essentially  free,  if,  indeed,  it  is  freedom  itself,  God 
may  move  it,  but  always  leaves  it  free,  in  order  not  to 
destrov  it."  This  tractate  contains  many  just  and  acute 
remarks,  but  as  we  shall  find  them  in  still  greater  abun- 
dance in  Savonarola's  other  writings  we  need  not  dwell  upon 
them  here.  It  may,  however,  be  useful  to  quote  a  few  of 
his  ideas  concerning  veracity,  for  the  instant  confutation 
of  those  who  have  accused  him  of  wilfully  playing  a  false 
part,  and  claiming  to  be  a  prophet  in  order  to  increase  his 
influence  over  the  people.  We  consider  this  charge  to  be 
clearly  disproved  by  the  evidence  of  all  Savonarola's  acts 
and  words,  but  meanwhile  let  us  see  what  he  tells  us  in  his 
Moral  Philosophy  : — 

u  By  veracity  we  mean  a  certain  habit,  owing  to  which 
man  shows  himself,  both  in  word  and  deed,  as  he  really  is, 
and  rather  lesser  than  greater.  .  .  .  This  is  rather  a  moral 
than  a  legal  duty,  insomuch  as  it  is  Certainly  a  debt  of 
honesty  owed  by  every  man  to  his  neighbour,  and  the 
manifestation  of  truth  is  always  a  part  of  justice."2  We 
need  not  dwell  here  on  Savonarola's  utterances  on  Politics 

1  Comp.  Phil.  Mor.,  bk.  i.  pp.  26,  27. 

3  Comp.  Phil.  Mor.,  bk.  vi.  p.  23. 


HIS  "DIVISION  OF  AIL  THE  SCIENCES:'       103 

and  Economics,  which,  according  to  the  scholastic  doctrines, 
were  both  included  in  Moral  Philosophy,  for  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  mention  them  in  some  detail  when  examining 
their  author's  ideas  upon  politics.  Neither  shall  we 
analyze  his  "  Logic,"  since  it  is  a  mere  summary  of  the 
dialectic  of  the  schoolmen,  and  we  have  already  mentioned 
the  few  important  ideas  contained  in  it. 

Something  must  now  be  said  of  Savonarola's  pamphlet 
on  the  "  Division  of  all  the  Sciences,"  written  in  answer 
to  the  accusation  of  despising  poetry  and  holding- 
philosophy  in  no  account.  In  his  defence  he  drew  up  a 
general  table  of  the  sciences,  showing  that  he  assigned  to 
each  its  proper  position,  and  respected  all  according  to 
their  rank.  This  table  is  clear,  precise,  and  well-executed, 
but  is,  fundamentally,  the  same  division  adopted  by  the 
scholiasts.  Philosophy  consists  of  two  divisions — the 
rational  and  the  positive  ;  the  first,  acting  as  a  guide  to 
reason,  is  logic  ;  the  second  treats  of  real  entities,  and  is 
subdivided  into  practical  and  speculative  philosophy.  And 
practical  philosophy  is  further  divided  into  mechanical  and 
moral,  according  to  whether  it  treats  of  the  mechanical  pro- 
fessions or  moral  actions  of  man  ;  while  moral  philosophy 
is  subdivided  into  ethical,  economic,  and  political.  Three 
sciences — physics,  mathematics,  and  metaphysics — come 
under  the  head  of  speculative  philosophy,  which  can  treat 
of  either  that  which  is  inseparable  from  matter,  separable 
from  matter  only  in  the  abstract,  or  absolutely  immaterial. 
He  proclaims  metaphysics  to  be  the  queen  of  all  the  sciences, 
since  it  seeks  the  highest  truths,  and  more  than  any  other 
serves  to  ennoble  and  elevate  mankind.1     But  Savonarola 

1  Mamiani  praises  Campanella's  division  of  the  sciences,  and  prefers  it 
to  that  suggested  by  Bacon.  The  latter,  he  remarks,  gave  us  a  subjective 
division,  according  to  our  mental  faculties  (memory,  imagination,  reason)  ; 
the  former  made  a  more  rational  division,  in  accordance  with  the  special 
nature  and  aim  of  the  various  sciences  (Mamiani,  "Del  Rinnovamento 
dell'  antica  filosofia  Italiana,"  pp.  37,  38.      Paris,   1834).     And  this  has 


1  I 


•  il  to  add:  that  caking  secondo  puri  na 

pcaki  lì      •  only 

All  the  others  treat  oi   special    things   un 

.     alone    treats    of  all    under    a 
.  universal  a         .  theoli  the  first  science 

all  things  to  the  6r  t  <  ;   and  for  this  the  light 

of  nature  is  not  sufficient,  the   light  of  heaven   being  also 
luirecL 

From   this  it  is  easy  to  sec  that  this  supreme  science 
idowed  and  took  precedence  of  all  the  rest;   and  we 

been  frequently  repeated  by  other  writers.     In  fart,  Campanella  divides 

the  sciences  in  several  different  ways,  and  never  remains  constant  to  one 

.ally,  his  arrangement  of  the  sciences  is  almost  the  same  as 

that  followed  in  the  Middle  A^es,  placing  theology  at  the  head  of  all. 

in  this  Savonarola  resembles  Campanella,  for  he  does  the  same. 

Neither  showed  any  real  originality  in  their  division  of  the  sciences,  and 

it  is  impossible  to  give  them  the  preference  over  Bacon.     The  following 

e  will  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  division  adopted  by  Savonarola  : — 

SAVONAROLA'S   DIVISION    OF   THE   SCIENCES. 

PHILOSOPHY. 


REAL. 


PRACTICAL. 


RATIONAL. 

I 
LOGICAL.     (Divided  by  Campanella 
into  Dialectic,  Grammatical,  Rhe- 
torical, and  Poetical.) 
I 

SPECULATIVE. 


MORAL.  MIXHANICAL.        NATURAL.        MATHE-        METAPHYSICAL. 

Ethics,  Eco-     Mechanical     (Discussed      matical.  (To   Metaphysics 
nomics,        Arts.  at    length  Campanella     as- 

Politics.  in    Campa-  signs  a  higher 

nella's  "  De  place,  almost   on 

sensu    re-  a  level  with  Theo- 

rum  "     and  logy  ;  and  this  is 

in    other  of  more  rational  and 

his  works.)  more   consonant 

with  what  he  and 
Savonarola  say  of 
primary  science.) 


«THE  CHAINS  OF  ANTIQUITY."  105 

can  understand  the  sovereign  contempt  afterwards  shown 
by  Savonarola  for  philosophy,  poetry,  and  profane  studies 
in  general. 

We  have  only  dwelt  upon  the  chief  divisions  of  science, 
without  referring  to  Poetry  (classed  by  Savonarola  with 
Logic,  according  to  the  scholastic  rules),  but  of  this  we 
shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  speak  at  length.  At  this 
point  we  need  only  quote  what  the  Friar  said  of  those  who 
were  in  all  things,  and  especially  in  poetry,  servile  copyists 
of  the  ancients.  "  Some  have  so  narrowed  their  minds 
and  fettered  them  with  the  chains  of  antiquity,  that  not 
only  do  they  refuse  to  speak  save  as  the  ancients  spake, 
but  will  say  nothing  that  has  not  been  said  by  them. 
What  reasoning  is  this,  what  new  power  of  argument? 
That  if  the  ancients  spoke  not  thus,  neither  will  we  speak 
thus  !  Therefore  if  no  good  deed  was  done  by  the 
ancients  must  we  then  do  none  ?  "J  And  this  was  the 
tone  always  maintained  by  him.  In  an  age  when  every 
book  that  appeared  sounded  the  praises  of  the  ancients 
and  inculcated  the  necessity  of  imitating  them  in  all  things, 
Savonarola  alone  raised  his  voice  against  these  exaggera- 
tions. He  did  still  more,  when,  discarding  the  ancients 
altogether,  he  followed  the  dictates  of  his  own  reason  and 
pressed  forward  without  any  other  support.  This  is  shown 
not  only  by  his  philosophical  writings,  but  by  the  still 
clearer  and  more  abundant  proofs  of  independent  thought 
afforded  by  his  sermons  and  political  and  theological 
treatises.  Let  us  take,  for  instance,  his  principal  work, 
"  The  Triumph  of  the  Cross" — an  exposition  of  Christian 
doctrines  according  to  natural  reason.  In  the  preface  we 
find  the  following   passage  :    "  Whereas  in  this  book  we 

x  "  Opus  perutile  de  divisione  ordine  ac  utilitate  omnium  scientiarum. 
.  .  .  In  Poeticen  Apologeticus,  p.  40.  Venetiis  :  Aurelii  Pinci,  1534. 
There  is  also  a  fifteenth  century  edition  undated.  There  is  a  singular 
resemblance  between  the  words  quoted  above  and  the  ideas  expressed  by 
Campanella  in  his  "  Poetica"  and  the  tract  "  De  libris  propriis." 


ioò  WONAl  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

•  11  only  discuss  by  the  of  reason,  we  will  refer  I 

no  but  proceed  as  thou  liance  could 

any  man  in  the  world,  however  wise,  but 

irai  reason."1     And  further  on,  tl  It  is  by  Visible 

things  that   we  must  arrive  at  the  knowK  il  the  in- 

visible, forasmuch  as  all  our  knowledge  is  derived  from 
sensation,  which  only  comprehends  outer,  bodily  attri- 
butes; whereas  by  intellect,  which  is  subtle,  we  can 
penetrare    to   the   substance    of  natural    things,  and,  after 

nsidering  these,  attain  to  the  knowledge  of  invisible 
things."2  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  these  are  detached 
thoughts,  scattered  here  and  there  in  the  work,  for,  on  the 
contrary,  they  are  stated  in  the  preface  and  serve  to  indi- 
cate the  design  and  method  of  the  whole.  Every  chapter 
starts  by  premising  the  hypothesis,  that  nothing  has  been 
learnt  from  any  man,  and  by  repeating  that  we  must  accept 
no  authority  save  that  of  our  own  experience  and  reason. 
Thus  it  goes  on  to  the  end,  proceeding  from  the  known  to 
the  unknown.  And  whenever,  either  in  sermons  or  other 
writings,  Savonarola  inculcates  virtue,  and  urges  political 
reform,  his  practical  independence  of  mind  is  even  still 
clearer  and  more  visible. 

When  we  remember  that  he  lived  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
when  Marsilio  Ficino  was  esteemed  the  greatest  of  Euro- 
pean philosophers,  it  must  certainly  be  granted  that 
Savonarola  was  one  of  the  first  to  emancipate  philosophy 
from  the  yoke  of  the  ancients,  and  that  our  praises  are 
just  and  based  on  a  close  and  impartial  examination  of 
his  works.  The  old  biographer,  Burlamacchi,  who  was 
personally  acquainted  with  the  Friar,  says  of  him  :  "  that 
even  in  his  early  childhood  he  wrould  not  judge  authors 
according  to  their  fame,  nor  be  content  to  accept  opinions 
merely  because  they  were  in  vogue,  but  always  kept  his 

1  Proemio  to  the  "Trionfo  della  Croce." 
•  Ibid.  chap.  i. 


GAUGING  HIS  INTELLECTUAL  STRENGTH 


io? 


eye  fixed  on  truth  and  reason!1*  These  brief,  simple  words 
give  a  better  portrait  of  the  man  than  any  furnished  by 
later  biographers  ;  and  we  ourselves,  after  prolonged  study 
of  our  author's  works,  can  accept  the  old  chronicler's 
verdict. 

Nevertheless,  we  have  no  intention  of  overrating  Savon- 
arola's philosophy  in  order  to  exaggerate  his  scientific  merits. 
He  often  slighted  philosophy,  continually  censured  it,  and 
sometimes  spoke  of  it  with  contempt.  If  his  short  treatises 
on  the  subject  have  been  forgotten,  it  is  mainly  owing  to 
his  own  reticence  concerning  them.  They  are  unmentioned 
in  any  history  of  philosophy,  unquoted  by  any  later  philo- 
sopher, and  their  existence  seems  to  have  been  ignored 
even  by  Campanella,  although,  as  we  have  seen,  the  latter 
was  in  some  sense  a  disciple  of  Savonarola.  But  although 
these  reasons  may  diminish  the  scientific  importance  of  his 
writings,  they  cannot  detract  from  the  weight  of  their 
testimony  as  to  their  author's  mind. 

It  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  ascertain  the  intel- 
lectual strength   of  a  man  having  so   large  a  share  in  the 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  5.  Pico,  p.  8,  says  :  "  Mirus  erat  veritatis  amator,  eo 
usque  provectus  ems  gratia,  ut  in  his  quos  coleret  doctoribus  si  quid  non 
piacerei,  ingenue  fateretur."  Almost  the  identical  words  are  to  be  found 
52  £  ,  Bl0Srafia  Latina,"  which  agrees  on  this  point  with  Fra  Benedetto 
(  Vulnera  Dihgentis  "),  and  with  all  the  writers  who  were  personally 
acquainted  with  Savonarola.  Many  learned  men  of  the  fifteenth  century 
also  held  Savonarola's  philosophical  doctrines  in  the  highest  esteem. 
Ficinó  (in  a  letter  to  Gio  Cavalcanti,  December  12,  1494)  and  Poliziano 
(in  a  letter  to  Jacopo  Antiquaris,  May  18,  1492)  both  call  him  a  man  of 
distinguished  learning  ;  Pietro  Crinito,  in  his  "  De  Honesta  disciplina," 
bk.  i.  chap.  3,  says  of  him  :  "  Qui  astate  nostra  in  omni  prope  philosophi'a 
maxime  prasstat."  Finally,  we  may  quote  the  opinion  of  a  still  higher 
authority.  That  Francesco  Guicciardini  was  one  of  Savonarola's  greatest 
admirers,  is  clearly  proved  by  his  "  Opere  Inedite."  He  had  closely 
studied  the  Friar's  writings,  and  made  summaries  of  some  of  his  sermons, 
always  speaking  of  them  with  sincere  admiration.  As  to  philosophy  he 
says  :  "  Even  his  enemies  confess  him  to  have  been  versed  in  many 
branches  of  learning,  especially  in  philosophy,  which  he  had  mastered  so 
thoroughly  and  made  so  great  a  use  of  on  all  occasions,  as  though  he  had 
been  its  creator"  ("Storia  Fiorentina,"  p.  178). 


<  TIMES 

the  period  d  h  all  Europe  was  prc« 

a.iI  of  civilization  and  the  reassert 
uiman  reason.     Whatever  may  have  been  Savonarola's 

-,  whatever  his  temper,  whatever  his  aims,  it  was  un- 
itive tor  us  to  define  his  place  as  a  thinker,  and   decide 

whether  he  was  or  was  not  to  he  ranked  among  the  new  men. 
We  are  now  convinced  that,  unless  we  place  him  at  the 
d  of  these  men,  of  whom  he  was  the  precursor  and 
prophet,  and  of  whose  heroic  virtues,  daring  aspirations,  and 
fantastic  errors  he  had  so  large  a  share,  we  shall  never  be 
able  to  understand  his  true  character.  So  far,  in  spite  of 
all  that  has  been  written  upon  the  subject,  no  one  has  yet 
arrived  at  an  exact  definition  of  its  worth.  No  just  com- 
parison can  be  drawn  between  Savonarola  and  the  con- 
temporary philosophers  and  learned  men,  for  he  was  not 
only  opposed  to  Paganism,  but  took  a  far  more  serious  view 
of  the  problems  of  life.  His  real  originality  consisted  in 
recognizing  the  weight  of  reason,  experience,  and  conscience 
in  both  scientific  and  practical  questions,  but  without 
separating  science  from  the  religion  in  which  he  believed, 
and  without  admitting — as  many  then  admitted — that  man 
might  hold  one  faith  in  philosophy,  and  another  in  religion. 
And  in  virtue  of  this,  he  was  the  precursor,  prophet  and 
martyr  of  the  new  epoch. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


SqJVOVCqAIìPLqA'S     F/T^ST      RELIGIOUS      TQj&fPHLETS 

qA^CD    HIS    I&CTER<T1ÌE7qA7I0&CS    OF    THE 

SCRITTUQÌES. 

N  examining  the  great  tide  of  civilization 
that  began  to  advance  over  Europe  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  after  the  Italian 
Humanists,  and  partly  by  their  work,  we 
shall  find  at  the  base  of  the  new  philo- 
sophical and  religious  doctrines,  and  in 
the  midst  of  the  hottest  struggles  and  disputes,  a  general 
yearning  to  bring  men  nearer  to  God.  This  yearning  was 
the  source  of  the  fresh  enthusiasm  with  which  philoso- 
phers, theologians,  and  martyrs  were  fired.  For  what 
was  the  aim  of  the  new  philosophy  ?  The  abolishment 
of  every  contradiction  between  the  earthly  and  the 
heavenly  life,  between  the  human  mind  and  nature  ;  the 
reunion  of  the  creature,  animated  by  the  Divine  afflatus, 
with  the  Creator,  so  that  all  things  might  be  fused  in  one 
idea  by  means  of  the  Pantheistic  creed  taught  by  Giordano 
Bruno's  pen,  and  consecrated  by  his  death  at  the  stake. 
What  was  the  promise  held  forth  by  the  doctrines  of  the 
Reformation?  To  bring  the  devout  into  direct  com 
munion  with  their  God,  without  the  intervention  of  the 
priest.  Ceremonies  were  superfluous  ;  good  works  were 
unnecessary,   being    valueless   of    themselves  ;     by    grace 


no  & AVONAROLAS  1 11  E  AND   TIMES. 

e  \scrc  the  ]  ined  Bayed,  and  the  believer  was  an 

rument  in  the  hands  of  God,  and   must    have   faith   in 

This  new  love  and  irresistible  impulse  of  the 

soul.  :  Bruno   gave   the   name   of  "heroic   fury;" 

this  faith  in  the  Divine  finali]         led  mankind  from  the 
jpticism  and  corruption,  in  which  all  at  that  time 
Wert  E  or  less  engulfed.      It  reawakened  science,  pro- 

moted the  Reformation,  gave  new  strength  to  Catholicism, 
new  vouth  to  &  ,  and  inaugurated  modern  culture. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  we  can  see 
that  men's  minds  were  already  stirred  by  a  new  warmth  ; 
that  they  were  beginning  to  have  hope  in  the  force  of 
ideas  and  principles;  were  dissatisfied  with  the  actual  state 
of  things,  and  moved  by  new  aspirations.  The  first  sign, 
or  indeed  the  animating  principle,  of  this  renovation  ap- 
peared in  the  philosophy  of  the  Alexandrian  school,  which 
promised  the  direct  vision  of  God,  and  announced  that  to 
be  the  sum  of  human  felicity.  This  idea,  being  supported 
by  Ficino  and  his  Academy,  gained  popularity  at  once, 
made  rapid  way,  and  penetrated  to  the  hearts  of  men,  at 
the  time  when,  to  all  appearance,  the  reign  of  materialism 
seemed  permanently  assured.  But  while  this  idea  was 
still  in  the  preliminary  stage  of  a  theory  derived  from 
books,  we  find  that  Savonarola  was  possessed  by  it  from 
his  birth,  that  it  ruled  his  whole  life,  and  may  indeed  be 
said  to  have  been  his  life  itself.  His  sole  aspiration  was 
towards  God,  and  his  sole  desire  to  make  the  world  share 
in  the  blessedness  of  his  hopes. 

The  writings  Savonarola  gave  to  the  world  about  the 
year  1492  serve  to  bear  out  this  view,  for  the  greater 
part  of  them  are  filled  with  manifestations  of  a  religious 
zeal  to  which  the  term  of  "holy  fury"  may  well  be  applied. 
Nearly  all  of  them  are  short  pamphlets,  and  (especially 
the  tractates  on  Humility,  Prayer,  the  Love  of  Jesus 
Christ,   the    Widowed    Life)     in    part    ascetic,    in    part 


TRACTATE  ON  HUMILITY. 


i  n 


purely  religious  and  moral  works.  It  will  be  our  en- 
deavour to  describe  the  ideas  contained  in  them  with  the 
utmost  fidelity,  so  that  the  reader  may  duly  appreciate  the 
means  by  which  Savonarola's  ascendency  over  the  people 
was  originally  established. 

In  the  first  of  these  tracts  he  tells  us  "  that  the  virtues 
of  humility  and  charity  form  the  two  extremities  of  the 
spiritual  edifice  ;  1  because  humility  is  the  foundation  of 
the  fabric,  and  charity  the  perfection  and  consummation 
of  the  whole. ^  Therefore  it  is  meet  that  the  faithful 
should  abase  himself  before  God,  recognize  that  he  can 
do  no  good  of  himself,  and  that  without  the  help  of  the 
Lord  all  his  deeds  would  be  sinful.  Nor  is  it  enough 
that  he  should  have  an  intellectual  belief  in  this  ;  he  must 
also  feel  it  profoundly  in  his  soul.  The  will  of  man  is 
free,  therefore  he  must  use  all  his  strength  to  crush  pride, 
and  become  a  vessel  of  grace  ;  and  for  this,  outward  actions 
will  be  not  only  useful,  but  necessary.  The  believer  must 
humble  himself  before  his  superiors  and  before  his  equals  ; 
let  him  also  humble  himself  before  his  inferiors.  But  if, 
on  reaching  this  point,  he  should  hold  himself  to  have 
done  a  great  deed,  then  outward  humility  will  have  in- 
creased to  the  detriment  of  his  inner  state,  and  he  will 
have  forfeited  all  merit.  Let  him,  then,  remain  steadfast 
to  the  idea  of  his  own  unworthiness." 

In  the  tract  upon  Prayer,  Savonarola  tells  us  that 
prayer  2  is  one  of  the  most  efficacious  means  of  preserving 

1  "Trattato  dell'  Umiltà,"  Firenze,  per  Antonio  Miscomini,  the  last 
day  of  June,  1492.  Fourteen  leaves  in  all.  Other  editions  :  Florence, 
1495  ;  Venice,  1537,  1547.  Both  in  Audin  and  in  the  Guicciardini  cata- 
logue several  other  fifteenth  century  editions  are  quoted — undated.  In 
describing  the  contents  of  these  pamphlets  we  adhere,  as  closely  as 
possible,  to  the  author's  text. 

a  "  Trattato  e  vero  sermone  della  orazione,"  Firenze,  per  Antonio 
Miscomini,  20th  October,  1492.  This  pamphlet  also  consists  of  fourteen 
leaves.  Other  editions:  Florence,  1495;  Venice,  1538;  five  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  undated. 


tu  AVONA  VS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

in  man  a  lively  tiding  of  humility.     "Wherefore  let  him 

daily  pr  gently  and  long.     But  let  us  always  remember 

prayer  must  be  accompanied  by  humility  and  charity, 

(ir  if  ail.     Where  there  is  fervour,  there,  too, 

ayer,  and  therefore,  in  doing  deeds  of  charity,  a  man 
tid  to  pray." 
We  find  these  ideas  still  better  developed  in  a  similar 

tract  on  mental  prayer.1  "  I  le  who  prays  must  address 
I  as  though  he  were  in  I  lis  presence;  inasmuch  as  the 
Lord  is  everywhere,  in  every  place,  in  every  man,  and 
especially  in  the  soul  of  the  just.  Therefore  let  us  not  seek 
God  on  earth,  nor  in  heaven,  nor  elsewhere  ;  rather  let 
us  seek  Him  in  our  own  heart,  like  unto  the  prophet  that 
saveth,  ■  J  will  hearken  unto  that  which  the  Lord  shall  say 
in  me.'  In  prayer  a  man  may  take  heed  to  his  words,  and 
this  is  a  wholly  material  thing;  he  may  take  heed  to  the 
sense  of  his  words,  and  this  is  rather  study  than  prayer  ; 
finally,  he  may  fix  his  thoughts  on  God,  and  this  is  the 
only  true  prayer.  We  must  consider  neither  the  words 
nor  the  sentences,  but  lift  our  soul  above  our  self,  and 
almost  lose  self  in  the  thought  of  God.  This  state 
once  attained,  the  believer  forgets  the  world  and  worldly 
desires,  and  has,  as  it  were,  a  foreshadowing  of  heavenly 
bliss.  To  this  height  it  is  as  easy  for  the  ignorant  as  for 
the  learned  to  rise  ;  indeed,  it  often  comes  about  that  one 
repeating  the  Psalms  without  understanding  them  makes  a 
more  acceptable  prayer  than  the  wise  man  who  can  inter- 
pret them.  Words,  in  fact,  are  not  essential  to  prayer; 
on  the  contrary,  when  man  is  truly  rapt  in  the  spirit  of 
devotion,  speech  is  an  impediment,  and  should  be  replaced 
by  mental  prayer.  Thus  it  is  seen  how  great  is  the  error 
of  those  that  prescribe  a  fixed  number  of  orations.  The 
Lord  taketh  not  joy  in  a  multitude  of  words,  but  rather 

1  "Della   Orazione   Mentale,"   Florence,  1492,   1495;   Venice,    1518, 
1547.     Other  fifteenth  century  editions,  undated. 


TREATISE  ON  THE  LOVE  OF  JESUS  CHRIST   113 

in  a  fervent  spirit.  Hereupon  we  shall  be  assailed," 
Savonarola  adds,  "  by  those  whose  sole  concern  is  to  defend 
the  ceremonies  and  exterior  rites  of  the  Church.  To  these 
we  will  make  answer,  even  as  our  Saviour  to  the  Woman 
of  Samaria — *  Woman,  believe  me,  the  hour  cometh  when 
ye  shall  neither  in  this  mountain,  nor  yet  in  Jerusalem, 
worship  the  Father.  But  the  hour  cometh,  and  now  is, 
when  the  true  worshippers  shall  worship  the  Father  in 
spirit  and  in  truth  '  (St.  John's  Gospel,  iv.  21-23).  Tne 
which  signifies  that  the  Lord  desires  inward  worship,  with- 
out so  many  outer  ceremonies  ;  and  such  was  the  usage 
in  the  primitive  Church,  when  men  could  raise  their 
thoughts  to  God  without  need  of  organ  music  and  chants. 
When  fervour  slackened,  ceremonies  were  introduced,  as 
medicines  to  mens  souls.  In  these  times,  however, 
Christians  have  become  like  unto  a  sick  man,  from  whom 
all  natural  strength  hath  departed,  and  medicines  have  no 
more  power  over  him.  All  fervour  and  inward  worship 
are  dead,  and  ceremonies  wax  more  numerous,  but  have 
lost  their  efficacy.  Wherefore  we  are  come  to  declare  to 
the  world  that  outward  worship  must  give  way  to  inward, 
and  that  ceremonies  are  naught,  save  as  a  means  of  stirring 
the  spirit." 

But  the  treatise  on  the  Love  of  Jesus  Christ,1  of 
which  many  editions  rapidly  appeared,  is  a  still  clearer 
expression  of  the  mystic  enthusiasm  with  which,  as  we 
have  said,  Savonarola's  soul  was  possessed.  "  The  love  of 
Jesus  Christ  is  the  lively  affection  inspiring  the  faithful  with 
the  desire  to  bring  his  soul  into  unity,  as  it  were,  with  that 

1  "Trattato  dell'  amore  di  Jesù  Cristo,"  Firenze,  per  Antonio  Mis- 
comini,  the  17th  day  of  May,  1492.  A  pamphlet  of  twenty-eight  leaves. 
A  second  edition  appeared  in  the  June  of  the  same  year  ;  there  are 
five  more,  undated,  besides  those  published  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
one  which  was  issued  by  the  Giunti  Press  in  1529.  These  editions  of 
Savonarola's  pamphlets  are  very  elegant  and  often  illustrated  with  wood- 
cuts by  the  first  artists  of  the  period. 

9 


„  .  TAROLAPS  Uà  VD  TIMES 

(         .  and  live  the  life  of  the  Lord,  not  by  external 

•i,  but  by  inward  and  Divine  inspiration.     I  [e  (the 

thful)  would  seek  that  Chi  •  might  be  a  li  vii 

thine:  in  him,  would  desire  to  suffer  I  lis  martyrdom,  and 

with  I  lim  on  the  same  cross.     This  is  an 

omnipotent  love,  to  be  attained  by  the  operation  of 

I  it  raises  man  above  himself,  and  unite-, 
creature  with  the  infinite  Creator.  Man,  in  tact, 
is  continually  rising  from  humanity  to  divinity,  when 
animated  by  this  love,  which  is  the  sweetest  of  all 
affections,  inasmuch  as  it  penetrates  the  soul,  masters  the 
body,  and  causes  the  faithful  to  walk  the  earth  like  one 

iting  in  ecstasy." 

We  have  here  given  an  almost  literal  version  of  Savona- 
rola's words,  because  this  conception  of  love,  recurring 
continually  in  his  works,  and  a  fundamental  point  of  his 
doctrine,  has  never  yet  received  adequate  remark.  It  is 
true  that  Savonarola  gives  no  very  clear  definition  of  it,  since 
he  sometimes  declares  this  love  to  consist  only  in  grace, 
and  at  others  only  in  charity.  In  truth  it  partakes  of  the 
nature  of  both,  without  being  exclusively  the  one  or  the 
other.  When  grace  is  infused  into  man,  it  forthwith 
generates  charity  ;  in  fact  there  can  be  no  true  charity 
without  grace.  But  there  is  an  intermediate  state,  in 
which  the  believer,  feeling  the  nearness  and  almost  the 
breath  of  God,  experiences  a  supreme  felicity,  a  species  of 

lestial  intoxication.  This  inner  state  of  the  mind,  pre- 
disposing it  to  grace  already  indeed  conscious  of  its 
approach  to  generate  charity,  is  precisely  the  state  desig- 
nated by  Savonarola  as  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ.  This 
conception  was  an  important  point  in  his  doctrines 
precisely  because  he  affirmed  that  this  love,  although  an 
entirely  subjective  state  of  the  mind,  sufficed,  nevertheless, 
to  predispose  it  to  grace.  It  is  true  that  no  Christian  can 
acquire  charity  without  grace,  which  is  the  free  gift  of 


"BOOK  OF  THE   WIDOWED  LIFE:' 


1 1 


God,  and  scarcely  to  be  obtained  by  the  help  of  our  own 
will  ;  but  love,  on  the  contrary,  being  merely  a  disposition 
of  the  mind,  man  may  more  easily  attain  to  it  by  his  own 
effort.  Thereupon  grace  is  almost  naturally  infused  in 
hin%  and,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  charity  wells  up 
in  his  heart.  Thus,  love  has  the  superhuman  power  of 
joining  the  finite  creature  to  the  infinite  Creator,  and 
explains^  in  some  degree  the  mystery  of  human  freewill 
and  Divine  omnipotence. 

The  pamphlet  concludes  with  a  few  stimulating  con- 
templations {Contemplazioni  infiammative),  in  which  Savo- 
narola gives  vent  to  all  kinds   of  exclamations  on   the 
goodness  and  mercy  of  the  Lord,  on  the  ardent  longing  of 
his  soul  to  become  as  one  with  Him,  to  be  bound  on  the 
same  cross,  pierced  by  the  same  nails,  and  crowned  by  the 
same  thorns.       If  we  read    these   things  in    the    sceptic 
spirit  of  the  present  day,  we  shall  certainly  fail  to  discern 
any    merit  in    them  ;    but  if  we    reflect  that  they   were 
written  for  the  people,  were  the  utterances  of  a  soul  in  the 
transports  of  complete  prostration  before  God,  and  of  a 
man  who  found  in  this  holy  delirium  a  species  of  con- 
solation entirely  unknown  to  ourselves,  we  shall  come  to 
a  juster  appreciation  of  them.      And  their  value   will  be 
increased  in  our  eyes  when  we  remember  that  Savonarola 
succeeded   in  communicating  his  enthusiasm  to  a  people 
apparently  converted  to  scepticism  by  the  leaders  of  the 
new  learning.     He  was  the  first  to  foresee  and  foretell  that 
this  new  love  and  ecstasy  would  take  possession  of  the 
multitude,    and,    by    rousing    religious    feeling,    help     to 
regenerate  the  world. 

His  <c  Book  of  the  Widowed  Life/' I  published  as  early 
as  149 1,  consists  of  sound  moral  advice  to  widows. 


I    « 


Libro  della  vita  viduale,"  Firenze,  issued  by  Ser  Francesco 
Bonaccorsi,  1491.  It  is  a  pamphlet  of  thirty  leaves.  Audin  cites  three 
other  fifteenth  century  editions.  Two  undated,  and  one  issued  by  Ser 
Lorenzo  Morgiani,  26tb  November,  1496. 


ROIA'S  I.I  I E  AND  TIM. 
i  tO  disprove   the  assertions  of  th< 

who  represented  Savonarola  .is  a  toe  to  matrimony,  and 

almost  accused  him  of  intending  to  subject  all  Florence  to 

monastic  rules  of  lite,  whereas  the  doctrines  inculcated 
by  him  with  regard  to  marriage  were  full  of  good  sense. 
41  \\  idows,"  he  savs,  "  like  unto  orphans,  are  under  the 
special  protection  of  the  Lord.  The  most  fitting  life  for 
them  would  he  to  renounce  the  world,  give  themselves 
wholly  to  God,  and  become  *  even  as  the  dove,  which  is  a 
chaste  creature,  and  therefore,  having  lost  its  mate,  never 
couples  with  another,  but  spends  the  rest  of  its  life  in 
lonely  lamentation/  Nevertheless,  if  for  the  education  of 
her  children,  or  through  poverty,  or  from  being  unable  to 
resist  the  longings  of  the  flesh,  the  widow  should  wish  to 
take  a  second  husband,  let  her  do  so  ;  that  is  better  than 
being  surrounded  by  adorers,  and  thus  exposed  to  calumny 
and  dangers  innumerable.  If  a  widow  be  reluctant  to 
preserve  the  strict  decorum  and  difficult  reserve  due  to  her 
position,  rather  let  her  return  to  the  dignified  marriage 
state.  But  let  those  conscious  of  greater  strength  and  of  a 
spirit  suited  to  their  condition  become  models  for  all  other 
women.  The  worthy  widow  should  wear  robes  of  mourn- 
ing ;  live  alone,  and  avoid  the  company  of  men  ;  be 
gravity  itself,  and  so  austere  in  her  bearing  that  no  one 
mav  dare  to  address  to  her  a  word  or  smile  of  disrespect. 
And,  forasmuch  as  the  life  of  this  widow  will  be  a 
continual  lesson  to  other  women,  it  will  be  needless  for 
her  to  strive  to  speak  counsel  to  others.  Let  her  give  no 
advice  save  when  absolutely  required,  and  seek  only  to 
give  it  to  her  children  or  grandchildren.  It  is  unbecoming 
to  a  widow's  gravity  to  pry  into  the  life  or  backslidings  of 
others  ;  it  is  unbecoming  for  her  to  be,  or  even  appear  to 
be  vain  ;  nor  let  her,  to  save  others,  forget  what  is  due  to 
herself." 

By    means    of  these    pamphlets,    and    a    few    more   oi 


THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


Ji7 


nearly  the  same  kind,  which  he  published  from  time  to 
time,*  Savonarola  obtained  his  intent  ;  for  he  rose  dailv 
higher  in  the  estimation  of  the  learned  and  the  affection 
of  the  people.  But  although  in  his  philosophy  he  steadily 
followed  the  dictates  of  natural  reason,  and  his  religious 
writings  gave  free  vent  to  the  spontaneous  feelings  of  his 
soul,  yet  all  this  seemed  to  him  insufficient  to  brino-  con- 
viction to  the  minds  of  men  accustomed  to  be  guided  by 
authority.  It  is  true  that  he  was  often  so  dominated  and 
carried  away  by  his  own  ideas  that  he  was  content  to  assert 
them  as  undeniable  truths  ;  and  in  the  transports  of  his 
devotion,  believing  himself  favoured  with  direct  commu- 
nications from  God,  felt  no  need  of  offering  any  proof  of 
his  visions  and  prophecies.  Nevertheless,  when  it  was  a 
question  of  convincing  others,  silencing  the  conceit  and 
importunity  of  the  learned,  or  of  winning  general  belief 
for  extraordinary  things,  the  authority  of  a  book  was  in- 
dispensable in  that  age.  But  what  authority  could  he 
accept  save  that  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,*  the  only  book  in 
which  he  had  faith  ?  Who  would  dare  to  resist  the  word 
of  the  Lord  ?  The  Bible  had  been  the  surest  guide  of  his 
youth,  the  consoler  of  his  griefs;  it  had  educated  and 
formed  his  mind.  There  was  no  verse  in  it  that  he  had 
not  committed  to  memory,  no  page  that  he  had  not  com- 

1  Savonarola  must  have  also  published  at  this  time  his  "Confessionale," 
or  *  Introductorium  Confessorum,"  of  which  there  is  an  edition  undated, 
apparently  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  served  as  a  guide  to  confessors, 
and  especially  to  those  of  the  convent,  and  touches  no  individual  note. 
It  was  frequently  reprinted,  with  certain  changes  and  additions,  in  the 
course  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  was  very  generally  used. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Bible,  containing  marginal  notes  in 
Savonarola's  hand,  in  the  National  Library  of  Florence,  we  find  the 
following  note  :  "  Conemur  ita  Scripturas  exponere,  ut  ab  infidelibus  non 
ìrndeamur,"  after  the  title,  "  Summarium  Librorum  Sacre  Scripture  in 
Biblia  comprehensi."  The  real  meaning  of  his  note  was  plainly  this  : 
My  visions  come  directly  from  God,  and  would  therefore  stand  in  no 
need  of  proof,  were  the  men  of  to-day  less  incredulous.  These  private 
reflections,  written  by  Savonarola  for  his  own  use,  are  naturally  of  the 
greatest  value  to  us. 


uà  ONARi  AND  TIMES. 

,  and  from  which  he  had  not  derived  some  idea  for 
u     By  force  of  study  and  meditation  he  had 

ird  the    Bible  as  a  book.      Ir    v.. is  a   world,  a 

.  infinite  world]  in  which  the  past,  present, 

future  v.  eie  all   revealed  to  him.      1  fe  could  not    0] 

ptures  without  feeling  exalted  by  the  thought 

cadine  the  Word  of  God,  and  he  discerned  in  it  the 
L,  as  it  were,  of  the  whole  universe,  the  allegory 
of  the  whole  history  of  the  human  race.  It  was  a  study 
that  continually  fed  upon  itself;  therefore  he  covered  the 
margins  of  the  sacred  volume  with  interminable  notes  of 
ng  ideas,  and  many  different  readings  of  every  passage. 
It  is  only  by  examination  of  the  sermons  that  we  can 
realize  the  varied  use  that  Savonarola  made  of  the  Bible. 
However,  to  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  it,  we  may  say 
that,  besides  literal  interpretation  of  the  text,  he  was 
accustomed  to  arrange  the  reading  of  every  passage  under 
four  heads:  the  spiritual,  moral,  allegorical,  and  anagogica!. 
As  an  explanation  of  his  method,  let  us  take,  for  instance, 
the  first  verse  of  Genesis  :  "In  the  beginning  God  created 
the  "heaven  and  the  earth."  The  spiritual  meaning  refers 
to  the  spirit,  hence  heaven  and  earth  signify  soul  and  body. 
The  moral  meaning,  on  the  other  hand,  refers  to  morality, 
hence  heaven  and  earth  signify  reason  and  instinct.  The 
allegorical  meaning  is  double,  referring  both  to  the  Hebrew 
and  to  the  Christian  Church  :  in  the  first  case  heaven  and 
earth  represent  Adam  and  Eve  ;  the  sun  and  the  moon 
signifying  the  high  priest  and  the  king  of  the  Hebrew 
people  :  in  the  second  case  heaven  and  earth  signify  the 
chosen  people,  and  the  people  of  the  Gentiles,  the  Pope, 
and  the  Emperor.  The  anagogical  meaning  refers  to  the 
Church  triumphant,  hence  heaven  and  earth,  the  sun,  moon, 
and  stars  signify  the  angels,  men,  Jesus  Christ,  the  Virgin, 
the  saints,  and  so  forth.1 

1  See  note  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


HIS  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


no 


in  this  manner  Savonarola  found  confirmation  in  the 
Bible  for  every  thought,  inspiration,  and  prophecv  that  he 
imagined  and  for  all  he  beheld. 

There  was  nothing,  whether  great  or  small,  public  or 
private,  sacred  or  profane,  of  which  he  did  not  find  some 
proof  in  the  Bible.  Nevertheless,  he  recommended  that 
great  caution  should  be  exercised  in  making  these  inter- 
pretations. In  one  of  his  marginal  notes  we  find  these 
words:  c<  It  is  necessary  to  be  acquainted  with  languages 
and  history^  to  continually  read  and  have  long  familiarity 
(with  the  Bible)  ;  it  is  necessary  to  be  careful  not  to  run 
counter  to  reason,  nor  the  received  opinions  of  the 
Church  x  and  the  learned.  We  must  not  turn  the  Bible 
to  our  own  ends,  for  by  so  doing  the  human  intellect 
would  usurp  the  place  of  the  Divine  Word.2     Who  then 

1  "Ad  caritatem,  familiaritatemque  Christi  non  pervenerit  quisquis 
Sacre  Scripture  delitiis  abundare  non  contendit. 

_  "  In  exponendis  Scriptum  semper  queramus  verum  sensum  auctoris 
videlicet  hteralem  primo,  et  ubi  sunt  plures  sensus,  eum  maxime 
sequamur,  quern  plures  gravioresque  sequunter,  prcsertim  quando sequitur 
eum  Ecclesia  Romana  :  non  spernentes  tamen  expos  il  ioncs  contr arias 
aliorum  Sanctorum."  .  .  . 

"Circa  ea  que  ad  fidem  pertinent,  quacdam  sunt  de  substantia,  ut 
articuli,  et  circa  hec  non  licet  contrarium  opinali.  Quaedam  non  sunt 
de  substantia,  ut  diversa  doctorum  expositiones  ;  et  circa  hec  contingit 
opinari  contraria." 

Some  of  these  notes  are  very  beautiful,  and  prove  the  independent 
spirit  of  their  author  ;  but  others  are  only  proofs  of  his  mental  excite- 
ment and  unbalanced  fancy.    We  have  only  quoted  a  few  of  the  pa 
bearing  on  our  theme.      These  also  are  at  the  beginning  of  the  Bible 
in  the  National  Library,  directly  after  the  "  Summarium  'J  quoted  above. 

2  He  seemed  to  fear  lest  he  should  be  guilty  of  this  himself,  For  we 
find  many  notes  in  which  he  warns  himself  to  take  heed,  as  in  some 
of  those  we  have  quoted  above,  and  as  may  be  seen  by  the  following  : 
"  Cave  ne  voluntas  precedat  intellectum,  aut  etiam  intellectus  tuus 
intellectum  Dei  in  Scriptura,  ut  velis  ipsam  exponere  sicut  prius  con- 
cepisti, et  tuo  sensui  aptare  ;  sed  potius  eius  intellectui  te  ipsum  accoin- 
moda,  ut  super  dicit  Hilarius." 

We  find  a  similar  thought  expressed  again  further  on:  "Ne  etiam 
ab  infidelibus  irrideamur  :  et  falsa  pro  veris  sumamus  et  asseramus, 
non  debemus  Scripturam  exponere  contra  philosophiam  naturalem  vcram. 


SAVOXAROUtS  LIFE  AND  TIMES, 

the  faithful  through  this  sea  of  peril,  and  teach 

him  to  thread  this  labyrinth  to  which  the  human  intellect 

no  clue?    Divine  grace  shall  be  his  guide.    Therefore 

■     'htul  prepare  himself  to  rc.ul  the    Bible   by  great 
of  heart,  by  long  practice  of  charity,  by  raisins  his 

thoughts  above  earthly  things;  for  we  may  not  comprehend 
hook  by  the  intellect  alone,  but  must  also  bring  out- 
heart  and  soul  to  the  task.  Thus  only  can  we  enter  with- 
out peril  into  this  infinite  world  of  the  I  loly  Scriptures, 
and  obtain  the  light  needed  for  our  salvation.  But  nor 
unto  all  is  this  gift  equally  granted.  From  time  to  time 
God  sends  upon  earth  men  favoured  with  a  stronger  light 
than  others,  and  it  is  their  part  to  enlighten  the  darkened 
minds  of  the  multitude.  Such  are  the  doctors  of  the 
Church,  to  whom  the  Lord  often  speaks  in  the  spirit, 
revealing  hidden  things  to  them  by  direct  communication, 
so  that  thev  may  guide  and  enlighten  the  faithful."  " 

But,  in  spite  of  all  these  precautions,  Savonarola  was 
nearing  the  brink  of  a  precipice  from  which  it  was  difficult 
to  avoid  falling.  With  so  varied  and  flexible  a  method  of 
interpretation,  there  was  nothing  that  could  not  be  sup- 
ported on  the  authority  of  Holy  Writ  ;  and  whenever  he 
should  let  himself  be  carried  away  by  his  imagination,  the 
Scriptures,  instead  of  acting  as  a  check,  would  only  urge 
him  to  wilder  flights.  In  fact,  whenever  his  excited  fancy 
evoked  strange  visions  of  futurity  ;  whenever  he  heard 
voices  of  sinister  omen  in  the  air  threatening  chastisement 
to  Italy  and  the  Church,  he  always  found  this  confirmed  in 
some  page  of  the  Bible  ;  and  the  greater  his  good  faith  and 
sincerity  the  more  strongly  was  he  convinced  of  the  truth 

Si  enim  Deus  doceret  aliud  per  lumen  naturale,  aliud  contrarium  per 
lumen  supernaturale,  aut  dicerent  homines,  eum  decipere,  aut  errare. 
Ergo  Scriptura  est  secundum  philosophiam  veram,  quia  verum  verq 
consonat." 

1   Vide  the  same  marginal  notes  in  Savonarola  s  Bible. 


DANGER  OF  HIS  METHOD  OF  INTERPRETATION.   ,;, 

of  these  signs.  Nor  must  we  forget  that  he  was  encouraged 
in  his  systern  of  interpretation  by  the  example  of  the  Neo- 
Platonist  philosopher,  Ficino,  who  was  accustomed  to 
interpret  the  classics  on  a  no  less  varied  nor  less  arbitrary 
plan.  The  traditions  and  learning  of  the  age,  together 
with  his  own  temperament,  combined,  therefore,  to  urge 
Savonarola  irresistibly  forward  on  his  dangerous  path. 
But  we  shall  have  occasion  later  to  speak  of  this  subject 
at  greater  length.  J 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  VII. 

On  the  Biblical  Exegesis  of  Savonarola,  and  on  certain 
copies  of  the  Bible  annotated  by  his  hand. 

We  shall  now  give  a  specimen  of  Savonarola's  various  modes  of  inter- 
preting the  Bible,  applied  to  the  beginning  of  Genesis.    This  specimen 
is  derived  from  the  marginal  notes  written  in  Savonarola's  hand  in  two 
Bibles,  one  of  which  is  in  the  National  Library,  and  the  other  in  the 
Riccardian  Library  of  Florence.     From  the  first  and  more  important 
of  the  two  we  have  frequently  quoted  :  it  was  printed  at  Basle,  1491, 
and  contains  a  greater  number  of  notes,  besides   many  dissertations  or 
tractates  added  at  the  end.     Notes  and  tractates  are  alike  written  in  a 
close,  neat  hand,  and  so  minutely,  and  with  so  many  abbreviations,  as 
to  be  illegible  without  much  study  and  the  occasional  use  of  a  micro- 
scope. ^    A   very   exact   transcription   of   them  was    made    by  Signor 
Bencini,  of  the  National  Library;  and  the  copy  in  our  own  possession 
forms   two   stout  folio  volumes  of  manuscript.     The  Riccardi  Bible 
(Venice,  1492)  contains  fewer  and  more  legible  notes  and  no  tractates. 
The  interpretations   given  are  always  made  on   the  system  we  have 
described.     They  contain  remarks  on  history  and  geography,  and  give 
the  meaning  of  certain  Greek  or  Hebrew  words,  from  which  literal, 
moral,  mystic,  allegorical,  and  anagogical  interpretations  are  derived. 
It  should,  however,  be  remarked  that  Savonarola,  unlike  the  champions 
of  Reform,  seldom  raises  any  purely  theological  questions  in  his  notes; 
on  the  contrary,  we   constantly  find  that  the  passages  upon  which  the 
Reformers  afterwards  based  most  of  their  controversies  arc  left  with- 
out comment.     But  we  shall  have  occasion  to  recur  to  this  elsewhere. 
For  the  moment  we  need  only  observe,  that  Savonarola's  chief  object 


AVONAR  ' '.       TIMES, 

[n  making  these  noi  tturense  sermons  and  dei 

writing  .     The  all   the  is,    arc 

the  printed  lines,  am!  I  cs. 

Bj  the  National  ]  lining  the  rules  for  the 

by  side  with  t  ;di;in  ( 

Kb    which    there    is    a    wider   ippli  these    rules    to    the 

chapters  of  C I  we  have  been  enabled  to  construct  the  following 

table.    Other  and  more  minute  particulars  and  ex. un;  Ics  may  be  found 

outturn  in  the  a".  ntioncd   !  .  and  also  in  many  ■ 

narola's  sermons  ;  as,  lor  instance,  in  No.  XXIII.  of  the  scries  on  the 
Psalm  Q*£M   icr::,i. 

The  reader  will  be  able  to  form  some  idea  of  the  manuscript  com- 
positions contained  in  the  National  Library  Bible,  in  addition  to  the 
marginal  notes,  from  the  following  list  of  the  greater  part  of  them, 
with  their  respective  titles.  As  some  indication  of  their  bulk,  we 
also  note  the  number  of  pages  occupied  by  them  in  our  copy  : — 

"  Bencdicit  nos  Deus,"  &C,  pp.  1-2.  "In  Purificazione  :  Civitatcm 
adhortaturus  ad  rcctam  in  Dcum  intcntioncm,  ct  mutuam  unioncm  " 
(this  and  the  preceding  are  notes  for  sermons),  pp.  2-5.  "Cantica 
Canticorum,"  pp.  6-44.  "  Moralitas  super  1 6th  Ezechiclis,"  pp.  45- 
54.  "Habacuc"  (a  complete  exposition  of  that  prophet),  pp.  54-99. 
"  Circumferatur  Area"  (notes  for  five  sermons),  pp.  100-107.  "In 
Assumptionc,"  pp.  112-132*  Then  (pp.  133-247)  follow  numerous 
summaries,  and  notes  of  different  kinds,  almost  all  for  sermons,  of 
which  the  last  is  addressed  Ad  Dominos,  i.e.,  to  the  Signory. 

We  should  also  remark  that  there  arc  two  ancient  parchment  Bibles 
in  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark,  containing  numerous  marginal  notes  in  a 
very  minute  hand  somewhat  resembling  that  of  Savonarola.  This 
resemblance  notwithstanding,  and  although  the  words,  "  utebatur 
Hicronynus  Savonarola"  were  found  inscribed  on  a  leaf  of  one  of  these 
Bibles,  the  notes  are  certainly  not  his.  We  may  also  add  that  in  the 
catalogue,  "De  operibus  viri  Dei,  non  imprcssis,"  no  other  Bibles 
annotated  by  Savonarola  are  mentioned,  save  the  following  :  "  Biblie 
tres  glossate  ab  ipso.  Prima,  apud  Fcrrariam,  in  conventu  Angelorum; 
sccunda,  Flcrentia,  apud  Fratrem  Nicholaum  di  Biliottis  ;  tcrtia, 
Florcntia,  apud  Marcum  Simonis  de  Nigro."  It  is  improbable  that 
the  author  of  this  catalogue,  who  was  a  friar  of  St.  Mark's,  and  so 
careful  in  noting  down  his  master's  manuscript  works,  should  have 
been  unacquainted  with  Bibles  actually  contained  in  the  convent 
while  acquainted  with  those  then  in  the  possession  of  private  indi- 
viduals. Neither  are  the  parchment  Bibles  in  question  mentioned  in. 
any  of  the  old  biographies. 


AUTOGRAPH  NOTES. 


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CHAPTER  Vili. 


SAVONAROLA    PREACHES    07*    THE    GOSTELS    tN    THE 
tfTHED'RAL  —  HE   SHOWS    HIS    AVERSIO&C    TO    LO- 
7CZO  THE  MAG&CIFICEW?    HE  PREACHES  O^K.  ^///,; 
FIRST  EPISTLE  OF  ST.  JOH&C. 

(1491.) 

^/jVj  HE  Florentines  thronged  in  greater 
crowds  to  St.  Mark's,  until  the  church 
could  no  longer  contain  them  ;  where- 
fore, in  the  Lent  of  1491,  Savonarola 
preached  in  the  Duomo,  and  his  voice 
echoed  for  the  first  time  within  the 
walls  of  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore.  From  that  moment  he 
would  seem  to  have  become  paramount  in  the  pulpit,  and 
master  of  the  people,  who  flocked  to  hear  him  in  increas- 
ing numbers,  and  with  redoubled  enthusiasm.  The  Friar's 
imagery  enchanted  the  popular  fancy  ;  his  threats  of  coming 
chastisement  had  a  magical  effect  upon  the  minds  of  all,  for 
it  truly  seemed  that  all  were  already  oppressed  by  evil 
presentiments.  His  recently  published  writings  likewise 
assured  his  influence  over  distinguished  men  who  had 
hitherto  stood  hesitatingly  aloof,  but  this  did  not  prevent 
him  from  condemning,  in  the  plainest  and  most  decided 
terms,  the  scepticism  and  corruption  of  the  most  celebrated 
literati  of  the  time.1 

*  An  autograph  codex,  in  the  Library  of  St.  Mark,  and  of  which  we  shall 
have  more  to  say  hereafter  contains  summaries  of  these  Lenten  sermons. 


" TERRIFICAM  PRsEDlCATIONEM  EGL»         , 25 

All  this  naturally  caused  much  annoyance  to  Lorenzo 
de   Medici,  and  roused  the  hostility  of  his  friends.     Savo- 
narola began  to  reflect  whether  it  might  not  be  advisable 
for  the  moment,  to  cease  all  mention  of  visions,  revelations' 
or  threats  of  coming  ills,  and  confine  himself  to  precepts 
of  morality  and  religion.     But  he   soon  realized  that  it 
was  easier  to  make  this  change  in  theory  than  in  practice 
His  /'Compendium  of  Revelations  "  gives  us  an  account  of 
his  inward    struggles  during    the    second  week  in  Lent 
"  All  that  withdrew  me  from  my  principal  study  became 
quickly  distasteful,  and  whenever  I  sought  to  enter   on 
another  path,  I  became  instantly  hateful  to  myself.     And 
I  remember,  when   I   was    preaching  in    the  Duomo  in 
149 1,1  and  had  already  composed  my  sermon  upon  these 
visions,  I  determined  to  omit  all  mention  of  them,  and 
never  recur  to  the  subject  again.     God  is  my  witness  how 
I  watched  and  prayed  the  whole  of  Saturday  and  through- 
out the  night  ;   but  all  other  ways,  all  doctrines  save  this, 
were  denied  me.     Towards  break  of  dawn,  being  weary 
and  dejected  by  my  long  vigil,  I  heard,  as  I  prayed,  a  voice 
saying  to  me  :  *  Fool,  dost  thou  not  see  that  it  is  God's 
will  thou  shouldst  continue  in  the  same  path  ?  '     Where- 
fore I  preached  2  that  day  a  terrible  sermon,  terrificavi 
pr<edicationem  egi"  3 

Of  this  sermon  we  have  lately  discovered  an  autograph 
summary,  which,  although  very  incomplete,  affords  a 
sufficiently  clear  idea  of  the  whole.  It  contains  a  vehe- 
ment denunciation  of  the  clergy,  whom  Savonarola  declared 

At  sheet  54  we  find  this  passage  :  "  Quidam  exponunt  cantica  de  ama- 
sns,  &c.  Quidam  Scripturas  dicunt  esse  artem  poeticam,  &c.  Quidam 
cantant  versus  Loysi  Pulici,  &c.  Quidam  habent  Biblias  in  vulgari 
errantes.     Quidam  volunt  eas  corrigere  ut  grammatici,  &c." 

1  In  the  original  1490;  but  we  have  adopted  the  common  style  of 
reckoning. 

2  Le.,  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent,  falling  on  the  last  day  of  February, 
as  may  be  seen  in  the  above-quoted  manuscript. 

3  "  Compendium  Revelationum,"  Qudtif  edition,  pp.  277-8. 


,2r>  SAVONAROLAS  ///■'/:  AND  Til 

■n    up  '  t 

ch  they  m  traffic,  while  neglecting 

f  the  spirit.     "  Fathers  make  sacrtóce  to 

thi  1»  urging  their  sons  to  enter  the  eccl<  al 

n  bene!  prebei  ind  thi 

hear:-  :    BUssed  the   house   that   owns  a  fat    cure. 

:    I  say  unto  ye  :    A  time    will  conic   when  rather  it  will 
i:    Woe  tO   that    house;   and    ve    will    feel    the  edge 
of  the  SWOrtf  upon  you.      Do  as  I  hid  ye;   rather  let   your 
sons   follow   the   way    of  all    others,   than    undertake   the 
religious  life  for  gain.      In  these  days  there  is  no  grace,  no 
gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  that  may  not  be  bought  and.  sold. 
On   the   other  hand,  the  poor  are  oppressed    by  grievous 
burdens,  and  when  they  are  called  to  pay  sums  beyond 
their    means,  the  rich   cry  unto  them,   Give  me  the  rest. 
There  be  some  who,  having  but  an  income  of  fifty,  pay  a 
tax  of  one   hundred,  while  the  rich   pay  little,  since  the 
taxes  are  imposed  at  their  pleasure.     When  widows  come 
weeping,  they  are  bidden  to  go  to  sleep.     When  the  poor 
complain,  they  are  told  to  pay  and  pay  again." 

He  then  went  on  to  speak  of  the  corruption  of  manners, 
and  wound  up  by  saying  :  "  Bethink  ye  well,  O  ye  rich,  for 
affliction  shall  smite  ye.  This  city  shall  no  more  be  called 
Florence,  but  a  den  of  thieves,  of  turpitude  and  blood- 
shed. Then  shall  ye  all  be  poverty-stricken,  all  wretched, 
and  your  name,  O  priests,  shall  be  changed  into  a  terror. 
I  sought  no  longer  to  speak  in  Thy  name,  O  Lord  ;  but 
Thou  hast  overpowered  me,  hast  conquered  me.  Thy 
word  has  become  like  unto  a  fire  within  me,  consuming 
the  very  marrow  of  my  bones.  Therefore  am  I  derided 
and  despised  of  the  people.  But  I  cry  unto  the  Lord  day 
and  night,  and  I  say  unto  ye:  Know  that  unheard  of 
times  are  at  hand." 

"  When  Jesus  came  to  redeem  the  world  He  found  hearers 
in  Judaea    alone,  and  even  there  the    faithful  were    few. 


PRAYER  FOR  ENLIGHTENMENT.  I2? 

But  He  called  them  to  Him  on  the  Mount,  and  afterwards 

by  their  means,  transformed  the  human  race.  Ye  forsake 
me,  ye  deride  me,  yet  shall  I  gain  a  few  disciples,  who 
will  give  up  all  for  Christ's  sake.  They  will  ask  neither 
benefices  nor  prebends;  will  accept  neither  gifts  nor  alms 
but  only  their  daily  bread.  They  will  dress  like  the  poor  ; 
they  will  not  seek  the  great  ;  they  will  not  run  after  the 
magistrates  in  the  palace  ;  they  will  not  build  houses  ; 
they  will  not  visit  women  daily,  to  carry  them  images  and 
rosaries.  They  will  be  truthful  ;  they  will  climb  the 
mount  of  faith  ;  they  will  have  revelations  from  heaven 
and  much  learning,  not,  however,  the  learning  of  Scotus  or 
the  poets,  but  that  of  their  own  conscience  and  of  Holy 
Writ.  They  will  expound  no  more  their  visions  until  all 
shall  be  filled  with  the  glory  of  God.  Then  ye  shall 
comprehend  that  which  I  say  to  ye.  Now  ye  cannot  com- 
prehend. Wherefore  it  behoves  ye  to  pray  the  Lord  that 
He  give  ye  enlightenment.     That  is  your  sole  need."  1 

1  In  the  Museum  of  St.  Mark,  in  the  very  cell  once  inhabited  by 
Savonarola,  is  now  preserved  the  precious  autograph  codex  from  which 
we  have  quoted.  It  is  marked  E.  5,  10,  76,  came  from  the  Palatine 
Library,  and  contains  summaries  in  Latin  of  a  great  number  of  Savona- 
rola's sermons,  including  (at  sheets  53-71)  those  preached  during  Lent  in 
T491.  To  these  a  contemporary  hand,  but  not  that  of  Savonarola,  has 
affixed  the  date  1489,  which  would  signify,  according  to  the  common 
style  of  reckoning,  the  year  1490.  But  as  we  learn  from  the  manuscript, 
the  sermon  was  preached  Annuntiatione  dominica,  that  is  to  say,  on  the 
25th  of  March,  on  a  Friday,  therefore  Easter  Day  must  have  fallen  on 
the  3rd  of  April.  Now  Easter  Day  fell  on  the  3rd  of  April  in  the  years 
1485,  1491,  and  1496.  It  could  not  have  been  preached  in  the  latter,  for 
that  vyas  a  Leap  Year,  and  Annunciation  Day  then  fell  on  Thursday  instead 
of  Friday.  In  1485  Savonarola  was  Lenten  preacher  at  San  Gimignano  ; 
we  may  therefore  take  it  for  granted  that  his  Lenten  sermons  od  the 
Gospels  were  preached  in  149 1.  These  observations  were  suggested  by 
Signor  Gherardi,  and  we  concur  in  their  justice.  We  were  also  able  to 
verify  them  in  another  fashion.  We  found  that  the  sermon  for  the  second 
Sunday  in  Lent  was  precisely  the  one  so  minutely  described  by  Savona- 
rola in  his  "  Compendium  of  Revelations,"  where  he  also  states  that  it  was 
preached  in  the  Lent  of  1490  (1491  common  style).  He  has  noted  in  his 
own  hand  on  the  margin  of  the  manuscript  :  "  Deinde  dixi  qualiter  fui 
coactus  hec   predicare,  quia   nihil   aliud    per   totam   noctem    invigilcm 


ìfES 

Fr  ,m  this  wmon  we  may  glean  wmc  id      I  the  whole 

:  :i  the  aph  n 

not  only  roi  mentary,  but  often 

almost    unintelligible.      But   we   know    that    Savonarola 

nary  success  by   them,    not,  however, 

the  lively  disapprobation  of  many  who 

aselves  to   be   the   objects  of  his  On 

March  io,  1491,  he  wrote  to  Fra  Domenico  da  Pescia, 

wk  then   preaching   at    Pisa,  and   already  one  of   the 

most  devoted  of  his  followers  :  "  Our  work  goes  on  well 
tor  God  helps  us  marvellously,  although  the  chief  men  of 
the  city  are  against  us,  and  many  fear  that  we  may  meet 
with  the  fate  of  Fra  Bernardino.»  But  I  have  faith  in  the 
Lord  ;  He  gives  me  daily  greater  courage  and  persever- 
ed I  preach  the  regeneration  of  the  Church,  taking 
the  Scriptures  as  my  sole  guide.  Be  of  good  cheer  and 
urn   quickly,  that  I   may  tell  ye  the  marvellous  deeds 

of  the  Lord."'2  r    , 

Further  proofs  of  the  signal  success  of  these  Lenten 
discourses  are  afforded,  not  only  by  the  testimony  of  the 
biographers,  but  by  the  remarkable  fact  that,  in  spite  of 
his  visions,  threats,  and  allusions,  and  all  the  murmurs  they 
aroused,  Savonarola  was  invited  to  the  palace  by  the 
Sienory,  and  delivered  a  sermon  there  on  the  fourth  day 
of  Easter  (April  6th).  "I  am  here  in  the  waters  of 
Tiberias,"  he  said.  "  In  the  presence  of  the  Signory  I  do 
not  feel  master  of  myself  as  in  church.  Therefore  am  1 
constrained    to  be  more  measured    and    urbane,  even    as 

potuit  mihi  occorrere."  These  are  almost  the  identical  words  used  in 
he  "Compendium."  There  is  a  very  incomplete  summary  of  this  sermon 
at  sheeH  'of  the  Codex.     Vide  Appendix  of  the  Italian  edition,  Doc.  vii 

«Fra  Bernardino  da  Montefeltro,  a  Franciscan  monk  who,  having 
preached  against  usury  in  Florence,  and  recommended  the  .institution 
of  a  Monte  di  Pietà,  was  exiled  in  the  time  of  Piero  de'  Medic. 

■  Th°s  letter  was  first  published  by  Padre  Marchese  in  an  old 
IIÉlS^JSì^Gli^  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  178)  brought  it  out 
in  the  original  Latin. 


ELECTED  PRIOR  OF  ST.  MARK'S. 


129 


Christ  in  the  house  of  the  Pharisee.  I  must  tell  you, 
then,  that  all  the  evil  and  all  the  good  of  the  city  dcpe 
from  its  head,  and  therefore  great  is  his  responsibility  even 
for  small  sins,  since,  if  he  followed  the  right  path,  the 
whole  city  would  be  sanctified.  We  therefore  must  fish 
in  this  sea  with  nets  that  can  hold  the  smallest  fish,  nor 
must  we  employ  overmuch  caution,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
speak  frankly  and  openly.  Tyrants  are  incorrigible 
because  they  are  proud,  because  they  love  flattery,  and 
because  they  will  not  restore  ill-gotten  gains.  They  leave 
all  in  the  hands  of  bad  ministers;  they  succumb  to 
flattery;  they  hearken  not  unto  the  poor,  and  neither  do 
they  condemn  the  rich  ;  they  expect  the  poor  and  the 
peasantry  to  work  for  them  without  reward,  or  suffer 
their  ministers  to  expect  this;  they  corrupt  voters,  and 
farm  out  the  taxes  to  aggravate  the  burdens  of  the  people. 
Ye  must  therefore  remove  dissensions,  do  justice,  and  exact 
honesty  from  all."  1 

How  displeasing  this  language  must  have  been  to 
Lorenzo,  may  be  easily  imagined  by  all.  He  was  already 
styled  a  tyrant  by  many,  and  universally  charged  with 
having  corrupted  the  magistrates,  and  appropriated  public 
and  private  funds.  Therefore  it  was  plain  that  the  Friar 
had  dared  to  make  allusion  to  him.  Nevertheless  this 
audacity  served  to  increase  Savonarola's  fame,  and  in  the 
July  of  1491  he  was  elected  Prior  of  St.  Mark's.  This 
new  office,  while  raising  him  to  a  more  prominent  position, 
also  gave  him  greater  independence.  He  at  once  refused 
to  conform  to  an  abuse  that  had  been  introduced  in  the 
convent,  namely,  that  the  new  Prior  must  go  to  pay  his 
respects,  and  as  it  were  do  homage  to  the  Magnificent. 
"  I  consider  that  my  election  is  owed  to  God  alone/'  he 

'  A  summary  of  this  sermon,  but  as  incomplete  as  the  other  summaries, 
is  to  be  found  at  sheet  71  of  the  codex  before  quoted.  Vide  Appendix  to 
the  Italian  edition. 

IO 


■ 

ine  will  I  vo 
Wi  by  this,  and  cxclai  tk  You  see  ! 

;•  has  conic   into  my   house,   yet    he   v. ill  not    sto 

to  pay  me  a  visit."  '     Nevertheless,  being  reluctant  to 
w.ir  with  the  Prior  of  a  convent,  or  attach  too  much 

to  a  monk,  he  sought  to  win  him  over  b 
kindn<  He   went    several  times  to   hear   mass  in    St. 

Mark's,  and   afterwards  walked  in   the  garden;   but  Savo- 
narola could  not  be  persuaded  to  lea\  •  tudies,  in  order 
to   bear  him   company.      When  the  friars  ran  to  tell  him 
of   1         nzo's  presence,  he   replied:   iC  If  he  does  not  ask 
for  me,  let  him  go  or  stay  at  his  pleasure."     He  was  very 
severe  in  his  judgment  of  Lorenzo's  character;  and  know- 
ing the  harm   wrought  on   public   morals   by   the  prince, 
had  no  wish  to  approach  a  tyrant  whom  he  regarded,  not 
only  as  the  foe  and  destroyer  of  freedom,  but  as  the  chief 
obstacle    to   the   restoration  of   Christian  life   among   the 
people.      Lorenzo  then  began  to  send  rich  gifts,  and  gene- 
rous alms  to   the  convent.      But  this   naturally    increased 
Savonarola's  previous   contempt  for  his   character.      And 
he  alluded  to  the  circumstance  in  the  pulpit,  when  saying 
that  a  faithful  dog  does  not  leave  off  barking  in  his  mas- 
ter's defence,  because  a  bone  is   thrown  to  him.      Never- 
theless, soon  after  this,  he  found  a  large  sum  of  money  in 
gold  in  the  convent  alms'  box,  and,  persuaded  that  Lorenzo 
was  the  donor,  immediately  sent  it  all  to  the  congregation 
of  the  good  men  of  St.  Martin,  for  distribution  among  the 
poor,  saving  that  silver  and  copper  sufficed  for  the  needs 
of  his  brethren.     Thus,  as  Burlamacchi  remarks,  "  Lorenzo 
was  at  last  convinced  that  this  was  not  the  right  soil  in 
which  to  plant  vines."  2 

irlamacchi,  p.  20  and  fol.  ;  "  Biographia  Latina,"  at  sheet  7  ;  Pico, 

a  Burlamacchi,  p.  21.  The  "  Biografìa  Latina,"  at  sheet  7,  says  that 
Pietro  da  Bibbiena,  the  bearer  of  the  money,  when  informing  Lorenzo 
what  Savonarola  had  done  with  it,  added  :  Viilpeada  ista  habct  caudam 
depilatam. 


HIS  MESSAGE  TO  LORENZO.  ^ 

But  Lorenzo  refused  to   be  checked  by  this  rebuff  and 
presently  sent  Rve  of  the  weightiest  citizens  in   Florence  i 
to  Savonarola  in  order  to  persuade  him  to  change  his  be 
haviour  and  manner   of  preaching  by    pointing  out  the 
dangers  he  was  incurring  for  himself  and  his  convent     But 
Savonarola  soon  cut  short  their  homily,  by  saying  •   «  I 
know  that  you  have  not  come  of  your  own  will  &but  at 
that  of  Lorenzo.     Bid  him  to  do  penance  for  his  sin-   for 
the   Lord  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  and   spares  not'  the 
princes  of  the  earth."     And  when  the  five  citizens  hinted 
that  he  might  be  sent  into  exile,  he  added  :   "  I  fear  not 
sentences  of  banishment,  for   this  city   of  yours  is  like  a 
mustard  seed  on  the  earth.     But  the  new  doctrine  shall 
triumph,  and  the  old  shall  fall.     Although  I  be  a  stranger, 
and  Lorenzo  a  citizen,  and  indeed  the  first  in  the  citv    I 
shall  stay  while  he   will  depart."     He  then  spoke  in  such 
wise  on  the  state  of  Florence  and  Italy,  that  his  hearers 
were  amazed  by   his  knowledge  of  public  affairs.      It  was 
then    that    he   predicted    before    many    witnesses,  in    the 
Sacristy  of  St.    Mark,   that  great    changes    would    befall 
Italy,  and  that  the  Magnificent,  the  Pope,  and  the  King  of 
Naples  were  all  near  unto  death.2 

Savonarola  was  extremely  tenacious  of  his  independence 
as  an  ecclesiastic,  and  therefore  resolutely  refused  to  yield 

They  were  :  Domenico  Bonsi,  Guidantonio  Vespucci,  Paolo  Antonio 
Sodenni,  Bernardo  Rucellai,  and  Francesco  Valori.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  almost  all  of  them  afterwards  became  partisans  of  Savonarola,  and 
the  last  of  the  five  was  indeed  the  most  zealous  of  his  lay  followers. 
a  These  facts  are  related  in  the  "  Biografia  Latina"  at  sheet  7  ;  Cinozzi's 
Epistola"  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  20  and  fol.  ;  Pico,  chap.  vi.  ;  and  also  in 
the  Letter  of  G.  Benivieni  to  Clement  VII.,  published  at  the  end  of 
Varchi's  "  Storia,"  Le  Monnier  edition  of  1857-58.  They  are  also  men- 
tioned by  Fra  Benedetto  in  the  "  Secunda  Parte  delle  Profezie  dello  inclito 
Martire  del  Signore,  Hieronimo  Savonarola,"  to  be  found  in  the  National 
Library  of  Florence  :  Rinuccini  Codex,  IL  8, 123.  Among  the  illumina- 
tions in  this  Codex  is  a  portrait  of  Savonarola  presumably  by  Fra  Bene- 
detto. The  first  part  of  this  work,  bearing  the  general  title  of  "Nuova 
Jerusalem,"  seems  to  have  perished. 


•.    Hisn  sxaltttion  daily  incre         mdwaa 

more  fi  layed  ini  to  the  brotherhood. 

It  was  tl  it  he  indulged  in  metaphorical  utteranc 

|   fiery  rtations  on  the  duty   of  despising  carnal 

things  and  cultivating  the  joys  of  the  soul.     By  opening 
whole  heart  to   his  brethren,  he   gained   entire   mastery 
•  hem.      One  day  he  said  to  them  :  "  It  is  now  twi-nty- 
seven  months  since  I   began  to   preach  on   the  Apocalypse 
in  this  place,  that  is  nova  (licere,  nove  modo.      Afterwards, 
being  upon  a  hill,  I  looked   down  thence  upon  a   fortified 
city,  which   suddenly,   as   from    an  earthquake,   began    to 
totter  and  fall.      Its'  inhabitants  were  quarrelling   among 
themselves.      And  I  bethought  me  :   This  city  cannot  have 
good  foundations,   nor  its  citizens  charity.      I  then  went 
down  into  the  valley,  and  beheld  that  there  were  caverns 
beneath  the  houses.'    I  began  instantly  to  build  a  new  city 
on  the  plain,  asking  help  from  the  men  ;   but  instead  of 
aiding  in  the  work,  some  carried  off  the  stones,  while  others 
jeered  at  me,  and  shot  arrows  at  me  from  the  old  walls. 
Therefore,   I   would  have  withdrawn  in   despair,   but   the 
Lord  commanded  me  to  persevere."     He  then  explained 
that  the  arrows  signified  the  raise  teachings  of  the  doctors, 
who  with  the  string  of  false  knowledge  and  ill-will  bent 
the   bow  of  righteousness.      And  the   new  city  was  the 
spiritual  life,  assailed  by  worldly  men. 

"  Wherefore  pray  ye  in  the  spirit,"  he  continued,  IC  so 
that  the  Lord  may  grant  ye  victory,  and  persevere,  that 
He  may  free  ye  from  your  many  perils."  It  is  easy  to 
lead  men  to  the  outer  life,  to  mass,  to  confession  ;  but 
hard  to  guide  them  to  the  inner  life  and  dispose  them 
ro  grace.  It  is  necessary  to  shun  too  many  ceremonies. 
Oportet  vivos  se  ab  omni  opere  exteriori  alienare.  These 
ceremonies  are  not  essential,  inasmuch  as  they  vary  in  dif- 
ferent times  and  places.  The  ancients  lived  well  without 
them.     Now,  by  many   ceremonies  all    is   converted   into 


MARIANO  PREACHES  AGAINST  SAVONAROLA.  ,,, 

shame  and  gain  as  is  proved  by  the  universal  creed  for 
benefices.  Besides,  by  its  effects  is  the  cause  known,  and 
your  city  having  no  charity  cannot  have  strong  founda- 
tions. _  Pray  ye  then  in  a  fervent  spirit,  so  that  the  Lord 
may  give  victory  to  the  new  doctrine.  Run  not  after 
false  knowledge,  but  examine  all  things  by  the  light  of  the 
Scriptures.1  to 

An  extraordinary  effect  was  produced  on  the  corrupt  and 
pagan  society  of  Florence  by  these  fervent  outbursts  of 
strange,  daring  and  exalted  mysticism,  which  the  preacher 
so  suddenly  hurled  in  their  midst.  Lorenzo  fully  under- 
stood the  gravity  of  the  situation  ;  and  although  reluctant 
to  hazard  extreme  measures,  had  no  intention  of  yieldino- 
to  what  he  held  to  be  an  audacious  aggression.  Accord* 
ingly,  in  order  to  weaken  the  new  orator's  growino-  influ- 
ence over  the  people,  he  persuaded  Fra  Mariano  da 
Genazzano  to  resume  his  sermons,  and  specially  charo-ed 
him  to  attack  the  presumption  of  uttering  prophecies' of 
future  events.  Fra  Mariano  had  all  the  impetuosity, 
hypocrisy,  and  malice  of  a  courtier-pedant,  and  although 
much  of  his  eloquence  as  a  preacher  consisted  of  exag- 
gerated gesticulations,  groans  and  tears,  yet  he  had  some 
reputation  for  learning,  and  was  in  great  favour  with  the 
creatures  of  Lorenzo,  whom  he  always  flattered  from  the 
pulpit. 

_  Up  to  this  time  he  had  always  feigned  to  be  Savonarola's 
friend,  and  had  congratulated  him  on  his  fortunate  success. 
But  when  charged  to  attack  him,  he  instantly  and  eagerly 
accepted  the  task.  On  Ascension  Day  he  was  to  preach 
in  his  own  convent  and  church  at  San  Gallo,  and  take  for 
his  text:  Non  est  vestrum  nosse  tempora  vel momenta  (Acts 
i.  7).      The  announcement  of  this  sermon  caused  great 

1  This  sermon  is  given  almost  in  full  at  sheet  137  and  fol.  of  the  pre- 
viously quoted  holograph  codex  in  St.  Mark's  Library.  Vide  Appendix 
(of  Italian  edition),  Doc.  ix. 


AND   TIMES. 

•  in  Florence,  and  the  preacher  had  a  very  nume- 

n.     All  the  1  is  were  present  : 

io  Cinozzi,  afterwards  a  friar  of  St 
Maries,  and  Savonarola's  biographer;  Pico  della  Miran- 

.,  at  that   time  one  of  Mariano's  admirers;    Poliziano 
and    even    Lorenzo   dc'  Medici,  who  came  to    enhance 

by    his    presence    the    effect   of    the    crushing    defeat     he 

hoped  to  see  inflicted  on  the  P;  ior  of  St.  Mark's.  But 
iano  was  betrayed  by  his  own  zeal.  lie  began 
by  hurling  all  manner  of  accusations  against  Savonarola, 
styling  him  a  false  prophet,  a  vain  disseminator  or  scandal 
disorder  among  the  people,  and  this  with  so  much  in- 
solence and  coarseness  of  language  as  to  disgust  all  his 
hearers.  Thus  in  a  single  day  his  reputation  suffered 
more  than  it  had  gained  by  the  labours  of  many  years. 
Indeed,  from  that  moment  Cinozzi  and  Pico  forsook 
Mariano,  In  order  to  attend  the  sermons  of  Savonarola, 
whose  admirers  and  disciples  they  subsequently  became. 
Even  Poliziano  was  greatly  shocked,  and  Lorenzo  felt  very 
humiliated  and  not  a  little  uneasy. 

Thus  the  threatened  discomfiture  of  the  Prior  of  St. 
Mark's  was  converted  into  a  triumph.  The  following 
Sunday  he  chose  the  same  verse  of  the  Bible  for  his  text, 
interpreting  it  to  the  advantage  of  his  own  doctrines,  and 
refuting  the  charges  and  accusations  of  the  man  who,  at  a 
moment's  notice,  had  changed  from  a  seeming  friend  to 
a  declared  enemy.1  The  Prior  was  now  master  of  the 
field,  for  Mariano  did  not  dare  to  continue  his  sermons. 
Indeed  the  latter,  resuming  his  old  part,  feigned  indiffer- 
ence, and  invited  Savonarola  to  his  convent,  where  they 
performed  high  mass  together,  and  exchanged  numerous 
courtesies.  Nevertheless,  the  Augustine  was  cut  to  the 
soul  by  the  humiliation  of  defeat.      To  have  been  once 

1  "Biografia    Latina,"  at  sheet  8  ;  Cinozzi,  ".Epistola,"  &c.  ;   Burla- 
macchi,  p.  23  and  fol. 


"THE  FIRST  EPISTLE  OF  ST.  JOHN» 


T35 


esteemed  the  finest  preacher  in  Italy,  to  have  almost  anni- 
hilated his  rival,  on  the  latter's  first  coming  to  Florence 
and  to  be  now  beaten  and  vanquished  in  the  si^ht  of  all' 
was  not  a  blow  to  be  borne  without  rancour.  &And  from 
that  moment  he  cherished  the  deepest  hatred  for  Savona 
rola  ;  vowed  eternal  vengeance,  was  indefatigable  in  raisin- 
fresh  obtacles  and  enemies  in  his  path,  and  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  becoming  one  of  the  principal  agents  of  his 
rail. 

Lorenzo  now  recognized  that  he  had  totally  failed  in  his 
intent.  He  was  already  suffering  from  the  attacks  of  the 
disease  that  was  soon  to  have  a  fatal  termination,  and  weary 
of  combating  a  man  for  whom,  in  despite  of  himself,  he 
felt  a  growing  esteem,  no  longer  attempted  to  interfere 
with  his  preaching.  Nor  did  Savonarola  abuse  the  privi- 
lege. 

So  far,  our  only  knowledge  of  his  sermons  has  been 
gleaned  from  his  rough  preliminary  notes.  The  first 
to  be^  printed  were  those  on  «  The  First  Epistle  of  St. 
John,"  which  cannot  have  been  delivered  before  the  year 
149 1.  These  must  now  be  examined  for  the  sake  of  a 
closer  acquaintance  with  the  character  of  his  eloquence. 
It  is  certainly  an  arduous  task  to  give  a  detailed  account  of 
a  collection  of  sermons,  without  unity  of  subject  or  links 
of  connection.  And,  as  the  difficulty  is  increased  by  the 
somewhat  disordered  nature  of  the  mind  and  studies  of 
Savonarola,  it  will  be  understood  how  very  difficult  it  is  to 
establish  the  starting-point  and  goal  of  our  analysis. 

The  preacher  always  takes  a  verse  of  the  Bible  for  his 
text,  grouping  around  it — according  to  the  system  of  in- 
terpretation that  we  have  described — all  the  ideas,  theo- 
logical, political,  and  moral,  occurring  to  his  mind,  and 
always  quoting  other  passages  of  the  Bible  in  their  support.  • 
In  this  way  a  heterogeneous  mass  of  raw  material  is  built 
up,  by  which  the  reader  is  almost  overwhelmed.    Suddenly, 


S  AND  TIM. 
irola  shakes  off  hia  lèttera  and   thrusts 

hi  ■   has  touched  on   some 

poi:  interest  both  to  himself  and  hia  audience; 

sal  images  present  I  res  to  his 

mind;    his  ells;    his  gestures  are    more   animatevi; 

:         ;  his  originality  is  suddenly  asserted  ; 

he  ;.  and   powerful  orator  !      But,  all  too  soon,  he 

his  artificial   world  of  ill-connected,  ill-digc 

from  it  and  is  again  involved  in  it,  with- 
out ever  leaving  it  entirely  behind,  but  also  without  ever 
beino;  entirely  enslaved    by  it.      Thus  no  one  can  carefully 
read  and  examine  these  sermons  without  being  forced  to  C 

that  Savonarola  was  a  born  orator.  Yet,  being  ignorant 
of  the  rules  of  oratory,  it  was  only  when  his  subject  took 
full  possession  of  him,  and  natural  gifts  supplied  the  place 
of  art,  that  he  could  attain  to  real  eloquence.  Neverthe- 
less, if  we  compare  him  with  his  most  renowned  contem- 
poraries, such  as  Fra  Paolo  Attavanti  and  Fra  Roberto 
da  Lecce,  who  either  remained  lost  in  the  mazes  of  scho- 
lastic rhetoric,  or  stooped  to  depths  of  scurrility  altogether 
unbefitting  the  pulpit,  then  indeed  Savonarola  stands 
forth  a  giant  even  at  his  worst  moments.  And,  in  truth, 
on  patient  examination  of  his  sermons,  we  find  an 
immense  quantity  of  secondary  ideas  and  details  of  obser- 
vation scattered  through  them  which  redound  to  his  merit 

o  ....  . 

as    a   thinker,   even    when  diminishing  his  worth   as    an 
•or. 

All  this  is  abundantly  exemplified  in  the  series  of  ser- 
mons to  which  we  have  alluded,  on  the  First  Epistle  of  St. 
John,  probably  delivered  on  the  Sundays  of  149 1.  The 
orator  gives  a  lengthy  exposition  in  them  of  the  mysteries 
of  Mass,  together  with  very  useful  precepts  and  directions 
/or  the  popular  observance  of  religion.  A  minute  report 
of  the  order  in  which  they  are  arranged,  and  of  all  the 
subjects  touched  upon,  would  give  so  imperfect  a  notion 


THE  WORD  OF  LIFE.  I37 

of  thè  whole,  that  it  will  be  more  to  the  purpose  to  select 
a  few  representative  thoughts  and  passages.  Amono-  the 
many  occurring  to  us  for  quotation,  there  are  some  con- 
cerning the  word  of  life,  a  theme  on  which  the  orator 
always  loved  to*  dwell.  His  thoughts  may  appear  some- 
what artificial  and  unimportant  at  the  present  dav,  but 
when  we  remember  what  were  the  theological  studies,  what 
was  the  religious  training  of  his  age,  we  shall  see  that  they 
prove  no  little  originality  of  mind,  and  that  Savonarola 
must  have  possessed  an  unusual  amount  of  intellectual 
vigour. 

He  treats  the  subject  in  the  following  manner  : — <{  A 
human  word  is  formed  in  separate  and  different  ways  bv  a 
succession  of  syllables,  and  therefore  when  one  part  of  a 
word  is  pronounced,  the  others  cease  to  exist  ;  when  the 
whole  word  has  been  uttered,  it  too  ceases  to  exist.  But 
the  Divine  Word  is  not  divided  into  parts  ;  it  issues 
united  in  its  whole  essence  ;  is  diffused  throughout  the 
created  world,  living  and  enduring  in  all  eternity,  even  as 
the  heavenly  light  of  which  it  is  the  companion.  Where- 
fore it  is  the  word  of  life,  or  rather  is  the  life,  and  is  one 
with  the  Father.  It  is  true  that  we  accept  this  wrord  in 
various  senses  ;  sometimes  by  life  we  mean  the  state  of 
being  of  living  men,  sometimes  we  regard  it  as  meaning 
the  occupation  of  living  men  :  wherefore  we  say,  The  life 
of  this  man  is  knowledge,  the  life  of  the  bird  is  song. 
But,  truly,  there  is  but  one  life,  and  it  is  God,  since  in 
Him  alone  have  all  things  their  being.  And  this  is  the 
blessed  life  that  is  the  end  of  man,  and  in  which  infinite 
and  eternal  happiness  is  found.  The  earthly  life  is  not 
only  deceptive,  but  cannot  all  be  enjoyed,  inasmuch  as  it 
lacks  unity.  If  thou  lovest  riches,  thou  must  renounce 
the  senses  ;  if  thou  givest  thyself  up  to  the  senses,  thou 
must  renounce  knowledge  ;  and  if  thou  wouldst  have 
knowledge,  thou  canst  not  enjoy  offices.    But  the  pleasures 


WES, 

of  ti  enjoyed  in  I  i<  m  of 

."  ■ 

th,  but 

mor  1 1  y  inveighs  I      corrupt  n         n  of 

ry  vice     I  then  pro- 

va!. 1  how    he  inst 

nbling:   iK  Ir  e  persons  engaged  in  gambling  in 

these  clays,  k  them   to   be   no  Christians,  since  : 

are  v  i    infidels,  are  ministers  of  the  evil  one,  and 

celi  his  rit         They  are  avaricious  men,  blaspheme 

slan<  tractors  of  others'  fame,  fault-finders,  they  are 

ml   to   God,   are    thieves,   murderers,    and    full  of  all 
iniquity.      I  cannot  permit  ye   to  share  in  these  amuse- 
e   must   he  steadfast   in   prayer,  continually  ren- 
dering thanks  to  the  Almighty  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 

Lis  Christ.  Me  that  gambles  shall  be  accursed,  and 
accursed  he  that  suffers  others  to  gamble  ;  shun  ye  their 
conversation,  for  the  father  that  gambles  before  his  son 
shall  be  accursed,  and  accursed  the  mother  that  gambles 
in  her  daughter's  presence.  Therefore,  whoever  thou  art, 
thou  shalt  be  accursed  if  thou  dost  gamble  or  allow  others 
to  gamble  ;  thou  shalt  be  accursed,  I  tell  thee,  in  the  city, 
accursed  in  the  fields  ;  thy  corn  shall  be  accursed  ;  and  thy 
substance  ;  cursed  the  fruit  of  thy  land  and  thy  body,  thy 
herds  of  oxen  and  thy  flocks  of  sheep  ;  cursed  shalt  thou 
be  in  all  thy  comings  and  goings/'2 

And  in  speaking  against  usury  and  immoderate  gains, 
he  says  :   "  Therefore,  owing  to  avarice,    neither  ye  nor 

r  children  lead  a  good  life,  and  ye  have  already  dis- 

1  "Sermoni  sulla  I  Epistola  di  San  Giovanni."  Vide  Sermons  i.,  i v., 
v.,  and  vi.  passim.  Our  quotation  is  from  the  Prato  edition  of  1846, 
which  is  the  easiest  to  obtain,  but  although  this  edition  has  been  collated 
with  the  holograph  MS.  belonging  to  Lord  Holland,  it  is  incomplete  in 
some  places,  and  is  therefore  useless  for  purposes  of  study,  unless  com- 
pared with  the  Venetian  editions,  of  1547  in  Italian,  and  of  1536  in  Latin 

2  Sermon  x.  p.  93. 


SERMON  AGAINST  USUR  V.  ,  ,g 

covered  many  devices  for  gaining  money,  and  many  modes 
of  exchange  which  ye  call  just,  but  are  most  unjust,  and 
ye  have  likewise  corrupted  the  magistrates  and  their  func- 
tions. .  .  .   None  can  persuade  ye  that  it  is  sinful  to  lend 
at  usury,  or  make  unjust   bargains  ;  on  the   contrary  ve 
defend  yourselves  to  your  souls'  damnation  ;  ...  nor  does 
any  man  take  shame  to  himself  for  lending  at  usury,  but 
rather  holds  them  to  be  fools  that  refrain  from  it.  '  And 
thus  by  ye  is  fulfilled  the  saying  of  Isaiah  :   «  They  declare 
their  sin  as  Sodom,  they  hide  it  not/  and  that  of  Jeremiah, 
'Thou  hadst   a  whore's  forehead,  thou  refusedst  to  be 
ashamed/     Thou  sayest  that  the  good  and  happy  life  con- 
sists   in  gain;   and   Christ  says,  «  Blessed  are  the  poor  in. 
spirit,  for  theirs  is  the  kingdom  of  heaven/     Thou  savest 
that  the  happy  life  consists  in  pleasure  and  voluptuousness  ; 
and  Christ  says,  c  Blessed  are  they  that  mourn,  for  they 
shall  be  comforted/     Thou  sayest  the  happy  life  consists 
in  glory  ;  and   Christ  says,  c  Blessed  are  ye,  when   men 
shall  revile  ye  and  persecute  ye/     The  way  of  life  hath 
been  shown  to  ye,  yet  none  follows  it,  none  seeks  it,  none 
learns  it.     Wherefore  Christ  laments  over  ye,  for  having 
endured  much  labour  to  show  ye  the  way  of  Life,  that  aH 
might  be  saved,  He  is  justly  incensed  against  you;  and 
hath  declared   by  the    mouth  of  the  prophet  :  c  We  are 
weary  with  calling,  my  tongue  cleaves  to  the  roof  of  my 
mouth  ;  for  all  day  do  I  cry  with  the  voice  of  the  preachers, 
and  no  one  hearkens  unto  me.'"1 

At  other  times  Savonarola  addresses  himself  to  the 
hearts  of  his  people,  and  seeks  to  lead  them  to  righteous- 
ness by  rousing  their  feelings.  "  Oh  !  would  that  I  might 
persuade  ye  to  turn  away  from  earthly  things,  and  follow 
after  things  eternal  !  Would  God  grant  this  grace  to  me 
and  to  ye,  I  should  assuredly  deem  myself  happy  in  this 
life.      But  this  is  a  gift  from  God.     None  may  come  unto 

1  Sermon  v.  pp.  49,  50. 


:i  the  1  ughr  I  Father. 

I  |  ■  inwardly,  I  trike  upon 

LVail  if  your  intellect  be  not 

enlightened,  nor  your  affections  kindled?"1     t€  And  how 
may  this  be  ■  word  of  G    :.  D     Labour, 

ti-  «d  1  i;  i  v?<  rd,  and  do  with  y 

with    corn,  which  to    be  made  into  flour    must  ii: 
pounded   and  ground.      Otherwise   what  would  it   avail    I 
have  full  ,  what  to  have  the  treasures  of  the  I  loly 

iw  out  their  spiritual  meaning  ?     Th< 

fore  will  I  strive  to  do  the  work  of  the  Apostles,  making 
.  Scriptures  known  to  ye  ;  and  to  ye  it  behoves  to 
be  md  not  only  hearers  of  the  word  of  God." - 

But  where   Savonarola  truly   surpassed  himself,  was   in 
ex.  ling  the  Gospel  of  the  Epiphany  ;  and  this  sermon 

is  not  only  full  of  feeling  and  imagination,  but  also  con- 
noted with  the  greatest  skill.  "  Now  when  Jesus  was 
born  in  Bethlehem  of  Judaea,  in  the  days  of  Herod  the 
kino;,  behold  there  came  to  Jerusalem  wise  men  from  the 
east",  saying  :  Where  is  He  that  is  born  in  Judaea  ?  For 
we  •  seen    His   star   in   the  east,  and   have   come   to 

worship  Him  with  gifts. — Mark  the  words  and  observe 
the  mysteries.  .  .  .  Behold  then  that  He  by  whom  all 
things  were  made  is  this  day  born  upon  earth.  Wherefore 
the  beginning  of  all  things  (inasmuch  as  by  Him  all  things 
were  created)  is  now  born,  and  hath  a  young  virgin  for 
His  mother  .  .  .  Behold,  He  who  holds  the  world  in  His 
hand,  is  brought  forth  of  a  maid.  Behold,  He  that  is 
above  all  things  begins  by  having  a  native  land  ;  He  begins 
as  the  compatriot  of  men,  the  companion  of  men,  the 
brother  of  men,  and  the  son  of  man  !  See  how^  God 
ccmeth  near  unto  ye  !  Seek  ye  then  the  Lord,  while  ye 
may  still  find  Him;  call  upon  Him  while  He  is  yet  near. 
.'.  Of  a  truth  this  is  the  bread  that  comes  down  from 
«  Sermon  vi.  p.  52.  "  Sermon  v.  pp.  43,  44- 


HE  EXPOUNDS  THE  GOSPEL  OF  THE  EPIPHANY,  141 

heaven,  and  gladdens  the  hearts  of  angels  and  of  men,  so 
that  it  may  be  the  common  food  of  men  and  of  angels. 

"  Hearken  then,  my  brethren,  and  let  not  your  thoughts 
go  astray.  Open  your  eyes,  and  behold  who  are  these 
that  are  coming.  I  cry  unto  ye,  O  men,  and  my  voice  is 
for  the  children  of  men.  Behold  the  Wise  men,  behold 
the  Chaldeans  ;  behold  those  that  were  not  born  among 
Christians  ;  behold  those  that  were  not  baptized  ;  behold 
those  that  were  not  instructed  in  the  law  of  the  gospel  ; 
behold  those  that  did  not  receive  the  numerous  sacraments 
of  the  Church  ;  behold  those  that  heard  not  the  voices  of 
preachers.  Behold  the  Wise  Men  of  the  East,  from  the 
midst  of  a  perverse  and  evil  nation,  from  distant  and  re- 
mote regions  ;  shrinking  from  no  expense,  from  no  weari- 
ness, from  no  danger.  They  came.  And  when  was  it  that 
they  came?  When  all  the  world  was  full  of  idolatry; 
when  men  bowed  down  before  stocks  and  stones,  when  the 
earth  was  full  of  darkness  and  gloom,  and  all  men  full  of 
iniquity.  .  .  .  When  was  it  that  they  came?  When 
Christ  was  a  babe,  when  He  lay  upon  straw,  when  He 
showed  nought  but  weakness,  when  He  had  as  yet  done 
no  miracles.  .  .  .  We  beheld  His  star  in  the  east,  the  star 
that  announced  His  coming.  Behold,  they  saw  His  star, 
but  no  other  miracle;  they  beheld  not  the  blind  restored 
to  sight,  nor  the  dead  raised,  nor  any  other  visible  thing. 

A  1  f  ^ 

And  we  come  to  worship  Him.  We  have  made  a  great 
journey  only  to  worship  the  footprints  of  the  Babe.  If 
only  we  may  see  Him,  may  adore  Him,  may  touch  Him, 
if  only  we  may  lay  our  gifts  before  Him,  we  deem  our- 
selves blessed.  We  have  forsaken  our  country,  have  for- 
saken our  families,  have  forsaken  our  friends,  have  forsaken 
our  kingdoms,  have  forsaken  our  great  riches;  we  have 
come  from  a  distant  land,  through  many  dangers,  and  with 
much  speed,  and  solely  to  worship  Him.  This  is  suf- 
ficient for  us,  this  is  more  to  us  than  our  kingdoms,  this 


:jj  S.ll\  AM)   TIMI. 

more  j  to  us  than  our  very  life.  .  .  .  What 

hall  we  s.iv  ■  ,  my  brethren?     What, 

say  ?     0  living  faith  !   0  bigi 

charity  !     Sec  ye  then  how  prc.it  was  the  perfidy  ot  the 

It   the   hardness  of  their    hearts,    since 

ther  by  mi         ,  nor  by  prophecies,  nor  by  this  vo 

.  \i  ! 

M  But  why  have  we  directed  our  sermon  against  the 
men  of  Judaea,  and  not  rather  against  ourselves?  .  .  . 
Why  dost  thou  see  the  mote  in  thy  brother's  eye,  yet 
canti  e   the   beam   in   thine  own  ?      Behold,   the  Lord 

Jesus  is  no  longer  a  babe  in  the  manger,  but  is  great  in 
en.  Al  read  v  hath  He  preached  and  performed 
miracles,  hath  been  crucified,  hath  risen  again,  and  now 
sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father,  hath  sent  His 
Holy  Spirit  down  upon  the  earth,  hath  sent  the  apostles, 
hath  subjugated  the  nations.  .  .  .  Already  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  everywhere  ;  behold,  its  door  is  opened  unto 
ye  ;  the  Lord  hath  led  the  way,  and  the  apostles  and 
martyrs  have  followed  Him.  But  thou  art  slothful,  and 
all  labour  is  a  burden  to  thee,  and  thou  wilt  not  follow  the 
footsteps  of  Christ.  Behold,  each  day  avarice  grows,  the 
whirlpool  of  usury  is  widened,  lust  hath  contaminated  all 
things,  and  pride  soareth  to  the  clouds.  Ye  are  children 
of  the  devil,  and  ye  seek  to  do  the  will  of  your  father. 
Oh  !  well  might  it  be  said  of  ye,  in  the  words  of  the 
Bible — c  Behold,  I  go  unto  a  people  which  kneweth  me 
not,  and  calied  not  upon  my  name  ;  daily  have  I  stretched 
out  my  hands  to  an  unbelieving  people,  which  walketh  in 
the  way  of  perdition,  a  people  which  provoketh  me  to 
anger.      1 

This  description  of  the  wise  men  coming  from  distant 
lands,  and  through  many  perils,  to  seek  the  infant  Jesus, 
while  Christians   remain  indifferent   to  Christ   the   Man, 

1  Sermon  xvii.  pp.  164-9. 


SECRET  OF  SAVONAROLA'S  SUCCESS. 


N3 


even  when  He  has  risen  to  the  splendour  of  His  glory, 
and  opens  His  arms  invitingly  to  them,  was  undoubtedly 

one  of  the  appeals  that  acted  most  magically  upon  the 
people  ;  and  the  whole  sermon  was  one  of  the  best  Savo- 
narola ever  gave.  Natural,  spontaneous,  heart-stirring 
eloquence  of  this  kind,  was  entirely  unexampled  in  that 
age  of  pedantic  and  imitative  oratory.1 

The  simple  eloquence  of  the  thirteenth  century,  of 
which,  with  all  its  childishness  and  ingenuous  charm,  St. 
Bernardino  of  Siena  was  the  last  and  most  famous  example, 
had  now  long  died  out.  The  preachers  of  the  time,  as  we 
have  before  remarked,  when  not  rhetoricians  of  the  Fra 
Mariano  type,  indulged  in  vulgar  theatrical  displays,  or 
spoke  a  scholastic  jargon  that  was  no  longer  understood. 
Accordingly,  the  secret  of  Savonarola's  enormous  success 
may  be  entirely  attributed  to  his  mystic  religious  ardour, 
and  to  the  earnest  affection  he  felt  for  the  people  and 
elicited  from  them  in  return.      His  was   the  only  voice 


1  In  the  holograph  manuscript  of  Cerretani's  "  Storia  di  Firenze,"  pre- 
served in  the  National  Library  of  Florence  (II.,  III.  74,  sheet  174'),  we 
find  the  following  remarks  on  Savonarola's  sermons  :  "  He  introduced 
an  almost  new  manner  of  preaching  the  Word  of  God,  namely  the 
Apostolic  manner,  without  dividing  the  sermon  into  parts,  without  pro- 
posing questions,  and  shunning  cadences  and  all  the  devices  of 
eloquence  ;  for  his  sole  aim  was  to  expound  some  passages  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  introduce  the  simplicity  of  the  primitive  Church." 
Guicciardini  states,  in  his  "Storia  Fiorentina,"  that  having  read  and 
considered  Savonarola's  sermons,  he  found  them  "  to  be  very  eloquent, 
and  with  a  natural  and  spontaneous,  not  artificial^  eloquence™  He  adds 
that  for  centuries  no  man  had  been  seen  so  versed  as  he  in  Holy  Writ,  and 
that  whereas  no  one  had  ever  succeeded  in  preaching  for  more  than  two 
Lenten  seasons  in  Florence  without  the  public  growing  weary  of  him, 
Savonarola  alone  was  able  to  continue  preaching  for  many  years,  and 
always  rising  in  the  estimation  of  the  people.  As  we  have  before 
remarked,  Guicciardini  was  one  of  the  warmest  admirers  of  Savonarola, 
and  made  summaries  of  all  his  sermons.  The  manuscript  of  I 
summaries,  written  in  Guicciardini's  own  hand,  was  published  some  year  - 
ago  by  his  heirs  and  descendants.  His  opinion  is  the  more  valuable 
because  he  was  a  constant  adherent  of  the  Medici,  and  far  from  being  a 
fanatic,  was  by  no  means  of  a  very  religious  turn  of  mind. 


\:.s  1 1 zi:  AND  tim. 


thl.  |  them  in  familiar»  and  fascinating  l  He 

ttirred  the  he         :  the  mull  and 

which  came  home  to  them.     H  the 

who  fought  sincerely  for  truth,  was  fervently 
.  ana  deeply  commi  I  the  sur- 

his  hearers;  accordingly  he  «as  the  cue  really 
eloquent  speaker  of  his  age.  Knee  the  holy  eloqu 
the  early  Christian  Fathers  and  Doctors  passed  away,  no 
ce  had  been  heard  worthy  of  lasting  tame.  Fra  Giro- 
lamo was  the  first  to  restore  pulpit  preaching  to  its  old 
post  of  honour,  and  to  give  it  fresh  life,  and  accordingly  he 
well  deserves  to  he  styled  the  first  orator  of  modern  times. 


NOTE. 

On  the  Language  employed  by  Savonarola  in  his  Sermons. 

It  «ill  be  clear,  from  what  we  have  already  said,  that  Man».  Perron, 
L  other  writers  were  mistaken  in  their  belief  that  Savonarola 
f  cqucntlv  delivered  his  sermons  in  Latin.     This  error  was  caused  by 
m  ding   that   the    holograph    manuscripts    of  many  of  the   sermons 
3ng  those  on  the  First  Epistle  of  St.  John,  as  well  as  their  firs 
pr  nted  edition,  were  in  Latin.     But  at  that  time  it  was  the  general 
n  hi     to  write  in   that  tongue.     When,  however,  the  sermons  began 
to  be  reported  as  they  were  spoken  (as,  for  instance,  m  Scr  Lorenzo 
Viofs  collection),  they  were  always  published  in  Italian;   although 
even    hen,  when  Savonarola  himself  sketched  or  wrote  them  «Ot  for 
h    p  ess  he  found  it  easier  to  write  them  in  Latin.    It  .s  an  undoubted 
fact  that  he  always  preferred  to  write   in  that  tongue.     All   the  mar- 
lina    notes  in  hi    Bibles  are  in  Latin,  so  too  all  his  rough  sketches 
for    ermon.   preserved  in   the   Florence  National   Library,    and    he 
holotr'arh  codex  at  St.  Mark's.     But  even   in   these  first  rough  notes, 
«often  find  hat  when  Savonarola  wished  to  put  a  thought  into  shape 
ànd      duce  it  to  the  form  in  which  it  was  to  be  delivered  as  part  of  a 
sermon   he  wrote  it  out  in  Italian  ;  whereas  in  jotting  down  ideas  as 
hcv    fir      occurred    to   him,    he    always    used   Latin,  and  probably 
p    ached  sometimes  to  his  monks  in  that  language  when  no  other 


1  Vide  Note  to  the  following  page. 


ITALIAN  v.  LATIN. 

T4o 

hearers  were  present.      Many  of  his  works,   originally  written    in 
Latin,  were  afterwards  translated  by  himself  into  italian,  for  a  second 
edition,  and/,r  the  use  of  believers  in  general.  These  words  being  prefix  d 
by  Savonarola  to  every  translation   of  his  works,  it  is  plain  that  there 
is  no  foundation   for  the   belief  expressed   by  some  writers  that  Latin 
was  commonly  understood   by  the  people  at  that  period      But  as  it 
was   the   language   of  the  learned  classes   throughout   Europe    it  was 
naturally  employed  in  all  theological  and  philosophical  works, 'and  al 
the  more  so  because,  in  order   to   treat  of  these  themes  in   Italian    it 
would  have  been  requisite  to  coin  new  phrases  and  forms  of  speech 
almost,  indeed,  to  create  a  new  language.     Accordingly  it  was  found 
easier  to  write  first  in  Latin,   and  then  translate    into    the    vulgar 
tongue.  Tc  conclude  these  remarks,  we  need  only  add  that  Savonarola's 
sermons  on  «  Noah's  Ark,"  delivered   in  1494,  were  taken  down  from 
his  lips  in  Italian,  but  were  afterwards,  in  order  to  improve  tlmr  liter  an 
form r  («  their  editor  informs  us),  translated  into  dog-Latin,  and  thus 
published  and  reprinted  at  Venice  several  times  during  the  sixteenth 
century.     The  sermons  on  «The  Book  of  Job"  were  similarly  taken 
down  m  Italian  end  translated  into  Latin,  and  then  again  rendered  in 
the  Vulgate,  as  at  first  tbey  were  truly  composed  and  preached;  so  we  are 
told  by  the  editor  of  the  Italian  edition  (Venice  :  Bascarini.  154:)    All 
this  serves  to  convince  us  that,  although  some  of  Savonarola's  sermons 
are  found  to  be  in  Latin,  both  in  their  first  printed  edition  and  in  the 
holograph  manuscript,    this    by   no   means    implies    that    they  were 
delivered  in  that  language. 


HI 


CHAPTER  iX. 


DEATH  OF  LORENZO  DE*  MEDICI  G*Nl \  OF  TOPS 
/vvor/YT  VIII  ELECTION  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.— 
SAVONAROLA'S  JOURNEY  TO  BUIJH^A  -  SEP  !  /■ 
RATION  OF  THE  CONVENT  OF  ST.  {MARK.  FROM 
THE  LOMBARD  CONGREGATION ^REFORMS  IN  THE 
CONVENT, 

(I49--93) 

lORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  had  retired  to 
his  pleasant  country  house  at  Careggi. 
He    was    wasting    away    from     severe 
internal  disease,  and  by  the  beginning 
of  April,  1492,  all  hope  of  his  recovery 
was  at  an  end.     His  doctors  had  ex- 
hausted ali   the   resources  of  their    skill  ;    the    renowned 
physician,  Lazzaro  of  Pavia,  had  been  summoned  in  vain, 
even    his    marvellous    potion    of    distilled    gems    having 
failed    to   take  effect.     The  Magnificent   was  near    unto 
death      A  few  faithful  friends  cheered  his  last  hours  by 
their    devoted    affection.     Ficino    and    Pico    paid    him 
frequent    visits,    and    Angelo    Poliziano    never    left    his 
bedside      The  latter  was  sincerely  attached  to  Lorenzo  ; 
and  felt  that  in  losing  him,  he  lost  the  patron  to  whom 
he  owed    everything    and    to  whom    he  was    bound    by 
stronger  ties  of  gratitude  than  to  any  other   man   upon 
earth.     In  vain   he  sought  to  hide  his  grief,   to   repress 
his    tears      Lorenzo  fixed    his  eyes  upon  him  with  the 


BE  IS  CALLED  TO  LORENZO'S  DEATBBED. 


'17 


enigmatic  glance  peculiar  to  the  dying,  and  then   BMhb 
longevo  restram  his  feelings,  Pollino'  Cffi  Xd 

These  proofs  of  affection  gave  solemnity  to  these  last 
hours     and    the    Magnificent,     having    now    turned    h 
thoughts  to  re  ,glo„,  seemed  to  be  a  changed   mn      In 
fact  when  the  last  sacrament  was  about  to  bf  administered 
to  h,m   he  insisted  on  rising,  and  leaning  on  the  am 
of  his  friends,  tottered  forward  to  meet  the  priest   who 
seeing   how   much    he    was   overcome    by  emotion    was' 
obhged    to   order   him    back    to   his    bed7      Bu      t'   was 
extremely    difficult    to    soothe    his   agitation.      L0    nzo' 
mind  was  haunted  by  spectres  of  the  past;   and  as  hi 
last  moments  drew  near,  all  his  sins  rose  before  him  in 

Th^grgmVUde;-beCame  m°re  and  more  threatening 
The  last  offices  of  rehg.on  were  powerless  to  conquer  Ins 
terrors,  for  having  lost  all  faith  in  mankind,  he  cJuld  nò 
believe  m  his  confessor's  sincerity.     Accustomed  to  see 
his  slightest  wish  obeyed  and  all  the  world  bow  to  his 
will,  he  could  not   realize  that  any  one  would  dare  to 
deny  him  absolution.     Accordingly  the    blessing  of  the 
Church  was  powerless  to  lighten  the  weight  burdening  his 
conscience,  and  he  was   more  and  more  cruelly  tortured 
by  remorse      No  one  has  ever  dared  to  refuse  me  any- 
thing—he  thought  to  himself,  and  thus  the  idea  that  hid 
once  been  his  chief  pride  became  his  worst  torment 

buddenly    however,  he  thought  of  Savonarola's  stern 
tace;    here,  he   remembered,  was  a  man  who  had  been 
equally  unmoved  by  his  threats  and  his  blandishments 
and  thereupon  he  exclaimed,  "I  know  no  honest  friar  save 
this  one,'  and  expressed  his  desire  to  confess  to  Savonarola 
A    messenger    was    instantly  despatched    to   St.   Mark's 
and    the    Prior  was    so   astounded    by    the    strange    and' 
unexpected  summons,  that  he  almost  refused  to   believe 
*  Politiani,  "Epistola."    Jacopo  Antiquario,  xv.  kalcndas  iunias  1402. 


AVON.  *S  LIFE  AMD  TIMES. 

d    answered    that   it   scemivi    useless   tur    htm    to   go 

ce  no  words  of  his  would  be  acceptable 

Lorenzo.      Hut    on    learning    the   desperate    condition 
ck  man,  and  his  earnest  desire  to  confess  to  him, 
he  set  forth  without  delay. 

On  that  day  Lorenzo  thoroughly  realized  that  his  end 

was  at  hand,     lie  had  sent  ù>v  his  son  Piero,  and  given 

him  his  final  counsels  and  last  farewells.      His  friends  had 
been  dismissed  durino;  this  interview,  but  when  they  were 
allowed  to  return  to  die  room  and  had  persuaded  Piero  to 
retire,  as  his  presence  agitated  his  father  too  much,  Lorenzo 
expressed  a  wish  to  see  Pico  della  Mirandola  once  more, 
and  the  latter  immediately  came  to  him.     The  sweet  aspect 
of  the  kindly,  gentle  young  man  seemed  to  have  a  soothing 
effect  upon  him,  for  he  said:   I  should  have  been  very 
sorry  to  die,  without  first  being  cheered  a  little  by  thy 
presence.     And  thereupon  his  face  grew  calm,  his  dis- 
course almost  cheerful  ;  and  he  began  to  laugh  and  jest 
with  his  friend.     Pico  had  scarcely  left  the  room  before 
Savonarola  entered    it,   and  respectfully  approached    the 
bed  of  the  dying  prince.     Lorenzo  explained  that  there 
were  three  sins  on  his  conscience  which  he  was  specially 
anxious  to  confess,  in  order  to  be  absolved  from  them  : 
the  sack   of  Volterra  ;    the    robbery   of  the   Monte  delle 
Fanciulle,  whereby  so    many  girls    had    been   driven    to 
a  life  of  shame;  and  the  bloody  reprisals  following  the 
conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi.     In   speaking  of  these   things, 
even  before  beginning  his  private  confession,  the  Magni- 
ficent   again    fell    into    great    agitation,    and     Savonarola 
sought  to   calm   him    by   repeating:  God   is  good,  God 
is   merciful  .  .   .    But,   he  added,  directly  Lorenzo   had 
ceased  speaking,  three  things  are  needful.     What  things, 
Father  'replied  Lorenzo.     Savonarola's  face  grew  stern, 
and   extending   the   fingers  of  his  right   hand,  he   bega* 
thus  :  Firstly,  a  great  and  living  faith  in  God's  mercy.— 


'PIERO  DE'  MEDICI. 

I  have  the  fullest  faith  in  it.  Secondly,  you  must 
restore  all  your  ill-gotten  wealth,  or  at  least  charge  your 
sons  to  restore  it  in  your  name.— At  this  the  Magnificent 
seemed  to  be  struck  with  surprise  and  grief;  nevertheless, 
making  an  effort,  he  gave  a  nod  of  assent.  Savonarola 
then  stood  up,  and  whereas  the  dying  prince  lay  cowering 
with  fear  in  his^  bed,  he  seemed  to  soar  above  his  real 
stature  as  he  said  :  Lastly,  you  must  restore  liberty  to 
the  people  of  Florence.  His  face  was  solemn  ;  his  voice 
almost  terrible  ;  his  eyes,  as  if  seeking  to  divine  the 
answer,  were  intently  fixed  on  those  of  Lorenzo,  who, 
collecting  all  his  remaining  strength,  angrily  turned  his 
back  on  him  without  uttering  a  word.  Accordingly 
Savonarola  left  his  presence  without  granting  him  absolu- 
tion, and  without  having  received  any  actual  and  detailed 
confession.  The  Magnificent  remained  torn  by  remorse, 
and  soon  after  breathed  his  last,  on  April  8,  1492. l 

The  death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  wrought  great  changes 
not  only  in  the  affairs  of  Tuscany,  but  of  all  Italy.  His 
skilful  mode  of  action,  the  prudence  with  which' he  had 
maintained  his  position  with  regard  to  other  potentates, 
and  his  dexterity  in  keeping  them  all,  if  not  united,  at 
least  in  balance,  had  rendered  him  the  arbiter,  as  it  were, 
of  Italian  politics,  and  Florence  the  centre  of  the  gravest 
affairs  of  state.  Piero  de'  Medici,  on  the  contrary,  was 
in  all  respects  the  opposite  of  his  father.  Handsome 
and  robust  in  person,  he  cared  only  for  sensual  pleasures 
and  athletic  sports.  He  had  a  great  aptitude  for  spinning 
improvised  verses,  and  a  graceful  and  pleasant  delivery  ; 
but  he  only  aspired  to  excel  as  a  horseman  and  in  the 
lists,  at  football,  boxing,  and  tennis.  Indeed  he  was  so 
proud  of  his  skill  in  these  games  as  to  challenge  all  the 
best  players  in  Italy,  and  persuade  them  to  come  to  Florence. 
He  inherited  from  his  mother  all  the  pride  of  the  Orsini 

1  Vide  Note  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


,So  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

house,   but   had    noi-  the   courteous   refinement   of 

that  had   so  largely  contributed  to   his  father 

pularity.     On  the  contrary,  he  gave  offence  to  all  by 
ICOUthness,  and   indulged   in   such  violent   transports 

anger,  that  on  one  <  »n,  before  many  witness* 

he  boxed  the  ears  of  one  of  his  cousins.  Behaviour  of 
this  kind  v.  is  tar  more  intolerable  to  the  Florentines  than 
any  open  violation  of  the  laws,  and  was  quite  sufficient 
to  raise  numerous  enemies  against  him.1 

And  he  not  onlv  offended  private  individuals,  but 
contrived,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  to  so 
thoroughly  disgust  all  the  Italian  princes,  that  Florence 
speedily  lost  the  proud  pre-eminence  Lorenzo  had  gained 
for  her.  Even  the  most  pressing  affairs  of  state  were 
entirely  neglected  by  Piero,  whose  sole  concern  was  to 
find  opportunities  for  increasing  his  personal  power,  and 
who  daily  swept  away  some  of  the  semblances  of  freedom, 
which  the  Magnificent  had  so  shrewdly  preserved,  and 
to  which  the  people  were  still  so  attached.  Hence,  there 
were  growing  murmurs  among  the  bulk  of  the  citizens, 
and  a  hostile  party  had  been  already  formed,  and  was 
continually  gaining  fresh  recruits  from  the  ranks  of  those 
who,  in  Lorenzo's  time,  had  been  staunch  adherents  of 
the  Medici.  A  presentiment  of  coming  change  was 
already  in  the  air,  and  there  was  a  growing  desire  and 
necessity  for  a  change  of  some  sort,  inasmuch  as  Piero, 
being  forsaken  by  men  of  good  repute,  was  obliged  to 
lean  more  and  more  upon  untried  and  incapable  persons. 

Meanwhile  the  multitude  assembled  in  increasing 
numbers  round  the  pulpit  of  Savonarola,  who  was  now 
considered  the  preacher  of  the  party  opposed  to  the 
Medici.  That  Lorenzo,  on  his  death-bed,  should  have 
wished  to  confess  to  him  had  infinitely  raised  him  in  the 

1  Nardi,  "  Storia   di   Firenze  "  ;   Guicciardini,  "  Storia  d'Italia,"  and 
"  Storia  Fiorentina"  ;  Sismondi,  "  Hist  des  Rép.  Ital.,"  &c. 


DEATH  OE  INNOCENT  Vili  In 

estimation  of  all  those  admirers  of  the  prince,  who  were 
now  alienated  by  the  violence  and  uncertain  policy  of 
his  son.  And  the  lower  classes,  on  their  side,  v 
beginning  to  recall  how  Savonarola  had  once  predicted 
to  several  influential  citizens,1  in  the  Sacristy  of  St. 
Mark's,  the  approaching  death  of  Lorenzo,  the  Pope, 
and  the  Neapolitan  king.  One  part  of  this  prophecy 
had  been  almost  immediately  fulfilled  ;  and  another 
seemed  about  to  come  to  pass. 

In  fact,  the  vital  powers  of  Innocent  VIII.  were  rapidly 
sinking  :  he  had  been  lying  for  some  time  in  a  lethargic 
state,  that  was  occasionally  so  death-like  as  to  make  his 
attendants  believe  that  all  was  over.  Every  means  of 
restoring  his  exhausted  vitality  had  been  tried  in  vain, 
when  a  Jewish  doctor  proposed  to  attempt  his  cure  by 
means  of  a  new  instrument  for  the  transfusion  of  blood. 
Hitherto  this  experiment  had  only  been  tried  upon 
animals  ;  but  now  the  blood  of  the  decrepit  Pontiff  was 
to  be  transfused  into  the  veins  cf  a  youth,  who  gave  him 
his  own  in  exchange.  Thrice,  in  fact,  was  the  difficult 
experiment  made.  It  did  no  good  to  the  Pope,  and  three 
boys,  costing  the  sum  of  one  ducat  apiece,  lost  their 
lives,  through  the  introduction  of  air  into  their  veins.2 
The  Jewish  doctor  then  fled,  and  on  July  25,  1492, 
Innocent  VIII.  finally  expired.  Intrigues  for  the  election 
of  his  successor  were  immediately  set  on  foot. 

The  corruption  of  the  Roman  Court  had  now  reached 
so  high  a  pitch,  that  enormities  formerly  carried  on  in 
secret,  and  even  thus  causing  much  scandal  and  universal 

1  These  citizens  were  :  Alessandro  Acciaioli,  Cosimo  Rucellai,  and  Carlo 
Carnesecchi.  As  we  have  before  stated,  this  prediction  is  mentioned  by 
many  writers  {vide  Note  2,  to  page  131)  ;  and  Savonarola  frequently 
alluded  to  it  in  his  sermons. 

a  "  Iudeus  quidem  aufugit,  et  Papa  sanatus  non  est,"  are  the  con- 
cluding words  of  Infessura.  But  the  Florentine  ambassador,  docs  not 
give  this  incident,  although  it  is  recorded  by  many  historians. 


:  :ìiy  pr  almost  lin- 

I  lie   number  of  L"   conclave 

only  tv.         three;  and  the  election  beine  a  simple 
c  t   traffic,  was  i  by  Roderigo   Borgia,  tfa 

le  to  bid  the  highest  price  and  promise  the 

number  of  preferments.     Mules  laden  with  gold 

n  entering  the  palace-yard  of  Ascanio  Sforza,1 

Borgia's  most  dreaded  competitor,  who  also  gained,  in 

turn  for  his  vote,  the  office  of  Vice-Chancellor  and 
other  almost  equally  lucrative  appointments.  The  Romans 
viewed  these  things  with  indifference,  and  discussed  the 
derails  of  their  bargain  as  though  it  were  all  in  the  natural 
course  of  events.2 

The  name  of  the  new  Pope,  Alexander  VI.,  has  too 
e  il  a  notoriety  for  it  to  be  necessary  to  speak  of  him  at 
much  length.  '  Roderigo  Borgia  was  of  Spanish  birth,  and 
had  studied  law  in  Italy.     Owing  to  his  great  facility  of 

Jress,  astonishing  aptitude  for  business,  particularly  in 
the  management  of  finance,  and  above  all  by  the  favour 
of  his  uncle,  Calixtus  III.,  he  had  risen  step  by  step  to 
the  rank  of  Cardinal  and  the  possession  of  large  revenues. 
One  of  his  strongest  passions  was  an  insatiable  greed  for 
gold;  and  he  accordinglv  formed  intimate  relations  with 
Moors,  Turks,  and  Jews,  regardless  of  all  the  prejudices 
and  customs  of  his  age.  In  this  way  he  was  enabled  to 
accumulate  the  immense  fortune  that  served  to  raise  him 
to  the  papacy.  Addicted  to  license  and  sensuality,  he  was 
always  the  slave  of  some  woman.  At  the  time  of  his 
election  he  was  the  lover  of  the  notorious  Vannozza,  by 
whom  he  had  several  children.  This  woman's  mother  was 
said  to  have  been  his  former  mistress,  just  as  he  was 
afterwards  accused  of  a  shameful  connection  with  his  own 

1  Brother  of  Ludovic  the  Moor.  ,  .    .  . 

-  Vide  Infessur*,  "Diarium";  Burchardi,  "Dianum";  Guicciardini, 
H  Storia  d'  Italia"  ;  and  almost  every  historian  of  Rome  and  the  1  opes. 


EXTORTION  AND  LUSTS  OF  ALEXANDER   VI  ,53 

and  Vannozza's  daughter,  Lucrezia,  known  to  all  the 
world  as  the  cause  of  the  many  scandals  and  sanguinary 
jealousies  by  which  the  name  of  Borgia  became  a  disgrace 
to  humanity.  Such  was  the  character  of  the  man'now 
raised  to  the  papal  chair;  and  therefore,  in  spite  of  officili 
rejoicings,  the  announcement  of  his  election  was  revived 
throughout  Italy  with  universal  dismay.  Accordino-  to 
Guicciardini,  Ferdinand  of  Naples  burst  into  tears  at  the 
news,  although  never  before  known  to  weep,  even  for  the 
death  of  his  own  children.1 

Nevertheless  the  beginning  of  the  new  pontificate  did 
not  seem  to  justify  the  evil   expectations   formed  of  it. 
For  the  first  time  some   order  was   introduced   into  the 
administration  of  the  papal  revenues.     During  the  past 
years  crimes  of  every  kind  had  been  rampant  in  the  Cam- 
pagna and  all  the  provinces,  acts  of  violence  being  com- 
mitted almost  by  the  hundred  each  week.    These  were  now 
rigorously  repressed,  and  their  number  diminished  with 
marvellous  speed.     But  it  was  soon  found  that  the  aim  of 
all  these  improvements  was  to  give   the  Pope  increased 
facility  for  extorting  money  from  his  subjects,  and  establish 
stronger  principalities  for  his  children,  who  were  already 
notorious  for  the  enormity  of  their  lusts  and  the  atrocità 
of  their  crimes. 

These  things  began  to  have  a  terrifying  effect  on  men's 
minds,  and  every  one  thought  of  the  future  with  the 
utmost  trepidation.  All  eyes,  therefore,  were  turned 
towards  the  man  who  had  already  prophesied  evil  to  Italy 
and  the  Church,  and  whose  words  now  seemed  to  be  so 
strangely  fulfilled.  Two  of  the  princes  whose  deaths  he 
had  foreseen  were  already  in  their  graves  ;  the  third  was 

1  Guicciardini,  "  Storia  d'  Italia,"  vol.  i.  p.  9.  Gregorovius  and  Rcu- 
mont  have  recently  written  on  the  history  of  the  Borgia  family,  and  fresh 
Rght  has  also  been  thrown  on  the  subject  by  the  "  Dispacci  *  of  A. 
Giustiniani,  edited  by  ourselves.  Florence:  Successori  Le  Monnicr. 
1876,  3  vols. 


»54 


\ND  l 


pit  to  last  much  longer;  and  for         theChurch 
had   never  been   in   so  deplorable  a  state.      The  thn 
Conclusions"  pronounced  by  the  Friar  \ 

mouth  to  mouth;  true  beli;  in  their 

onhap]  n  to  place  implicit  faith  in  them;  and 

thus    the    confused    terror    i  ing    the    public    mind, 

1  to  the  increase  of  Savonarola's  fame.  He  himself 
s  at  once  the  source  and  the  victim  of  these  gloomy 
presentiments.  1  [is  predictions  spread  alarm  on  all  sides, 
and  seeing  that  nearly  all  believed  them  and  adopted  his 
ideas  he  became  more  excited  by  them  himself,  and  more 
convinced  of  their  truth.  The  times  he  had  prophesied 
seemed  at  last  near  at  hand  ;  he  read  and  re-read  the 
prophets  ;  his  sermons  in  the  churches  of  St.  Lorenzo  and 
Santa  Reparata  were  marked  by  greater  vehemence  ;  i>or 
is  it  any  wonder  that,  in  this  state  of  mind,  he  should  have 

_ 

aeain  beheld  visions.  , 

In  fact  we  learn  from  his  own  words  that,  during  this 
year  1492,  two  visions  were  shown  to  him,  which  he  was 
forced  to  accept  as  revelations  from  heaven.  The  night 
before  his  last  Advent  sermon,  he  beheld  in  the  middle  of 
the  sky  a  hand  bearing  a  sword,  upon  which  these  words 
were  inscribed  :  "  Gladius  Domini  super  terrain  cito  et 
velociterà  He  heard  many  clear  and  distinct  voices 
promising  mercv  to  the  good,  threatening  chastisement 
to  the  wicked,  and  proclaiming  that  the  wrath  of  God  was 
at  hand.  Then,  suddenly  the  sword  was  turned  towards 
the  earth  ;  the  sky  darkened  ;  swords,  arrows,  and  flames 
rained  down:  terrible  thunderclaps  were  heard;  and  all 
the  world  was  a  prey  to  war,  famine,  and  pestilence.  The 
vision  ended  with  a  command  to  Savonarola  to  make  these 
things  known  to  his  hearers,  to  inspire  them  with  the  fear 
of  God,  and  to  beseech  the  Lord  to  send  good  shepherds 
to  His  Church,  so  that  the  lost  sheep  might  be  saved.1 
1  «  Comp.  Revelationum,"  p.  231,  and  following. 


SAVONAROLA   MEDAL. 

("GLADIUS   DOMINI    SUPER   TERRAM    CITO   ET 

VELOCITER."] 


VISIONS  SEEN  BY  SA  VONAROLA. 


o5 


This    vision    was    afterwards    recorded    by    innumerable 
medals    and    engravings  ;     and    it    almost    served    as    a 
symbol  of  Savonarola  and  his  doctrines.1     During  Lent 
and  precisely  on    Good   Friday,  he   saw   another   vision' 
in  which  a  black  cross  rose  from  the  city  of  Rome,  and 
reaching  the  heavens,  stretched  its  arms  over  the  whole 
earth.     Upon    the  cross  was   written,  "  Crux  ira  Dei." 
The  sky   was  densely  black,    lightning    flashed,   thunder 
pealed,  there  came  a  storm  of  wind  and  hail.     From  the 
centre  of  Jerusalem  rose  a  golden  cross,  shedding  its  rays 
over  the  whole  world,  and  upon  this  was  written,  "  Crux 
Misericordia    Dei"    and    all    the    nations     flocked     to 
adore  it.2 

■  Many  medals  were  struck  in  Savonarola's  honour.  They  are  minutely 
described  by  all  writers  on  the  Italian  medalists  of  the  Renaissance 
and  two  of  these  authors'  names  may  be  quoted:  Friedlander  "Die 
Itahemschen  Schaumiingen  des  fiinfzehnten  jahrhunderts  "  (Berlin 
1880-82)  ;  and  A.  Heiss,  "  Les  Médailleurs  de  la  Renaissance"  (Paris  • 
Rothschild,  1881-86).  Two  of  the  Savonarola  medals  are,  as  it  were' 
prototypes  of  all  the  others,  and  are  preserved  in  the  Uffizii  Gallery  at 
Florence. 

The  first  of  the  two,  attributed  by  Heiss  and  a  few  other  writers  to 
one  of  the  Della  Robbia  family,  bears  on  the  obverse  the  Friar's  head 
cowled,  but  with  the  rather  high  forehead  left  uncovered.  The  legend 
encircling  it  is,  "  Hiero7iymus  Savonarola  Ferrariensis  vir  doctissimus 
ordims  pro?dichatorum:,  On  the  upper  part  of  the  reverse  is  a  hand 
with  a  dagger  ;  beneath  a  city  (Florence  or  Rome),  and  round  it  the 
words,  "  Gladius  Domini  super  terram  cito  et  velociterà  This  medal  gave 
origin  to  several  others,  among  them  one  of  much  later  date,  with  the 
bust  of  Savonarola,  crucifix  in  hand.  The  reverse  is  divided  by  a  vertical 
line,  on  the  right  side  of  which  there  is  a  hand  with  a  dagger  above  a  city  ; 
on  the  left  side  the  emblem  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  the  earth  beneath.' 
The  legend  is  almost  identical  with  those  of  the  older  medals. 

The  second  prototype  shows  Savonarola's  head  with  the  cowl  drawn 
forward,  very  like  the  head  in  Giovanni  delle  Corniole's  engraving.  The 
only  inscription  is,  "  F.  Hieronimus  Savonarola  ordinis  pradiuitorun;:' 
On  the  reverse,  a  hand  with  a  sword  in  the  sky  ;  and  to  the  left  of  this, 
the  Holy  Spirit  and  a  shower  of  flames  falling  on  the  earth.  There  should 
be  the  same  inscription  as  on  the  other  medals,  "  Gladius  Domini?  &c, 
and  "Spiriius  Domini  super  terram  copiose  et  abundanlcr."  But  neither 
was  given  in  the  medal  shown  to  us. 

2  In  the  "  Compendium  Revelationum,"  pp.  244-5,  Savonarola  says  that 
this  vision  appeared  to  him  on  Good  Friday,  while  he  was  preaching  in 


now  ìi  arncst  in   proclaiming 

of  ch  acnt  an  ration,  basing  his 

Ug  at  only  on  reason  and  the  Bible,  but  even  on 

f  his  visions.     He  continued  to  do  this 
ut  the  year  1492,  and  particularly  during  L*nt, 
I:  ,  n  that  he  began   those  celebrated  discourses  on 

11  Noah's   Ark  "   which  made   so  great  a   sensation,   were 
aftet         Is    continued,   and    concluded,  with    still    greater 
?,  in  1494.     But  more  will  be  said  of  them  hereafter, 
when  reviewing  the  whole  series. 

Meanwhile,  we  often  find  him  unexpectedly  absent  from 
Florence.  In  February  and  May,  1492,  he  made 
irneys  to  Venice,  either  shortly  before  or  shortly  after 
to  Pisa,  where  he  gave  a  few  sermons  in  the 
Monastery  of  Santa  Caterina,  and  contracted  a  friendship 
with  Stefano  da  Codiponte,1  afterwards  one  of  the  most 
faithful  and  devoted  of  his  followers.  But  in  the  Lent  of 
1493  he  made  a  still  longer  absence,  and  preached  in 
Bologna.      It  appears  that   Piero  de'    Medici,   being  less 

S  Lorenzo,  during  the  Lent  of  1492.  It  is  proved  by  Signor  Cherardi's 
ocumenti  "  (p.  12)  that  his  Lenten  sermons  for  1492  were  delivered  in 
that  church,  and  from  Yioli's  "Giornate"  {vide  doc.  xvi.  of  appendix 
to  Italian  edition)  we  learn  that  Savonarola  then  began  his  course  of 
sermons  on  Noah's  Ark.  This  year  could  not  be  that  of  H93,  common 
s'vle  for  it  is  well  known  that  in  1493  Savonarola  was  Lenten  preacher 
in'Bolo-na.  The  Easter  of  1492  fell  on  the  22nd  of  April,  and  this  seems 
to  explain  why  the  Lent  was  dated  1492  both  in  the  Florentine  and  the 
common  calendar. 

1  He  was  a  young  man  from  Liguria,  who  had  come  to  study  law  in 
the  Pisan  Universi'tv.  Being  tired  of  the  world,  he  became  a  monk  in 
1 401,  and  then  wearying  of  the  cloister,  asked  leave  to  return  to  it.  But 
just  then  Savonarola  came  to  Pisa,  and  Codiponte  was  so  deeply  moved 
by  his  sermons  that  he  not  only  recurred  to  his  first  purpose,  but 
adhered  to  it  most  firmly,  and  became  very  zealous  in  the  faith  and 
devoted  to  Savonarola.  One  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  \  nar  s  letters 
is  addressed  to  Codiponte,  and  dated  22nd  May,  1492.  This  letter  was 
discovered  by  us  in  the  Riccardi  Library  (Codex  2053),  and  is  given  in 
Document  x.  of  the  appendix  to  the  Italian  edition.  For  facts  concern- 
ing Codiponte,  see  the  "  Annali  del  Monastero  di  Santa  Caterina  di 
Pila  "  published  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  voi.  vi.  part  11.  p.  615. 


TOMB  OF  SAN    DOMENICO    IN   BOLOGNA. 


HIS  SERMONS  AT  BOLOGNA.  i5; 

judicious  than  his  father,  wished  to  be  rid  of  this  too 
popular  preacher,  round  whom  all  his  enemies  were 
beginning  to  rally.  He  accordingly  arranged  with  the 
superiors  of  the  Order  in  Rome  or  Milan°to  have  the 
Friar  removed  from  Florence,  and  wished  Fra  Mariano  to 
come  back  and  resume  his  sermons.1  The  brethren  of  St. 
Mark's  were  sorely  grieved  by  the  prolonged  absence  of 
their  Prior,  and  Savonarola  endeavoured  to  console  them 
by  letter.  "  Your  tender  affection  is  ever  in  my  mind, 
and  I  often  speak  of  it  with  Fra  Basilio,  my  very  dear  son 
and  your  true  brother  in  Christ  Jesus.  .  .  .  We  lead  a 
very  solitary  life,  like  unto  two  turtle-doves,  awaiting  the 
spring  to  return  again  to  the  soft  climate  where  we  once 
dwelt,  amid  the  blossoms  and  joys  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  .  .  . 
But  if  your  sadness  seems  too  great  for  ye  to  deem  life 
possible  without  me,  your  love  is  still  imperfect,  and 
therefore  God  has  taken  me  from  ye  for  some  space  of 

.    '  lì    o 

time.   2 

Nevertheless,  Savonarola  remained  at  Bologna  very 
reluctantly.  Banished  from  Florence  as  too  great  a  par- 
tisan of  the  people,  he  found  himself  ill  at  ease  in  a  city 
ruled  by  the  iron  hand  of  a  Bentivoglio,  and  where  he 
was  obliged  to  keep  strictly  within  bounds.  Being  thus 
constrained  to  preach  in  a  manner  opposed  to  his  in- 
clination, he  spoke  coldly,  and  was  styled  "  a  simple  man, 
and  a  preacher  for  women."  3     But  his  name  proved  an 

1  Proofs  of  this  are  given  in  the  documents  published  by  Cappelli, 
"Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  &c,  pp.  28-30. 

2  This  letter,  which  is  full  of  affection  and  Christian  counsel,  is  given 
in  Quétif's  "Additions"  to  Pico's  biography  of  Savonarola,  vol.  ii.,  p.  99. 
Ouétif  says  "  qicando  praedicabat  Bojionice,  an?io  millesimo  quadringen- 
lesimo  nonagesimo  secundo."  But  this  was  the  year  1493,  according  to 
the  common  style,  as  is  also  proved  by  another  of  Savonarola's  letter* 
published  in  Cappelli's  "Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  p.  30.  As  usual,  the 
biographers  are  somewhat  confused  in  their  dates. 

3  "Biografia  Latina,"  chap,  x.,  at  sheet  9;  Burlamacchi,  p.  26; 
Padre  Marchese,  "  Scritti  Vari  "  (we  always  quote  from  Le  Monniei's  firs» 
edition  of  the  work),  p.  136. 


.     "  •  w. 

•  crow,!,  rod  numb  !  to  hear  him. 

Bcntiroglio'a  wife,  who  always,  arriving 
h  ■  long  train  of  ladic  ,  cavaliers,  and  pages, 
irrupti  This  was  an  irregularity 

maroh  would  by  no  means  tolerate,      por  the 
he  paused  in   his  discourse,  thinking  that 
i  would  be  a  sufficient  reproof;  but  finding  that  the 
annoyance  was  continued  and   increased,  he  made  some 
remarks   on   the  sin   of   disturbing  the  devotions  of   the 
i  lithfilL      Thereupon,  her  pride   being  offended,  the  lady 
e   later  and  later,  made  more  noise,  and  behaved  with 
haughtier  disrespect.      At    last,   one   morning,  Savonarola 
interrupted   in   the  heat  of  his  discourse,  could  no 
longer  restrain  his  anger,  and  cried  out  : — M  Behold,  here 
cometh    the    devil    to    interrupt   God's  word."      At  this 
I     me  Benti voglio  was  so  enraged,  that  she  directed  two 
or  her  grooms  to  strike  him  dead  in  the  pulpit.     They, 
however,  shrank  from   so  great  an   atrocity.     Then,  in- 
creasingly indignant  at  the  thought  of  having  been  put  to 
humiliation  by  a  monk,  she  despatched  two  other  satellites 
to  fall  upon  the  preacher  in  his  cell,  and  do  him,  at  least, 
some  grievous  bodily  hurt.     But  Savonarola  faced  the  men 
with  so  much  firmness,  and  addressed  them  in  so  dignified 
and    commanding    a   tone,  that    they  were    awed    by  his 
words,  and  slunk  away  in  confusion.     Fortunately  Lent 
was  nearly  over,  and  he  was  soon  to  bid  the  people  fare- 
well.    Nevertheless,  in  order  to  show  that  he  was  not  easily 
cowed,   he   publicly  announced  from    the  pulpit:    "This 
evening  I  set  forth  on  my  journey  to  Florence,  with  my 
little  staff  and  a  wooden  flask,  and  I  shall  rest  at  Pianoro. 
It  any  man  have  aught  to  say  to  me,  let  him  come  before 
1  leave.     But  I  tell  ye  that  my  death  is  not  to  take  place 
in  Bologna."  1 

On  his  arrival  in  Florence  he  found  the  city  in  a  worse 
1   Vide  tlie  same  authors  quoted  above. 


PIERO  PLAYS  INTO  SAVONAROLA'S  HANDS    155 

state  than  before,   Piero's  insolence  having  so  much  in- 
creased, that  each  day  brought  fresh  proofs  of  the  popular 
discontent.      Consequently  the  Prior  of  St.  Mark's  found 
himself  in  a  position  of  great  difficulty.     He  had  either  to 
keep  silence  or  run  the  risk   of  being  again  banished  by 
order   of  his   superiors   in   Lombardy  or  Rome.     While 
reflecting  on  this  state  of  things,  Savonarola  remembered 
that  the  Tuscan   Congregation  had  always  been  separate 
from  that  of  Lombardy,  down  to  the  year  1448,  when  it 
was  joined  to  the  latter,  because  the  Tuscan  convents  were 
deserted  on  account  of  the  plague  :   consequently  it  might 
not  be  impossible  to  restore  the  Congregation  to  its  former 
independence,    now    that    it    numbered    so    many    more 
brethren.^     Accordingly    he    applied    all    his    energy    to 
effett    this    change    on    which    depended    the    success    of 
all    his  future  designs,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  began 
to  negotiate   the  affair  as  far   back  as   1492,  during  his 
various  visits  to  Venice,  where  the  General  of  the  Order, 
Giovacchino  Turriano,  was   then  resident.     It  is  certain 
that  this  affair  first  brought    his    great    shrewdness    and 
practical   energy  to  light,  and  made  the  frivolous  incon- 
sistency of  Piero  de'  Medici  still  more  clearly  apparent. 
For  Piero   let  himself  be  persuaded   to   favour  a  measure 
tending  to  neutralise  his  own   authority  over  the   convent 
of  St.  Mark,  and   caused  the   magistrates   to  write  letters 
pressingly  recommending  it  to  the  Florentine  ambassador 
in  Rome,  and  to  the  Cardinal  of  Naples,  the  patron  of  the 
Order.2     His  conduct  was  all  the  more. inexplicable,  since 
he  had  now  taken  under  his   protection  the  Frati  Minori 
(Franciscans),  who  had  always  been  hostile  to  the  Domini- 
cans, and  who,  by  urging  from  the  pulpit  the  expulsion  of 

x  Padre  Marchese,  p.  83.  Savonarola  frequently  spoke  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  it  was  also  mentioned  by  the  Council  of  Ten  in  the  despatches 
they  sent  to  Rome,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see  further  on. 

a  Vide  Appendir  &>  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xi.  and  xiv. 


AND  TIME 

the  Signory,  I 
|  .'     Either  falline  to 

-,  and,  as  usual,  wisnir 
Moor,  or  because  the  of  ft 

l'i;  can  (  tickled  mcy,  and  made  him 

of  the   friars    or'  St.    Mirk's,    I 

pK  nation,  it  is  certain  that,  on  this  occasion, 

Savonarola's  hands.     Accordingly  the 
1>:  ;.  the  opportunity  by  instantly  despatching  to 

k<  m  •  Fra  Roberto  Ubaldini,  Idrate  Alessandro  Rinuccini, 

and  Fra  Domenico  da  Pescia.2  The  latter  monk  was 
alreadv  his  most  sincere  and  zealous  disciple.  Born  at  the 
toot  of  the  Pistoian  Apennines,  he  had  all  the  daring  of  a 

mountaineer  :  his  ingenuous,  faithful  soul  was  full  of  en- 
thusiastic devotion  for  Savonarola,  he  believed  him  to  be 
a  prophet  sent  to  Florence  from  God,  and  would  have 
gone  to  the  stake  for  him  without  a  moment's  hesitation. 

When  the  three  friars  arrived  in  Rome  they  found  that 
the  official  support  of  Florence  was  not  sufficient  to 
defeat  the  Lombards,  who,,  through  the  intervention  of 
Ludovico  the  Moor,  were  energetically  seconded  by  many 
ambassadors.  Thus  a  convent  quarrel  had  assumed  the 
proportions  of  an  affair  of  state.  On  the  one  side  the 
Signory  of  Florence,  the  Cardinal  of  Naples,  Piero,  and 
Cardinal    dei    Medici,    were    writing    and    exerting    their 

■  There  is  a  minute  account  of  these  riots  in  Parenti's  "  Storia  di 
Firenze,"  vol.  i.,  at  sheet  23  ;  and  passim,  Codex  11.  129,  in  the 
Florence  National  Library.  ,.,.-,       ™  „ 

2  Fra  Roberto  Ubaldini,  author  of  the  "Annali  di  San  Marco,  states 
that  he  went  to  Rome  to  accompany  Frate  Alessandro,  who  was  old  and 
in  bad  health  ;  he  does  not  mention  Fra  Domenico,  who  may  have 
followed  afterwards.  ("Annates  Conventus  S.  Marci,"  at  sheets  13  and 
14)  On  the  other  hand,  Burlamacchi  (p.  47),  makes  no  mention  of 
Ubaldini  In  the  "  Biografìa  Latina"  (a*  sheet  1 11)  we  find  these  words  : 
"Pro  hac  re  Rom  am  miserunt  fratrem  Alexandrum  Rinuccinum  senem, 
et  fratrem  Dominicuxn  pisciensem."  In  the  despatch  sent  by  the  Signory 
to  the  Cardinal  of  Naples,  only  Rinuccini  and  Fra  Domenico  are 
mentioned.     {Vide  Appendix  to  the.  Unban  edition,  doc.  xiv.) 


THE  BRIEF  SEALED  UNEXPECTED!.  Y 


161 


influence  in  favour  of  St.  Mark's  ;  on  the  other,  the 
Lombard  friars,  Ludovico  the  Moor,  Venice  and  Rome" 
were  against  it.  Thereupon  Savonarola's  envoys  wrote  to 
him  that  there  was  no  hope  of  success;  but  he  only 
replied  -Fear  not,  remain  firm,  and  you  will  conquer- 
the  Lord  scattereth  the  counsels  of  the  nations,  and  over- 
throweth  the  designs  of  princes."  J 

In  fact,  victory  was   finally  gained   in  a  very  strange 
and  unexpected  manner.     A  rumour  was  spread 'in  Rome 
to   the  effect  that  many   of  the   brethren  of  St    Mark's 
were  opposed  to  the  separation  proposed  by  Savonarola 
I  hereupon  the  latter  called  a  grand  assembly  of  all  his 
friars  and  made  them  sign  a  special  petition,  attested  by 
the  Signory.2     Nevertheless,  on  the  22nd  of  May,  149 ? 
all  hope  of  success  seemed  at  an  end,  for  the  Pope  dis- 
solved  the  consistory  in  a  fit  of  ill  temper,  saying  that 
he  was  not  disposed   to  sign  briefs  that  day.     Beiifo-  left 
alone  with  the  Cardinal  of  Naples  he  fell  into  lively  con- 
versation with  him,  indulging  as  usual  in  many  extravagant 
jests.     It  seemed  to  the  Cardinal  that   the   right  moment 
had   come,  and   quickly  producing  the  Brief  (which  was 
already  drawn  up)  from  his  pocket,  besought  the  Holy 
Father  to    sign    it.       He    laughingly    refused,    and    the 
Cardinal   laughing   also,   drew  the   Pope's  ring  from  his 
finger,   and  sealed  the   Brief. 3     This   was   scarcely   done 
when,     as    though    with    a    presentiment    of    what    had 
occurred,  messengers  arrived  in  hot  haste  from  the  Lom- 
bards, armed  with  new  and  more   powerful  recommenda- 
tions.    But  the  Pope  was  already  so  sick   of  the   affair, 

1  "Biografia  Latina,"  chap.  xiii.  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  47.  On  this  affair 
of  the  separation  from  the  Lombard  Order,  many  new  documents  have 
been  published  in  Gherardi's  collection,  p.  12  and  fol. 

2  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  12,  and  fol. 

3  There  is  a  very  incorrect  copy  of  this  Brief  in  the  Riccardi  Library, 
Codex  2053  ;  but  a  more  exact  version  was  given  in  the  "Bullariura 
Ord.  l'raedicatorum."    {Vide  Appendix  to  the   Italian  edition,  doc.  \ii., 

12 


VS  LIFE  AND  Tiu. 

that  he  refused  to  hear  another  word  about  it,  saying, 
m  Had  you  come  sooner  your  request    would  have  been 

.  init  now  what  is  done  iadone.-1     In  this  way 

pendence  ol   St.  Mark's  was  achieved,  an.l  SftVOn- 
..l's  words  were  fulfilled.  ' 

nbards,  bring  thus  unexpectedly  worsted,  made 
Lttempts  to  get  the  Brief  annulled,  or  to  at  least 

e  its  efreas,  and  in  this  they  were  encouraged  by 

Medici,  who,  after  having  opposed  them,  now 
wished  to  come  to  their  aid.-  But  it  was  too  late  ;  for 
St  Mark's,  as  the  head  and  centre  of  a  congregation,  was 
now  subject  only  to  Rome  and  the  Superior  of  the  Order. 
The  latter  at  once  transferred  Savonarola  and  bra 
Domenico  to  Florence,  since  both  were  still  on  the  rolls  of 
the  Bolognese  brotherhood  ;  and  at  the  same  time  issued 
strict   orders   to   the   Lombard   friars  to  discontinue  their 

litless  opposition,  and  abstain  from  giving  further 
annoyance  to  St.  Marlt's.3  Savonarola  was  re-elected 
Prior,  and  the  General,  in  a  letter  of  the  15th  November, 

'  "  Biografia  Latina,"  and  Burlamacchi,  loc.  cit.  ;  "  Annates  Conventus 

S'.MB^e  "he  Roman  Brief  was  signed,  the  Lombards  had  sent  an  order 
from  Milan,  commanding  Savonarola  to  leave  Florence  without  delay. 
Itanatefy  however,  the  order  was  directed  to  the  Prior  of  Fiesole,  who 

chanced  to  be  absent'.  Accordingly  it  only  reached  Savonarola  after  the 
Brief  bad  arrived.  Trusting  to  the  aid  of  Piero  de'  Medic,  whom  they 
expected  to  retain  the  Brief  for  some  time,  the  Lombards  had  made 
Savonarola  agree  to  a  convention  stipulating  that  the  Lombard  Congre- 
gation should  preserve  its  old  authority  in  Tuscany,  until  the  Brief  was 

•ùallv  deposited  at  St.  Mark's.  But  they  failed  at  all  points.  Savon- 
arola  lmin  -foreseen  how  the  afiair  would  turn,  had  accepted  the  con- 
^UonTlshorl  letter  of  two  or  three  lines,  the  only  one  (as  far  as  we 
know?  that  he  ever  wrote  to  Piero  de'  Medici.  Mons.  Perrens  reports, 
and  cites  t  as  a  proof  vol.  i.  p.  5I,  note  2;,  that  "le  prieur  sut  fort  bien, 
dans  'occasion  faire  acte  de  soumission,  si  non  à  Laurent  du  moms  a 
son  fis  Piero"  (vo!  i.  p.  51).  But  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  Archivio 
Medi  eo  wkh  the  convention  to  which  we  have  alluded,  and  also  another 
lene  to  Jacopo  Salviati.  These  three  documents  (given  in  the  Appendix 
to  our  kalian  edition,  doc.  xiii.)  show  that  the  Prior ;s  submission  was  only 
apparent.     (See,  too,  the  "  Biografia  Latina,  '  eh.  xm.) 

»  Gherardi,  p.  24  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  48. 


HIS  INDEPENDENCE  ASSURED.  l6- 

conferred  on  him  the  post  of  Provincial  of  the  Order  I 
Thus,  at  last,  his  independence  was  assured,  he  was  his 
own  master,  could  speak  freely,  and  could  not  be  Jl 
removed  from  his  established  headquarters  in  Floren  J 
He  alone  had  seen  from  the  first  the  importance  of 
obtaining  the  Brief;  others  perceived  it  afterward/ 
Nevertheless  new  and  greate/  dangers  UTSS 
drawing  near  ;  and  Savonarola  foresaw  and  did  his  best  o 
prepare  for  them  by  hastening  on  his  work 

First  of  all  it  was  requisite  to  re-establish  order  and 
discipline  m  the  convent.     At  one  time  he  had  thought  of 
withdrawing  with  his  brethren  to  some  mountain  solitude 
to  lead  a  poor  and  hermit-like  existence,  and  had  discussed 
the  matter  with  his  disciples  ?  but  these  juvenile  dreams 
had  now  yielded  to  riper  ideas.     It  was  no  question  of 
forsaking  _the_  world,  but  of  living  in  its  midst,  in  order 
to  purify  it;  it  was  his  business  to  train  men,  not  to  be 
good  hermits,  but  worthy  monks,  living  an  exemplary  life 
and  ready  to  shed  their  blood  for  the  salvation  of  souls' 
lo  purify  manners,  rekindle  faith  and  reform  the  Church' 
were  the   objects  Savonarola   sought  to  promote.     And 
if  enabled  by  the  Lord's  help  to  accomplish    these  holy 
desires,   he  would  then  depart  from   Italy  with  a  chosen 
band    of   courageous   brethren,    in   order   to    preach    the 
Christian  religion  in  the  East.     Constantinople  was  one  of 

%ssrts£tf?&" reasons  he  confened  this  fr^*^ 

■  The  author  of  the  "  Biografia  Latina  »  was  so  affected  by  Savonarola 

SMS  et?1*1011  °f  ^  Hfe  t0,  bG  kd  m  the  ~ ^  "hath 
IT  \  S°  tUnC  m  COrde  meo  dlxl  :  I]1°  »*  tempore  efficiar  reliei- 

>sus,  et  non  in  tempore  tepiditatis,"  chap.  xii.  at  sheet  io.  Lu  he  a  ids 
hat  some  of  the  friars  were  of  a  different  opinion,  and  showed  them 
elves  adverse  to  the  severity  of  the  new  discipline  proposed  by  Sa  on- 
tola  saying:  "Hoc  futurum  macellimi  fratrum.»  (Ibid.,  at  sheet 
i-;  it  seems  that  Savonarola  was  so  intent  on  carrying  out  tins  idei 
hat  he  had  already  caused  a  wood  to  be  cut  down  on  the  hill  where  he 
nshed  his  hermitage  to  be  built.     (Burlamacchi,  p.  46  and  fui.) 


164 


VAROLA'S  UFE  AND  TIM. 


the  dra         f  tho  wraa  there  that  men 

enemy  of  Europe  and  re-establish 
there  that  the  clergy  wished  to  con- 
cia and  replace   Jerusalem  under  the  Christian 

rule;  manv  men  shared  Savonarola's  belief  that  the  tune, 
announced' In-  his  prophecies  were  at  hand,  and  that  at  List 
there  would  be  but  cue  fold  and  out  shepherd. 


FRA   GIOVANNI    DA    FIESOLE. 


To  return  to  the  convent,  the  first  reform  introduced 
by  Savonarola  was  the  re-establishment  of  the  rule  of 
poverty.  St.  Dominic  had,  in  fact,  pronounced  a  terrible 
curse  on  all  who  should  allow  monks  of  his  order  to 
possess  property,  nevertheless,  after  the  death  of  St. 
Antonine,  only  the  letter  of  his  command  remained  on  the 
convent  walls.1     A  change  in  the  constitution  of  the  con- 

1  ■  Have  charity,  preserve  humility,  observe  voluntary  poverty  :  may 
my  malediction  and  that  of  God  fall  upon  him  that  shall  bring  possessions 
to  this  Order."     Such  were  the  last  words  of  St.  Domin.c  to  his  disciples 


REFORMS  INTRODUCED  B  \  SA  VONAROLA.      tfj 

vent  had  given  St.  Mark's  the  right  to  hold  property    and 
in  a  short   time   its   wealth   had    been   largely    incr-Wd 
Savonarola,   therefore,  revived  the  old   rule  and   sold   the" 
possessions  held  by  the    convent   in   disobedience  to  the 
precepts  of  the  founder  of  the  Order.  «     But  as  free  gifts 
had  long  diminished  in  quantity,  it  was  requisite  to  find 
some  other  mode  of  supplying  the  brethren's  needs      He 
reduced    expenses    by    clothing    them    in    coarse    robes 
stripping  their  cells  of  all  superfluities  and  forbidding  them 
to  have  illuminated  books,  gold  or  silver  crucifixes    and 
similar  vanities.     But  all  this  was  insufficient.     He  there- 
fore ordained  that  the  friars  should  work  for  their  bread 
and  opened  schools  for  the  study  of  painting,  sculpture* 
and  architecture,  and  the  art  of  transcribing  and  illuminating 
manuscripts.     The  lay  brethren  and  such  of  the  monks 
as  were  unfitted  for  higher  spiritual  work,  were  to  exercise 
these  arts,  in  order  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  convent. 

These  men  were  also  to  be  charged  with  the  cares  of 
administration.  In  this  way  priests  and  prelates  could 
more  freely  devote  themselves  to  the  duties  of  the  confes- 
sional andthe  cure  of  souls,  and  to  the  spiritual  and  intel- 
lectual training  of  the  novices.  Those  more  advanced  in 
the  spirit  of  charity  and  in  theological  doctrine  were  to 
devote  themselves  to  preaching  and  journey  from  city  to 
city.  Each  of  these  missionaries  was  to  be  attended  by  a 
lay  brother  v/ho  was  to  work  incessantly  to  provide  for  his 
wants,  so  that  he  might  not  be  withheld  from  speaking  un- 
welcome truths  by  fear  of  receiving  no  alms.2     The^hree 

Fra  Beato  Angelico  had  decorated  the  outer  wall  of  the  dormitory  with 
a  Virgin  and  many  saints,  and  among  the  latter  was  St.  Dominic  holding 
an  open  book,  in  which  these  words  were  written.  {Vide  Lacordair(T 
"  Vita  di  San  Dominico;"  Padre  Marchese,  "Storia  del  Convento  di  San 
Marco,"  in  the  "  Scritti  Vari,"  pp.  80  and  139.) 

lUAnnales  Conventus  S.  Marci,"  at  sheet  13  and  fol.  "Biografia 
Latina,"  chap,  xiii.,  at  sheet  13. 

2  "  Predicare  veritatem  ne  timerent,  dicendo  :  si  dicimus  veritatem 
omnibus,  non  dabunt  elemosinas  nam  Veritas  odium  parit,et  sic  desistent 
a  ventate  et  sint  canes  muti."     ("  Biografia  Latina,"  at  sheet  n. J 


l66  AND   TIMES. 

illy  encouraged  in  his  com 

;    philosophical  and  moral  science;    and  above  all, 

the  I  [oly  Scriptures  by  the  aid  ol  Greek, 
.   other  Eastern   tongues.     These   langu 

Wc  taught    with  a    view    to   the  time    when,   as   he 

hoped,  the  Lord  would  send  him  and  his  brethren  to  preach 

gospel  to  the  Turi, 

It  was  far  from   easy  to  carry   out   all   these   ideas,   nor 
re  they   altogether   unopposed  ;    but  the   convent   soon 
Degan  to  flourish  :  there  was  a  growing  zeal  for  study,  and 
love  for  the  Bible  and  a  spirit  of  religion  were  continually 
the  increase.      There   was  every  incitement  to  progress 
under  a  Prior  who  was  a  living  example  of  the  principles 
he  inculcated.      If  severe  to  others,  he  was  still  more  severe 
to  himself:    his  clothes  were  the   coarsest,    his    bed    the 
hardest,  his  cell  the  poorest  of  all.      From  letters  written 
by  him  at  this   period,  it  is  plain   that  he  was  in  a  very 
excited  state  of  mind,  convinced  that  a  new  and  startling 
reform  was  at  hand,  and  that  this  was  clearly  inspired  by 
the  will   of  God.      "  You  ask  what   we    are    doing,"    he 
replied,  in  a  letter  dated  September  io,  1493,  to  an  abbess 
of  Ferrara,  who  had  expressed  some  doubts  as  to  the  in- 
novations he   had  made.     "What    are    we    doing?    only 
casting  away  superfluities,  and  returning  to  the  simplicity 
and  poverty  enjoined  by  the  original  rules  of  our  Order. 
The  real  innovation  was  when  mendicant  friars  were  seen 
to  build  sumptuous  palaces.     We  first  devoted  long  hours 
to  prayer,  and  then  awaited  the  voice  of  the  Lord,  which 
hath  now  been  heard.      Could  I  speak  with  you,  I  should 

*  »  Bio-rafia  Latina,"  chaps,  xii.  and  xiii.  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  44  and 
fol  •  "Padre  Marchese,"  p.  31  and  fol.  Savonarola  often  alludes  in  his 
s-rmons  to  the  various  languages  taught  in  the  convent,  and  to  the  use 
♦hat  was  to  be  made  of  them.  The  *  Biografia  Latina  "  tells  us  at  sheet 
I2.  u  perfectio  trium  (sic)  linguarum,  videlicet  :  Hebree,  Grece,  Latine, 
(faidee,  Maure  et  Turche."  Mons.  Rio  (Art  Chretien)  speaks  eloquently 
of  the  schools  of  fine  arts  in  St.  Mark's,  but  gives  an  exaggerated  idea  of 
their  importance. 


THE  DOMINICANS  OS  TUSCANY.  lc1 

be  able  to  make  you  understand  that  the  world  is  all 
darkened,  all  depraved,  and  that  it  is  time  to  regenerate 
God's  people.  It  is  time,  it  is  time,  it  is  time,  my  well 
beloved  mother.  The  Lord  is  weary,  and  it  behoves  us  to 
despise  the  judgment  of  the  lukewarm  ;  we  must  be  ready 
to  face  the  persecutions  inevitably  directed  against  any 
good  work.     And  we  are  ready."  l 

This  spirit  of  enthusiasm  had  now  spread  through  the 
whole  population  which  was  entirely  favourable  to  St. 
Mark's.  Many  of  the  lower  classes,  many  of  the  nobles 
sought  leave  to  join  the  brotherhood  ;  and  it  was  said  that 
even  Angelo  Poliziano  and  Pico  della  Mirandola  were 
disposed  to  take  the  same  step.  The  number  of  the  friars 
increased  so  prodigiously  that  before  long  the  original 
building  was  too  small  to  contain  them. 

Nor  was  this  enthusiasm  confined  to  Florence,  for  we 
find  it  extending  to  convents  in  other  parts  of  Tuscany. 
The  communities  of  St.  Dominic  at  Fiesole,  Prato  and 
Bibliena,  and  the  two  Magdalen  hospices  at  Pian  di 
Mugnone  and  Lecceto  asked  to  be  enrolled  in  the  new 
Tuscan  Congregation,  and  gained  admittance  at  different 
times.2  Things  reached  to  such  a  pitch,  that  the  Camal- 
dolesians  of  the  Monastery  degli  Angioli  signed  a  legal 
contract,  binding  themselves  to  change  their  Order  on 
purpose  to  join  the  brethren  of  St.  Mark's.  But  Savonarola 
refused  their  request,  as  one  he  was  unable  to  grant,  with- 
out far  exceeding  the  authority  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  Brief.3     He  was  unwilling  to  afford  his  enemies  any 

1  This  remarkable  letter  is  given  in  the  appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xv. 

2  "  Biografia  Latina,"  at  sheet  12  and  fol.  Burlamacchi,  p.  49  and 
fol.  ;  "Annales  Conventus  S.  Marci,"  at  sheets  14  and  15;  Gherardi. 
"  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  25  and  fol.  ;  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  Sao  Marco," 
in  the  "  Scritti  Vari,"  p.  138  and  fol. 

3  Ibid,  at  sheet  24.  Burlamacchi,  at  p.  81  follows  his  usual  custom 
of  translating  literally  from  the  original  Latin,  and  his  additional  words  : 
"  It  was  I  who  brought  the  contract"  were  inserted  by  another  hand  in 
the  printed  edition. 


àng  him  ;  and  although  d< 
I  i  of  Tuscany  about  him  he  saw  it  would 

mplish   00  account  of  the   party  hatreds 
lintry.1      In  fact    he  had  found  it   very  hard 

•  his  reforms  in  Pisa,  although  he  went  there 

;  and  of  the  forty-four  Dominican  friars  in  that 

•!,  onl)  four,  i  t"  whom  Stefano  Codiponte  was  the  first, 

adhered  to  his  rie*  .  The  others  quitted  the  city.  And 
even  this  poor  attempt  at  union  came  to  nothing  when 
Pisa  r09C  against  the  Florentines.2    At  Siena  he  was  received 

ith  still  more  disfavour,  there  was  almost  a  riot,  and  the 
S  jnory  commanded  him  to  depart. 3  He  at  once 
returned  indignantly  to  Florence,  where  the  congregation 
St.  Mark  continued  to  flourish,  increase  in  numbers,  and 
effect  fresh  improvements.  All  the  convents  aggregated 
to  it  were  zealous  in  the  cause,  and  it  received  encourage- 
ment and  sympathy  from  all  the  citizens  of  Florence. 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  IX. 

On  the  Death  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  and  the  Last 
Words  addressed  to  him  by  Savonarola. 

Some  historians,  especially  those  who  always  side  with  the  Medici, 
deny  that  Savonarola  rcalìy  addressed  Lorenzo  in  the  terms  we  have 
described.  One  of  the  arguments  they  adduce  in  support  of  their 
assertion  deserves  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  In  his  well-known 
letter  to  Jacopo  Antiquario,   Poliziano   (book   iv.   epistle  n)   gives  a 

1  In  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  of  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak 
hereafter,  Savonarola  treats  of  these  enmities  and  of  the  dangers  they 
caused  him  to  incur.  ,  ,..,,, 

2  Vide  "  Annali  del  Convento  di  Santa  Caterina  et  Pisa,  published  in 
the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  voi.  vi.  part  ii.  p.  609  and  fol. 

3  "  Biografia  Latina,"  chap.  xiii.  at  sheet  12.  Some  new  documents  on 
this  subject  were  published  by  Signor  V.  Mattii,  in  the  appendix  to  his 
translation  of  the  "  Apologetica  ec.  di  Frate  Girolamo  Savonarola."  Siena  : 
Bargellini,  1864. 


POLIZIANO  OR  CINOZZI  ì 

minute  account  of  Lorenzo's  illness  and  death,  relates  Savonarola's 
visit,  but  does  not  give  the  words  we  have  quoted.  Now,  say  th  se 
historians,  he  was  the  only  eye-witness  of  the  scene,  and'  when 
narrating  it  in  a  private  letter  to  a  friend  could  have  no  motive  for 
altering  the  facts  ;  accordingly,  his  authority  is  more  trustworthy 
than  that  of  Savonarola's  biographers,  who  have  probably  coloured  the 
facts  in  their  own  way  to  their  hero's  advantage.  But/first  of  all  we 
have  no  certain  proof  of  Poliziano's  presence  during  Savonarola's 
interview  with  Lorenzo.  Without  dwelling  on  the  point  thtt  some 
of  the  biographers  expressly  assert  that  directly  Savonarola  entered 
the  others  left  th  sick  room,  it  is  certain  that  Poliziano  himself  states 
that  he  was  frequently  dismissed  to  the  adjoining  chamber,  and  it  is 
most  probable  that  he  was  sent  away  when  Lorenzo  was  about  to 
confess  Even  if  he  remained  present,  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  the 
Magnificent  would  have  spoken  aloud  of  his  sins,  or  that  Poliziano 
even  had  he  known  them,  would  have  cared  to  make  them  public  As 
to  his  having  communicated  them  privately  to  a  friend,  this  is  a  reason 
only  to  be  urged  by  some  one  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  in  the  fifteenth 
century  the  private  letters  of  learned  men  were  as  public  as  their 
works,  and  frequently  collected  and  published  by  their  authors 

We  will  now  proceed  to  examine  the  authorities  on  whose  account 
of  the  scene  we  have  relied.     Their  number  is  infinite.     It  may  be 
said  that  almost  all  the  biographies  of  Savonarola,  whether  ancient  or 
modern,   in  print  or   in  manuscript,  describe   the   interview  in  the 
same  way,  those  of  Perrens  and  Rastrelli  alone  excepted.      Rastrelli 
was  the  author  of  the  anonymous  work  (dated  Geneva,  1781)  to  which 
we  have  before  alluded,  and  which  is  a  libel  rather  than  a  biography 
We   will   confine    ourselves   to  naming   the    principal    contemporary 
authorities,   from   which   all    the   other    accounts   are    more    or    lesi 
derived.       These    are    Placido    Cinozzi's    "  Epistola  ;  "    G.    F.    Pico 
della   Mirandola's    "  Vita,"  &c.  ;  and   the    "Biografia  Latina."'   It  is 
needless  to  add  that  the  same   account   is  reported  in   Burlamacchi, 
Barsanti,  Razzi,  Fra   Marco   della  Casa,  and  all   the   numerous  bio- 
graphies compiled   from   Burlamacchi's.     Cinozzi   reports   the   words 
pronounced   by  Savonarola,  expressly  remarking   that  all  this  was  a 
preliminary   to    the   confession    that   was   never  made    after  all,  and 
saying  in  conclusion  : — "And   these  words  were   repeated   to  me   by 
Fra  Silvestro,  who  died  with  his   superior,  Fra  Icronimo,  and  who,  as 
I  well  believe,  had  them  and  heard  them  from  P.  F.  Ieronimo's  own 
lips."     He  omits  Lorenzo's  first   words  to    Savonarola,  and   these  arc 
also  omitted  by  Pico  (chap,   vi.),   whose  statement  is   identical   wirh 
that  of  Cinozzi.      The  "  Biografia  Latina,"  on  the  other  hand  (Vlup.  ri, 
at  sheet  50),  gives  the   entire  dialogue,  and  adds  :— ILcc  vcAj*  rciuiu 
frater  Silvester  MarufFus,  et  dominus  Dominicus  Benevienus,  cano;, 


v/>  TIMES. 

Sancti    Laure •  -i.    ...     Dc    risltatl  juitur    ctiam    Angelus 

Polir 

r    to   qaettion   the  BUtfc  this    dialogue,  I 

founding  his  ' 

•omewhat  different  the  othei  roni,  in  hit  M  Life 

of    Lorenzo   the    Magni:-  next    Cime    K  ,    the    frequent 

ph.  -   Mi  Fttio    ,     •'  i     rtcn 

misled  |  .    R  Oi  Rastrelli  it  is  needless  to  speak,  for 

his    be  pile   of  blunders   and    instrltS,    and    proves    absolutely 

nothing.     A   judicioai  reply  to  Perreni  was  published  by  Ermolao 
bini  in  M  I  '.  Polimazia"  (year  II,  N     .3  tnd  4  :   Floren  0, 

calling  the  French  writer's  attention  to  the  fact  that  Poliziano's 
author.  by   no  means    so    valuable   as    he    had    supposed.       In 

truth,  the  whole  question  hinges  upon  this  point,  whether  we  arc  to 
give  more  credence  to  Poliziano,  who,  being  a  courtier,  was  bound  to 
speak  of  Lorenzo  in   a   flattering  sense,  or  to  Cinozzi  and  the  author 

the  "Biografia  Latina,"  who,  although  staunch  partisans  of 
Savonarola,  were  nevertheless  sincere  and  honest  men  ;  and  to  G.  F. 
Pico,  who  was  not  only  honest  and  sincere,  but  learned,  intelligent, 
independent,  and  of  a  family  bound  by  friendship  to  the  Medici. 
Accordingly,  whether  we  are  to  have  greater  faith  in  a  courtier,  who 
withholds  a  fact  that  he  could  not  relate  without  injury  to  himself, 
or  in  honest  men,  contemporaries  and  friends  of  Savonarola,  who, 
writing  in  times  hostile  to  the  latter's  memory,  would  have  been 
roughly  called  to  account  by  followers  of  the  Medici  had  they  ven- 
tured on  anv  false  statements  concerning  Lorenzo. 

Nor  is  this  all.  If  Poliziano's  letter  is  attentively  read,  it  will  be 
seen  that,  far  from  contradicting  the  fact  as  described  by  others,  he 
merely  alters  it  in  so  transparent  a  way  that  we  may  cull  from  his  own 
words  proofs  of  all  that  he  sought  to  conceal  :— "Abicrat  vii  dum 
Picus,  cum  Ferrariensis  Hicronymus,  insignis  et  doctrina  et  sane  ti- 
moni* vir,  ccelestique  doctrine  praedicator  egregius,  cubiculum  ingrc- 
ditur,  hortatur  ut  jidem  teneat  ;  Me  vero  tenere  se  ait  inconcussam  :  ut 
quam  emendatissime  pottkae  vivere  destinet  ;  scilicet  facturum  obnixe 
restondit  :  ut  mortem  denique,  si  nee  esse  sit,  or  quo  animo  toleret  ;  nihil 
vero,  inquit  ille,  iucundius,  si  quidem  ita  Deo  decretum  sit.  Recedebat 
homi  iam,  cum  Laurentius:  Heus,  inquit,  bencdictionem,  Pater,  prius- 
quam  a  nobis  profisccris.  Simul  demisso  capite  vultuque,  et  in  orancra 
pis  religionis  imaginem  formatus,  subinde  ad  verba  illius  et  preces 
rite  ac  memoriter  responsitabat,  ne  tantillum  quidem  famiharium 
luctu,  aperto  iam,  ncque  se  ulterius  dissimulante,  commotus.  Diceres 
indictam  cseteris,  unoexcepto  Laurentio,  mortem." 

Now,  who  could  really  believe  that  Savonarola  would  have  come  to 
the  dying  Lorenzo  of  his  own  accord,  and  said  to  him— "  First,  have 


"BIOGRAFIA  LATINA.*  I;i 

faith;    secondly,  seek    to    lead   a   righteous  life;    thirdly,   prepare   for 
death  ;     and  that  when  the  Magnificent  had  replied  in  the  affirmative 
to  all   these   demands,  the   friar  would  have  gone   away  without  even 
according  him  his  blessing?  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  if  Savonarola 
went  to  Lorenzo  it  was  at  Lorenzo's  request,  for  neither  was  he  one 
to  present  himself  unannounced,  nor  would  the  courtiers,  in  that  case 
have_  granted   him   admittance.      Besides,  why  should   Lorenzo  have 
required  Savonarola's  presence  at  that  moment,  save  for  the  purpose  of 
confessing    his   sins   and   receiving  ghostly  comfort  and    absolution  > 
And  of  what  sins  would   he   chiefly   speak,    if  not   of  such   as   were 
known    to  all    the  world  as  the   deepest   crimes  of  his  life  ;  exactly 
those  mentioned  by   Cinozzi,   Burlamacchi,   and   others?     Finally,  iV 
the  friar  prepared  to  depart,  as  it  would  seem,  according  to  Poliziano 
without  bestowing  his   benediction,  it  is   plain   that  Lorenzo  had  not 
been   absolved  from  his  sins.       Therefore  the  question  turns,  neither 
upon  the  visit  nor  upon  the  absolution,  which  was  certainly  unaccorded, 
but  upon  Lorenzo's  words  (which  seem  to  us  the  least  important),  and' 
above  all,   on   the   expressions   used   by  Savonarola.      Concerning  the 
latter,  Poliziano's  narrative  only  differs  from  the  others  as  regards  the 
words  said  in  conclusion  ;  that  is  to  say,  he  is  silent  as  to  Savonarola's 
last  condition,  "  Tou  ?nust  restore  liberty  to  the  Florentines  ;  "  and  as  to 
Lorenzo's  refusal  of  it.    But  this  was  precisely  the  point  that  Poliziano 
could  not  repeat   without  danger   to   himself,  and   accordingly  it  was 
only  too  natural   for  him  to  change  the  real   words  into  the  general 
command,  "  Prepare  for  death." 

Of  late  years  several  weighty  writers  have  revived  the  dispute,  and 
have  settled  it,  as  it  seems  to  us,  in  a  manner  giving  additional  con- 
firmation to  our  own  view  of  the  case.  Von  Reumont,  who  is  a 
learned  admirer  of  the  Medici,  and  hardly  less  enthusiastic  than 
Roscoe,  denied  the  scene  in  toto  in  the  first  edition  of  his  work  on 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  declared  it  to  be  altogether  fictitious.  Then 
came  Professor  Ranke  ("  Historisch-biographische  Studien,"  p.  350), 
who  went  more  minutely  into  the  question,  but  without  having  con- 
sulted Cinozzi,  the  "Biografìa  Latina,"  or  the  numerous  other  old 
manuscripts  in  which  the  dialogue  is  given.  He  only  referred  to 
Pico  and  Burlamacchi,  and  (as  we  have  before  said)  erroneously  con- 
sidering the  latter  a  mere  compilation  from  Pico,  compared  them 
together.  Finding  that  Burlamacchi  gives  words  spoken  by  Lorenzo, 
which  are  omitted  in  Pico,  he  concluded  the  latter  to  be  purely 
fictitious  and  incredible,  since  they  could  have  been  only  related  by 
Savonarola,  who,  in  that  case,  must  have  divulged  the  secrets  of  the 
confessional.  He  was  unaware  that  the  identical  words  were  given 
in  the  "Biografia  Latina,"  failed  to  observe  that  Savonarola  could 
scarcely  have  apostrophized   Lorenzo  ex  abrupto  unless  the  latter  had 


i  .   P  no 

,  as  indeed  may  be  .1  I  from  the 

C  inozzi  write  riZO,  having 

itt   he    wi  hed  to  coni     , 
irola   replied:  ri    confession   Ic    A;./  I 

PÌCO  :    MSi  antcquam  noxas   contractas  confuc- 
[p,     24).       The     "Biognphia    Latina"    and 
Chi  both    relate    that   directly  Lorenzo  beheld  Savonarola   he 
said  that  he  wished  to  make   confession,  but  was   tormented   by  three 
things.      Therefore    he   spoke    before   confession.      In    any  case,  even 
ing  to  Professor  Ranke,  Pico   has   preserved  Savonarol  5.s, 

is  the  important  point,  and,  in  spite   of  his  doubts,  the  modem 
historian  cannot  decide   to   reject  them.     So  wc  sec  in  the   end   that 
the    historic   sense   and   profoundly    critical    intelligence  of   Professor 
Ranke  prevented  him  from  altogether  rejecting  the   fact,  even  though 
he  was   ignorant   that   it   had   been  narrated   by  several    of  the   older 
biographers.      His   doubts  would    have    probably  disappeared   had   he 
:n   acquainted  with   their  works.       His  verdict  has   rather   shaken 
that  of  Baron  von  Rcumont,  who,  in   the  second  edition  of  his  work 
on   Lorenzo  de'  Medici  (vol.  ii.  p.  443),  expresses  a  far  less  absolute 
opinion,  and  merely  says  that  the  question   is  still   unsettled.      Never- 
theless, he   still   finds  it  strange  that  Savonarola  should  exact  from  a 
dying   man  the   restoration   of  Florentine   liberty.      How  was   he   to 
restore  it  ?      But  Lorenzo  was  not  yet  dead  ;  he  might  have  lingered 
for  a  time  ;  and,  in  any  case,  it  was  a  question  of  intention.      On  the 
other  hand,    Poliziano's  narrative   would    be    altogether  inexplicable 
unless  it  were  admitted   that  he   coloured   the  facts  in   his  own  way, 
while  it   is  also   clear   that   he   could   not   make   a   genuine  report  of 
them,    like    that    of    other    and    more    independent    contemporaries, 
without  offending  the  friends  and  memory  of  his  deceased  patron. 

In  connection  with  our  theme  we  may  here  mention  a  very  badly 
restored  picture,  attributed  by  some  authorities  to  Sandro  Botticelli, 
preserved  in  the  store-rooms  of  the  Uffizii  Gallery.  At  first  sight  its 
subject  might  appear  to  be  an  Adoration  of  the  Magi,  but  on  closer 
examination  wc  find  it  to  represent  a  great  multitude  engaged  in 
adoring  the  Virgin  and  Child.  In  the  midst  of  the  crowd  there  is 
seen  the  figure  of  a  Dominican  friar  addressing  an  apparently  terror- 
stricken  man,  and  pointing  with  an  energetic  gesture  of  his  out- 
str^.hed  arm  and  hand  to  the  child  Christ,  as  though  in  the  act  of 
•-.ving,  "Repent  and  adore  !"  The  friar  certainly  bears  a  resemblance 
to  Savonarola,  and  the  man  addressed  by  him  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 
The  first  person  to  notice  and  call  public  attention  to  this  was  Mr. 
Charles  Heath  Wilson,  the  learned  English  connoisseur  of  Italian  art, 
and  author  of  a  life  of"  Michelangelo  Buonarotti." 


CHAPTER  X. 


So/IVONAROLA     EXTOUZWDS     TTTF     rurm    mnrxr^ 

D1L1S    EHE    COZMING  OF  7 II E  FRFWIT  ^nrinri^  Vrr* 
LEU^T  OF  1494.  fK/"VJ/   UURISG   THE 

(I493~i4940 

f  N  the  Advent  season  of  1493  Savona- 
h  rola  resumed  his  preachings  in  Florence, 
and,  with  a  continually  increasing  public' 
was  encouraged  to  greater  hardihood  and 
freedom  of  speech.  He  now  spoke, 
not  only  as  a  saintly  friar  whose 
prophecies  had  been  wonderfully  fulfilled,  but  also  as 
the  independent  head  of  the  Tuscan  Congregation.  Ac- 
cordingly his  words  carried  double  weight,  and  he  was 
able  to  express  himself  as  daringly  as  he  chose  without 
fearing  the  vengeance  of  Piero  de'  Medici.  In  fact,  the 
infamous  manners  of  the  princes  and  priests  of  Italy  ;'  the 
corruption  of  the  Church  ;  the  approach  of  the  threatened 
scourges  ;  and  the  anxiety  of  the  righteous  to  put  an  end 
to  the  general  depravation,  were  the  themes  of  the  twenty- 
five  sermons  preached  by  him,  on  the  Psalm  Quam  bonus, 
during  Advent  this  year.  But  these  discourses  also  con- 
tained minute  examinations  of  important  points  of 
Christian  theology  ;  for  he  aimed  at  giving  a  complete 
exposition  of  his  doctrines,  tracing  them   In  firm  lines,  su 


i;4  I  HP.   AND   TIMI' 

Oil    his   hearers'  Rlinds,  and 

thus  enable  the  latter  to  prepare  for  the  chastisements 

by  •■  ■  ut  to   be  led.  un   the 

:  point  of  View,  th<  lions  were  undoubtcdlv 

among  the  best  Savonarola  ever  delivered. 

We  may  begin  by  citing  his  own  words  upon  faith  : 
tk  Faith  is  the  gift  oi"  God,  given  to  every  believer  for  his 
salvation  ;    the  C,  mv  children,  share  not   the   errors  of 

those  who  say  to  ve,  •  If  I  saw  some  miracle,  or  some  man 
raised  from  the  dead,  then  would  I  believe.'  Those  men 
are  deceived,  for  faith  cometh  not  of  our  own  strength, 
but  is  a  supernatural  gift — that  is,  a  light  shed  from  above 
into  the  mind  of  man.  And  he  that  would  receive  this 
light  must  prepare  his  inner  man  and  abase  himself 
before  God."  ■  Here  it  might  be  urged — if  all  things  be 
ordained  to  an  end,  they  reach  that  end  by  natural  means; 
how,  then,  should  it  be  that  the  nature  of  man  may  not 
suffice  of  itself  to  attain  the  end  to  which  it  is  pre-ordained  ? 
Is  man,  then,  inferior  to  the  beasts?  No;  this  must  be 
attributed  to  his  nobility  and  his  excellence,  inasmuch  as 
he  is  ordained  to  a  Divine  end,  an  end  that  transcends 
nature.2  But  mayhap,  thou  wouldst  then  ask,  Where- 
fore are  some  chosen  and  others  cast  out  ?  Matters  of 
faith,  my  son,  must  be  studied  by  the  light  of  faith,  in  the 
manner  prescribed  unto  thee  by  the  Scriptures  ;  further 
than  this  thou  mayest  not  go,  lest  thou  shouldst  stumble. 

1  "Prediche  sul  Salmo  Guam  bonus:"  Prato,  Guasti,  1846.  Vide 
Predica  iv.  p.  237.  These  sermons  were  reported  verbatim.  After 
their  delivery  in  the  Duomo,  Savonarola  wrote  them  out  in  Latin  in  a 
somewhat  abbreviated  form,  as  may  be  ascertained  from  tho  holograph 
codex  at  St.  Mark's.  They  were  afterwards  translated  and  published  in 
an  amended  form  by  Girolamo  Giannotti  during  the  sixteenth  century. 
In  every  edition  of  them  we  have  seen  we  find  the  statement  that  they 
were  delivered  in  Advent,  1493,  an<i  we  accordingly  mention  them  in  this 
chapter.  But  it  should  be  noted  that,  in  his  "  Compendium  Revela- 
tionum,"  Savonarola  states  that  during  every  Lent  and  Advent  from 
1 49 1  to  1494,  he  always  preached  from  the  P>ook  of  Genesis. 

2  Ibid. 


HIS  WORDS  ON  FAITH.  1?5 

Who  art  thou  to  make  answer  unto  God  ?  Hath  not  the 
potter  power  over  the  clay,  to  knead  from  the  same  mass 
vessels  of  honour  or  vessels  for  base  uses  ?  God  shows 
mercy  to  the  elect,  justice  to  the  wicked.  But  shouldst  thou 
ask  wherefore  God  hath  predestined  this  man  rather  than 
that,  wherefore  John  is  chosen  rather  than  Peter  ?  Then 
I  shall  tell  thee  that  such  is  the  will  of  God,  nor  can 
any  other  answer  be  given.  Origen  sought  to  overstep 
these  limits,  and  said  that  predestination  depended  upon 
the  merits  of  another  life  anterior  to  this.  The  Pelagians 
declared  it  to  depend  upon  our  good  deeds  in  this  life; 
for,  according  torbose  heretics,  the  principle  of  well-doing 
is  in  ourselves,  its  consummation  and  perfection  coming 
from  God.  ^  They  sought  to  pass  the  bounds  assigned  to 
us,  and  fell  into  heresy.  The  Scriptures  are  very3  plain  : 
they  tell  us,  not  in  one  place,  but  in  many,  that  not  only 
the  end  of  well-doing,  but  likewise  its  beginning,  cometh 
to  us  from  God  ;  even  as  in  all  our  good  works  it  is  God 
who  works  through  us.  "  It  is  therefore  untrue  that  the 
grace  of  God  is  obtained  by  pre-existing  works  and  merits, 
that  through  them  we  are  predestined  to  everlasting  life, 
as  though  works  and  merits  were  the  cause  of  predestin- 
ation, cum  sit>  it  is  all  the  contrary,  for  works  and  merits 
ire  the  effect  of  predestination,  and  the  Divine  will  the 
cause  of  predestination,  as  we  have  before  said."1 

"  Tell  me,  O  Peter,  tell  me,  O  Magdalen,  wherefore 
are  ye  in  Paradise?  Ye  sinned  even  as  we  sin.  Thou, 
Peter,  who  hadst  testified  unto  the  Son  of  God,  hadst 
conversed  with  Him,  heard  Him  preach,  beheld  His 
miracles,  and,  alone,  with  two  other  disciples,  hadst  beheld 
His  transfiguration  on  Mount  Tabor,  hearkened  unto 
His  paternal  voice,  and  who,  despite  all  this,  at  the  \\ 
of  a  base  woman  didst  deny  Him  thrice,  yet  thou  wert 
restored  to  grace,  and  made  the  head  of  the  Church,  and 

1  Predica,  vili.  pp.  299-302. 


>/.r.v  ////:  AND  TIMES. 

■  \   heavenly  Miss;    how  hast  thou  gained 

th<  :     Confess  that  not  by  thine  own  merit 

ttained  salvation,  but  by  the  goodness  ol  God, 

who  didst  bestow  so  many  blessings  on  thee,  and  irouch- 

Fed  to  thee  in  this  life  so  much  light  and  grace.     And 

thou,    Magdalen,    vulgarly   called   the   sinner,    thou    didst 
hearken  many  times  to  the  preaching  of  thy  master  JeSUS 

Christ,  and  nevertheless  wert  deaf  to  His  words  ;  and 
although  Martha,  thy  sister,  didst  admonish  thee  and 
exhort^  thee  to  change  thy  life,  thou  didst  heed  her  not. 
Hut  when  it  pleased  unto  the  Lord,  and  He  touched  thy 
heart,  thou  didst  hasten  as  in  a  frenzy,  with  thy  vase  of 
alabaster,  to  the  house  of  the  Pharisee,  and  castingthyself 
at  thy  sweet  Master's  feet,  didst  bathe  them  with  thy 
tears,  and  wast  deemed  worthy  to  hear  the  sweet  words — 
1  Ditnittuntur  tibi  peccata  multa:  Later,  thou  wast  so 
favoured  by  the  Saviour  as  to  be  the  first  to  behold  Him 
risen  from  the  dead,  and  wert  made  an  apostle  unto  the 
Apostles.  This  grace,  these  gifts,  were  not  vouchsafed  to 
thee  for  thy  deserts,  O  Mary  !  but  because  God  loved  thee 
and  willed  thy  salvation."  1 

By  limiting  ourselves  to  quotations  of  this  kind  without 
giving  their  context,  it  would  be  very  easy  to  find  evidence 
supporting  the  theories  of  those  German  and  English 
writers  who  have  sought  to  prove  that  Savonarola  was  a 
precursor  of  the  reformed  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith 
alone,  without  works  ;  the  believer  being  little  more  than 
a  passive  instrument  in  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  at  whose 
good  pleasure  he  is  either  chosen,  or  rejected  without 
being  able  to  attain  to  salvation  by  freewill.  Certainly 
Savonarola  was  most  profoundly  convinced  of  the  nullity 
of  the  creature  before  the  Creator  ;  and  in  his  submission 
to  the  Divine  will  he  earnestly  sought  to  enforce  the  same 
conviction    on    his   hearers.     But  that    is   no   reason    for 

1  Predica,  ix.  p.  323. 


THREE  THINGS  REQUIRED  FOR  FAITH       ,;, 

tampering  with  the  fundamental  points  of  his  creed  which 
he  so  often  reiterated  and  so  clearly  explained,  as  tò  leave 
us  in  no  doubt  concerning  them.  In  fact,  no  sooner  were 
his  works  thoroughly  examined  than  the  foreign  authors 
to  whom  we  have  referred  were  convicted  of  error  bv 
their  own  countrymen.'  ; 

The  necessity  of  good  works,  freewill,    and  the    co- 
operation of  human  effort  with  grace,  even  although  the 
latter  be  a  free  gift  from  God,  are  arguments  to  which 
Savonarola  constantly  recurs,  and  without  falline  to  add 
that  not  only  is  it  in  our  power,  but  that  it  is  also  our 
duty,  to  prepare  ourselves  for  the  reception  of  this  gift  of 
faith  and  grace,  which  is  never  withheld  from  those  who 
do  their  utmost  to  obtain  it.*     According  to  him,  there 
are  three  things  required  to  prepare  and  dispose  us  for  its 
reception    namely,  determined   belief,  prayer,  and  good 
works.3     Consequently  we  must  not  condemn  the  sinner 
but  only  his  sins,  and  must  have  compassion  on  him  ;  for 
so  long  as  freewill  and  the  grace  of  God  endure,  he  may 
always  turn  to  the  Lord  and  be  converted.4     If  any  one 
ask  why  the  will  is  free,  we  reply  unto  them,  Because 
it  is  will.5  _     Therefore  man  must  needs   co-operate   in 
the  act  of  justification,  and  do  all  that  in  him  lies,  for 
God  will  not  fail  him.     Art  thou  fain,  my  brother,  to 
receive  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ  ?     Seek,  then,  to  hearken 
unto  the  Divine  voice  that  calleth  thee.     Daily  the  Lord 
calleth  unto  thee,  Do  thou  also  somewhat  for  thyself"  6 
When  very  young  Savonarola  had  adopted  this  motto  : 

■  Rudelbach  (" Savonarola    und   seine  Zeit»   chap.  iii.  of   part   f 

the  sTunche  *,  d°Smat,'5chefr  Standpunct  ■).  This  author  is  undSeci lv 
the  staunchest  supporter  of  the  former  opinion;  but  even  in  Germany 

ProSveethnars°nOUSly,COnfUted  £y  Herr  Meier'  wh0'  althou,'h  anx.óu  ■  I,, 
LTent  Xl  Savonarola  was  a  Protestant,  has  tried  to  modify  to  some 
extent  the  exaggerations  of  Herr  Rudelbach. 

■  Sermon  iv.  pp.  237,  23S.  3  Sermon  v.  p.  246. 

Sermon  xu.  p.  373  5  Scrmon  xjy|      4 

Sermon  xvi.  p.  443. 

13 


SAI  ONAROUCS  LIFE  AND  TIMÀ 

>:;  quanto  opera  "  ("As  much  as  «  ne  kni 
,1       And  truly  we   should   be  di 

:1c  his         trine   the  doctrine  of  works,  were  it 
icr  the  doctrine  of  low,  ttkii  word  in  the 

iven  tO  it  above,    :.r\,  as  the    state  in  which  a 

il,  being  already  spontaneously  disposed  to  grace,  feew 
ich  and  is  inflamed  with  charity.     "Thisloyc," 

!a  tells  us,  M  is  likewise  a  gift  of  the  Lord  ;   it 
a  fire  that  kindleth  all  dry  things,  and  whoever  is  dis] 

unto  it  shall  forthwith  find  it  descend  into  his  heart  and  set 
it  affai  Earnest   love   is  truly  a  great  might,  for  it  can 

do   all    things,    overcome    and    conquer    all   things.    .   .   . 
\   ught  can  be  done  save  by   the  impulse  of  love.   .   .  . 
And  inasmuch  as  charity  is  the  greatest  love  of  all,  there- 
fore charity  worketh  great  and  marvellous  things.    Chanty 
easily  and 'sweetly  fulfilleth   the  whole  law  of  God,  being 
the  measure  and  rule  of  all  measures  and  of  all  laws.    For, 
in   fact,  every  individual  law  is  the   measure  and  rule   of 
some  special   action  and  of  no  other;  but  it  is  not  thus 
with    charity,    which    is    the    measure    and    rule    of    all 
things   and  of  all   human   acts.      And  therefore   he  that 
hath   this   rule   of  charity   ruleth    well    both   himself  and 
others,  and  interpreted  all   laws  rightly.     This  is  clearly 
proved  when  we  find  that  those  charged  with  the  cure  of 
souls  allow  themselves  to  be  guided  solely  by  that  which 
is  written  in  the  canonical  laws,  which,  being  special  laws, 
can    never     rule    justly    without    charity,    the    universal 
measure  and  law.     Take,  for  example,  the  physician  that 
bringeth  love  and  charity  to  the  sick,  for,  if  he  be  good 
and  kind,  and   learned    and    skilful,   none  can  be  better 
than  he.     Thou   wilt  see  that  love  teacheth  him  every- 
thing, and  will  be  the  measure  and  rule  of  all  the  measures 
and°rules    of    medicine.      He    will    endure    a   thousand 

1  All  the  biographers  give  this  as  his  motto,  and  it  is  repeated  in  his 
Sermons.     See,  for  instance-  Sermon  v.,  on  the  Uook  of  Joi* 


LOV£  AMD  CIIAKITY. 

l  j  9 

fatigues  as  though  they  were  of  no  account,  will  inquirc 
into  every  thing   and  will  order  his  remedies  and  see  C 
prepared   and  will  never  leave  the  sick  man.     If  ins- 
gam  be  his  object,  he  will  have  no  care  for  the  sufferer 

effect  lltì   WÌU  faÌ1,hÌm/'     "Bch°,d  Wi-  l0-  - 
S'  ,    ;,ak!  thf   exuamPle  of  *  mother  with   the  child 

Zrlf  I  fSht  th'S  y0U"S  wo™">  who  hath  had 
no_  children  before,  to  nurse  her  babe  ?  Love.  See  what 
fatigue  she  endureth  by  day  and  by  night  to  rear  it,  and 
how  the  heaviest  fatigue  seemeth  light  to  her.  What  is  the 
cause  of  this  ?  It  is  love.  See  what  ways  she  hath,  wha 
loving  caresses  and  sweet  words  for  this  little  babe  of  hers  ' 
What  hath  taught  her  these  things  ?     Love  Take 

the  example  of  Christ  who,  moved  by  the  deepest  charitv 
came  to  us  as  a  little  child,  in  all  things  like  unto  the  sons 
of  men   and  submitting  to  hunger  and  thirst,  to  heat  and 
cold  and  discomfort.     What  hath  urged  Him  to  do  this  > 
Love.     He  spoke  now  with  just  men,  now  with  publicans 
and  sinners,  and  He  led  a  life  that  all  men  and  all  women 
small  and  great,  rich  and  poor,  mav  imitate,  all  after  their 
own  way  and  according  to  their  condition,  and  thus  un- 
doubtedly win  their  salvation.  ...  And  what  made  Him 
lead_   so   poor   and    marvellous    a   life?       Undoubtedly 
chanty.  .  .  .  Charity  bound  Him  to  the  pillar,  charity 
led    Him    to    the    cross,    charitv    raised  Him    from  the 
dead   and    made    Him    ascend    into    heaven,    and    thus 
accomplish  all  the  mysteries  of  our  redemption.     This  is 
the  true  and  only  doctrine,  but  in  these  days  the  preachers 
teach  nought  but  empty  subtleties."  > 

He  then  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  clergy.  "  They  tickle 
men's  ears  with  talk  of  Aristotle  and  Plato,  Virgil  and 
Petrarch,  and  take  no  concern  in  the  salvation  of  souls. 
Why,  instead  of  expounding  so  many  books,  do  they  nor 
expound  the  one  Book  in  which  is  the  law  and  spirit  of 

1  Sermon  ii.  pp.  208-210. 


iSo  SAVONAMOUtS  Uà  8  AND  TIMES. 

0  Christians,  ye  should  ever  have  with 
;  not  merely  the  letter,  but  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel, 
thou  lackest  the  spirit  of  grace,  what  will  it  avail 
nit  the  whole  book.     And,  again,  still 
ter   is  t  iishness  of  those  that  load  themsehri 

-  and  writings,  so  that  they  are  iik 
unto  stalls  at  a  fair.      Charity  doth   not  consist   in  written 
pers  !      The  true   books  of  Christ  are   the  Apostles   and 
the  Saints;   the  true   reading  of  them   is  to  imitate  their 
lives.       But   in  these  days  men  are  made  books  of  the 
devil.      They  speak  against  pride  and  ambition,  yet   are 
plunged  in  both  up  to  the  eyes;  they  preach  chastity,  and 
maintain    concubines;   they    prescribe    fasting,    and    feast 
splendidly  themselves.       Those   are    useless   books,   false 
books,  bad   books,  and  books  of  the  devil,  for  the  devil 
hath  filled  them  with  his  malice."1      "  These  prelates  exult 
in  their  dignities  and  despise  others  ;  these  are  they  that 
would  be  feared  and  reverenced  ;  these  are  they  that  seek 
the  highest  places  in  the  synagogues,  the  chief  pulpits  of 
Italy.     They  seek  to  show  themselves  by  day  in  the  public 
squares,  and  be  saluted,  and  called  masters   and   rabbis, 
they  make  broad  their  phylacteries  and  enlarge  the  hems 
of  their  garments  ;  2  they  spit  roundly  ;  step  gravely  and 
expect  their  slightest  nod  to  be  obeyed. "3 

From  the  prelates  he  goes  on  to  describe  the  princes  of 
Italy.  "  These  wicked  princes  are  sent  to  chastise  the 
sins  of  their  subjects  ;  they  are  truly  a  sad  snare  for  souls  ; 
their  courts  and  palaces  are  the  refuge  of  all  the  beasts  and 
monsters  of  the  earth,  for  they  give  shelter  to  ribalds  and 

1  Sermon  vii.  271-275. 

a  "  Dilatant  enim  philacteria  sua,  et  magnificant  fimbnas"  (Matthew 
xxiii.  5).  Phylacteries  are  strips  of  skin,  with  a  capsule  also  of  skin, 
containing  a  parchment  inscribed  with  some  passages  of  the  Pentateuch. 
The  Jews  wear  these  round  the  left  arm  and  on  the  forehead,  when  recit- 
ing the  early  morning  prayers,  on  certain  clays  of  the  week. 

3  Sermon  viii.  p.  296. 


THE  CITY  OF  THE  IMPIOUS.  l8l 

malefactors.     These  wretches  flock  to  their  halls  because  it 
is  there  that  they  find  ways  and  means  to  satisfy  their  evil 
passions  and  unbridled  lusts.     There  are  the  false  coun- 
cillors, who  continually  devise  new  burdens  and  new  taxes 
to  drain  the  blood  of  the  people.     There  are  the  Battering 
philosophers  and  poets,  who,  by  force  of  a  thousand  lies 
and  fables,    trace    the   genealogy  of   those    evil    princes 
back  to  the  gods;  but,  and  worse  than  all,  there  are  the 
priests  who  follow  in  the  same  course.     This  is  the  city 
of  Babylon,  O  my  brethren,  the  city  of  the  foolish  and 
the  impious,  the  city  that  will  be  destroyed  of  the  Lord."' 
_  He   then   minutely  describes  the   construction  of  this 
city,  which  was  erected  by  the  twelve  follies  of  the  im- 
pious.    <c  They  behold  light  and  darkness,  and  they  prefer 
darkness  to  light  ;  they  find  an  easy   way  and  a  rough 
and  perilous  way  ;  and  they  prefer  the  latter  to  the  former. 
Behold,  now  they  plunge  into  the  sea  and  mount  upon  a 
whale,  which  they  believe  to  be  a  rock,  and  they  settle 
upon  it.     What  generation  of  men  is  this  ?     What  pur- 
pose can  be  theirs  ?  especially,  as    I   would  have  ye  to 
know  that  they  intend  to  build  a  city  on  the  whale's  back. 
What  do  ye  ?   I  say.     Ye  will  weigh  down  the  beast  and 
will  drown.     Nevertheless  they  labour  and  dispute,  build 
fortifications  and  come  to  blows,  and  one  seeks  to  subju- 
gate the  other,  and  finally  there  arises  a  tyrant  to  oppress 
them  all.     He  persecutes  his  enemies   to  the  death,  has 
spies  everywhere,  hence  there  are  fresh  wars  and  fresh  dis- 
sensions.    At  last,  the  whale,  wearied  by  all  this  tumult, 
makes  a  plunge,  and  thereupon  all  are  drowned,  and  the 
city  of  Babylon  is  destroyed.     Thus,"  concludes  Savona- 
rola, "  it  is  made  manifest  that  the  impious  perish  by  the 
labours  of  the  foolish,  and  that  the  foolish  shall  be  chas- 
tised.,,  2 

It  was  very   easy  to    see    that    by   this    city  of  fools 

»  Sermon  x.  pp.  344-345.  *  Sermon  xiii.  pp.  382-3S4. 


iSi 

lize  the  rule    :   P 

[ 

dictions,  R  n.     Bui  he  did  n 

a  of  the  people  i 

i  I:  :lv,  lie  again  touched  with  equal  audacity 

much  graver  subject  of  the  priesthood  and  the  Church. 

interpretation  to  certain  words  of 
the  Bible,  he  said  :   "  In  securi  et  in  ascia  deiecerunt  cam — ■ 

3  that   a  man   is  weak,  he  strikes  him 
I   a  hatchet  in  order  to  make  him  fall  into  sin  ;   but 
if  he  that  he   is  strong,  he  then  strikes  him  with   an 

If  a  young  girl  be  modest  and  well   brought  up,  he 
throws  some  dissipated  youth  in  her  way,  and  causes  her  to 
Id  to  his  flatteries  and  fall  into  sin.     Thus  the  devil 
strikes  her   with  his   axe.       Here   is  a  citizen  of  good 
repure  ;   he  enters  the  courts  of  the  great  lords,  and  there 
is  the  axe  so  well  sharpened,  that  no  virtue  can  resist  its 
strokes.     But  we  are  now  living  in  still  more  evil  days  ; 
the  devil  has  called  his  followers  together,  and  they  have 
dealt  terrible  blows  on  the  very  gates  of  the  temple.     It  is 
by  the  gates  that  the  house  is  entered,  and  it  is  the  prelates 
who  should  lead  the  faithful  into  the  Church  of  Christ. 
Therefore  the  devil  hath  aimed  his  heaviest  blows  at  them, 
and  hath  broken  down  these  gates.     Thus  it  is  that  no 
more    good    prelates    are  to    be    found  in  the   Church." 
"  Seest  thou   not  that  they  do  all  things  amiss?     They 
have  no  judgment  ;  they  cannot  distinguish  inter  bonwn 
et  malum,  inter  vcrum  et  falsum,  inter  duke  et  amar um  ; 
good    things    they    deem    evil,    true    things    false,    sweet 
things    bitter,   and    vice    versa.  .  .  .  See,  how    in    these 
davs  prelates  and  preachers  are  chained  to  the  earth  by 
love   of  earthly  things  ;    the  cure  of  souls  is  no  longer 
their    concern  ;    they    are    content    with    the    receipt    of 
revenue  ;  the  preachers  preach  for  the  pleasure  of  prince;, 
to   be   praised  and   magnified   by   them.  .  .  .  And  they 


THE  CHURCH  RULED  BY  ASTROLOGERS. 

have  done  even  worse  than  this,  inasmuch  as  they  ha 
only  destroyed  the  Church  of  God,  but  built  up  another 
after  their  own  fashion.  This  is  the  new  Church,  no 
longer  built  of  living  rock,  namely,  of  Christians  stead- 
fast in  the  living  faith  and  in  the  mould  of  charity  ;  but 
built  of  sticks,  namely,  of  Christians  dry  as  tinder  for  the 
fires  of  hell.  ...  Go  thou  to  Rome  and  throughout 
Christendom  ;  in  the  mansions  of  the  great  prelates 
and  great  lords,  there  is  no  concern  save  for  poetry  and  the 
oratorical  art.  Go  thither  and  see,  thou  shalt  find  them 
all  with  books  of  the  humanities  in  their  hands,  and  telling 
one  another  that  they  can  guide  men's  souls  by  means  of 
Virgil,  Horace,  and  Cicero.  Wouldst  thou  see  how  the 
Church  is  ruled  by  the  hands  of  astrologers  ?  And  there 
is  no  prelate  nor  great  lord  that  hath  not  intimate  dealings 
with  some  astrologer,  who  fixeth  the  hour  and  the  moment 
in  which  he  is  to  ride  out  or  undertake  some  piece  of  busi- 
ness. For  these  great  lords  venture  not  to  stir  a  step  save 
at  their  astrologer's  bidding.   .   .  D 

"  But  in  this  temple  of  theirs  there  is  one  thing  that 
delighteth  us  much.  This  is  that  all  therein  is  painted  and 
gilded.  Thus  our  Church  hath  many  fine  outer  cere- 
monies for  the  solemnization  of  ecclesiastical  rites,  grand 
vestments  and  numerous  draperies,  with  gold  and  silver 
candlesticks,  and  so  many  chalices  that  it  is  a  majestic 
sight  to  behold.  There  thou  seest  the  great  prelates 
with  splendid  mitres  of  gold  and  precious  stones  on  then- 
heads,  and  silver  crosiers  in  hand  ;  there  they  stand  at  the 
altar,  decked  with  fine  copes  and  stoles  of  brocade, 
chanting  those  beautiful  vespers  and  masses,  very  slowly, 
and  with  so  many  grand  ceremonies,  so  many  organs  and 
choristers,  that  thou  art  struck  with  amazement  ;  and 
all  these  priests  seem  to  thee  grave  and  saintly  men,  thou 
canst  not  believe  that  they  may  be  in  error,  but  deem 
that  all  which  they  say  and  do  should  be  obeyed  even  as 


SAVONAROLA'S  LIFE  AND  7/.J//;.\ 

Gospel  ;  and  thus  is  our  Church  conducted.      Men 
litiea  and  rejoice  in  these  pomps,  and 

sav  that  the  Church  of  Christ  was  never  so  flourishing, 
divine  worship  so  well  conducted  as  at  present  .... 
•  that  the  first  prelates  were  inferior  to  these  of  our 
own  times.  .  .  .  The  former,  it  is  true,  had  fewer  gold 
mitres  and  fewer  chalices,  for,  indeed,  what  few  they 
-essed  were  broken  up  to  relieve  the  needs  of  the 
poor  ;  whereas  our  prelates,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining 
chalices,  will  rob  the  poor  of  their  sole  means  of  support. 
But  dost  thou  know  what  I  would  tell  thee  ?  In  the 
primitive  Church  the  chalices  were  of  wood,  the  prelates 
of  gold  ;  in  these  days  the  Church  hath  chalices  of  gold 
and  prelates  of  wood.  These  have  introduced  devilish 
games  among  us  ;  they  have  no  belief  in  God,  and  jeer  at 
the  mysteries  of  our  faith  !  What  doest  Thou,  O  Lord  ? 
Why  dost  Thou  slumber  ?  Arise,  and  come  to  deliver 
Thy  Church  from  the  hands  of  the  devils,  from  the  hands 
of  tyrants,  the  hands  of  iniquitous  prelates.  Hast  Thou 
forsaken  Thy  Church  ?  Dost  Thou  not  love  her  ?  Is 
she  not  dear  unto  Thee  ?  O  Lord,  we  are  become  the 
despised  of  all  nations  ;  the  Turks  are  masters  of  Con- 
stantinople ;  we  have  lost  Asia,  have  lost  Greece,  we 
already  pay  tribute  to  the  Infidel.  O  Lord  God,  Thou 
hast  dealt  with  us  as  a  wrathful  father,  Thou  hast  cast  us 
out  from  Thy  presence  !  Hasten  then  the  chastisement 
and  the  scourge,  that  it  may  be  quickly  granted  us  to 
return  to  Thee.1  Effunde  ir  as  tuas  in  gentes.  Be  ye  not 
scandalized,  O  my  brethren,  by  these  words  ;  rather,  when 
ye  see  that  the  righteous  desire  chastisement,  know  that  it 
is  because  they  seek  to  banish  evil,  so  that  the  kingdom 
of  our  Blessed  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  may  flourish  in  the 
world.  The  only  hope  that  now  remains  to  us,  is  that  the 
sword  of  God  may  soon  smite  the  earth."  2 

1  Sermon  xxiii.  pp.  562-572. 

a  Sermon  xxiii.  pp.  578-579.      We  find  the   same  idea    repeated  in 
many  of  these  sermons,  of  which  indeed  it  is  the  principal  theme. 


THE  SERMONS  ON  NOAH  S  ARK.  ,  g. 

Thus  Savonarola  devoted  this  Advent  to  preaching  on 
morals,  politics,  religion,  and  the  Church  ;  he  inched 
against  the  princes  and  clergy,  and  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  scourge  was  at  hand,  and  was  to  be  desired  bv  he 
righteous  In  this  way,  after  expounding  his  doctrines 
the  Friar  threw  down  the  gauntlet  in  defiance  of  all  earthly 
Potentates.  All  princes,  both  temporal  and  spiritual  all 
the  wealthy,  all  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  worldly  rulers 
were  equally  attacked  by  him.  «  I  am  like  unto  the  hail  • 
he  said,  which  pelts  every  one  who  is  out  in  the  open  air" 
Consequently,  these  sermons  of  1493,  although  by  no  means 
the  most  eloquent  and  daring  of  Savonarola's  discourses 
are  those  most  completely  representative  of  his  whole  train 
of  thought.  _  They  bring  him  before  us  not  only  as  an 
acute  theologian  and  fearless  denouncer  of  the  corruptions 
of  the  Church,  but  also  as  the  declared  champion  of  liberty 
and  the  people.  , 

It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  precise  nature  of  his 
Lenten  sermons  in  the  year  1494,  but  during  the  autumn 
he  carried  on  and  concluded  the  famous  series  of  sermons 
on  Noah's  Ark  {Prediche  sopra  l'Arca  di  Noè),  bernm 
as  we  have  seen,  in  Lent,   1492.     Thus,  we  find  both 
series  printed  together  in  the  same  volume.     They  are 
mentioned    by  all   the  biographers,  who  are  unanimous 
as  to  the  strong  impression  these  sermons  made  on  the 
people;  how  they  amazed  and  transported  all  hearers 
and   how  strangely  the   predictions    contained    in   them 
had  been  fulfilled.     But,  unfortunately,  it  is  very  difficult 
for  us  to  pass  any  decisive  judgment  on  them,  the  edition 
being  so  faulty  and  incomplete,  as  to  have  lost  almost 
every  characteristic  of  Savonarola's  style.     Their  reporter, 
unable   to   keep   pace   with   the   preacher's  words,   only 
jotted  down  rough  and  fragmentary  notes.     These  were 
afterwards  translated  into  barbarous  dog-Latin — by  way 
of  giving  them  a  more  literary  form— and  published  in 


iS6 

v         .'  n  Quétif  and  tcrs 

:•  authenticity.      It    i  I   true   that 

onfused   a   condition   for   contini* 
;    nevertheless    the   ideas   expounded,   or   rather 
,  in  them  arc  so  evidently  those  oi  Savonar< 
and  the  testimony  of  the  biographers  is  so  unmistakably 

-,  that  it  is  impossible  to  share  Mons.  Ouétifs  doubts. 

Having    demonstrated     in     his     previous    sermons    on 

I    the     necessity    and     approach    of     chastisement, 

narola  now  devoted  this  next  series  to  the  repre- 
sentation of  a  mystical  Ark,  in  which  all  should  take 
refuge  v.  ho  wished  to  escape  the  coming  flood.  In  the 
literal  sense,  this  was  the  Ark  of  Noah  as  described  in 

esis,  while  in  the  allegorical  sense  it  portrayed  the 
gathering  together  of  the  righteous:  its  length  represent- 
ing faith  ;  its  width,  charity  ;  its  height,  hope.  He 
enlarged  upon  this  strange  allegory  during  the  whole 
of  Lent,  1492,  and  giving  each  day  a  different  interpreta- 
tion of  the  ten  planks  of  which  the  Ark  was  composed, 
a^ain  expounded  the  virtues  good  Christians  were  bound 
to  possess  and  the  duties  they  should  fulfil.  Finally,  on 
Easter  morning,  he  declared  the  Ark  to  be  complete, 
and  ended  his  sermon  with  the  following  words:  "Let 
all  hasten  to  enter  into  the  Lord's  Ark  !  Noah  invites 
ye  all  to-day,  the  door  stands  open  ;  but  a  time  will 
come  when  the  Ark  will  be  closed,  and  many  will  repent 
in  vain  of  not  having  entered  therein."  In  these  Lenten 
discourses,  and  also  in  some  others,  he  continued  to 
dilate    on    the    threatened   scourges,    and    foretold    the 

-  Vcnetiis,  in  officina  divi  Bernardini,  1536.  The  volume  contains  the 
-three  Lenten  sermons,  and  the  thirteen  others  erroneously  supposed 
to  have  been  given  in  Advent.  Both  sets  were  also  published  separately, 
the  same  year,  in  Venice.  In  order  to  understand  how  many  gaps  occur 
in  them,  it  is  necessary  to  read  the  sermons  before  looking  at  the  remarks 
made  on  them  by  their  editor,  and  by  the  publisher  of  the  "  Sermons 
on  lob/' 


PREDICTIONS  MADE  BY  SA  VON  ARO  LA.       ,  B  ; 

coming  of  a  new  Cyrus,  who  would  march  through  Italy 

in  triumph,  without  encountering  any  obstacles  and 
without  breaking  a  single  lance.  We  find  numerous 
records  of  these  predictions,  and  the  terrors  excited  by 
them,  in  the  historians  and  biographers  of  the  per 
and  Fra  Benedetto  reports  his  master's  words  in  the 
following  verses  : — 

Presto  vedrai  summcrso  ogni  tiranno, 

E  tutta  Italia  vedrai  conquassata 
Con  sua  vergogna  e  vituperio  e  danno. 
Roma,  tu  sarai  presto  captivata  ; 

Vedo  venir  in  te  coltel  dell'  ira, 
El  tempo  è  breve  e  vola  ogni  giornata. 

*  *  *  ffc  "  $  £ 

Vuol  rcnovare  la  Chieia  el  mio  Signore, 

E  convertir  ogni  barbara  gente, 
E  sarà  un  ovile  et  un  pastore. 

Ma  prima  Italia  fatta  fia  dolente, 
E  tanto  sangue  in  essa  s'ha  a  versare, 

Che  rara  fia  per  tutto  la  sua  gente.1 


»  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libarne  a  little  poem  published  and  edited 
by  Padre  Marchese  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Appendix  to 
vol.  vn.  pp.  59-95.  Vide  chap,  ii  :  "  Summary  of  the  prophecies  which 
the  compiler  heard  delivered  by  the  prophet  Ieronimo  in  expounding 
the  subject  of  Noah's  Ark,  at  a  time  when  no  one  was  in  dread  of  any 
tribulation." 

The  following  is  a  literal  translation  of  the  verses  :— 

Soon  shalt  thou  see  each  tyrant  overthrown, 
And  all  Italy  shalt  thou  see  vanquished, 
To  her  shame,  disgrace,  and  harm. 
Thou,  Rome,  shalt  soon  be  captured  : 
I  see  the  blade  of  wrath  come  upon  thee, 
The  time  is  short,  each  day  flics  past. 

*  #  #  *  :|:  * 

My  Lord  will  renovate  the  Church, 

And  convert  every  barbarian  people. 

There  will  be  but  one  fold  and  one  shepherd. 

But  first  Italy  will  have  to  mourn, 

And  so  much  of  her  blood  will  be  shed, 

That  her  people  shall  everywhere  be  thinned 


.    -,  :& 

■  he   eflfi  et  pi  d   by   tfa 

scrm         on   the   whole   public,  \.  ery  day  greater 

numi  I  to  the   Duomo.     Savonarol  ned 

to  be   the    most    important    ;  !    in    Florence,    and 

le1  Medici  could  no  longer  restrain  his  uneasini 
Hut  it  was  i  matter  of  general  surprise  that  the  Friar 

should  devote  so  much  time  to  the  building  of  the  Ark, 
and  thai  i  on  resuming  the  same  theme  in  the  autumn 
of  1494,  his  exposition  of  this  short  chapter  of  Genesis 
should  still  be  left  unfinished.  He  has  said  himself  that 
he  could  not  explain  his  own  slowness,  and  that  some 
rior  power  seemed  to  be  holding  him  hack.  Sud- 
denly, however,  he  hurried  to  a  conclusion.1  The  third 
of  these  sermons  was  to  treat  of  the  17th  verse  of 
chap,  vi.,  describing  the  Deluge,  and  it  was  given  on 
September  21,  destined  to  be  a  memorable  day  for  Savo- 
narola and  Florence.  The  Duomo  was  scarcely  large 
enouch  to  contain  the  vast  crowd  which  had  been  waiting 
since  the  early  morning  in  a  state  of  great  excitement  and 
expectation.  At  last  the  preacher  mounted  the  pulpit, 
and  on  looking  round  upon  his  hearers  and  noting  the 
extraordinary  agitation  prevailing  amongst  them,  cried  out 
in  a  terrible  voice  :  "  Ecce  ego  adducam  aquas  super  terram  ! M 
His  voice  resounded  through  the  church  with  the  strength 
of  a  thunder-clap  ;  his  words  seemed  to  impress  all  present 
with  a  strange  alarm.  Pico  della  Mirandola  said  that  he 
felt  a  cold  shiver  run  through  him,  and  that  his  hair  stood 
on  end  ;  and  Savonarola  has  also  declared  that  he  himself 
was  no  less  moved  than  his  hearers.2 

1  The  Venetian  editor  calls  this  series  of  thirteen  sermons  "Advent 
Sermons,"  makes  them  precede  the  forty-three  Lenten  discourses,  and 
prints  them  all  with  the  same  inaccuracies  :  Venetiis  in  officina  divi 
Bernardini,  1536.  But  the  "Advent  Sermons"  of  1493  were  those  on 
the  Psalm  Quam  bonus,  and  in  Advent  1494,  Savonarola  preached  on 
Haggai.  The  thirteen  sermons  on  the  Ark  should  therefore  follow,  not 
precede,  the  Lenten  series  (1492),  as  will  be  clearly  seen  on  perusal. 

*  "  He  had  preached  in  Santa  Liperata  (an  old  name  for  the  Duomo), 


RUMOURS  OF  THE  INVASION  OF  ITALY.       tfl 


ic(j 


t    The   extraordinary  agitation  of  the   Florentine  public 
is  easily  explained.     Unexpectedly  as  a  thunderclap  from 
a    clear    sky,    came   the    news   that    a    flood    of  foreign 
soldiery  was  pouring  down  from  the  Alps  to  the  conquest 
of   Italy.     And    rumour,    with    its    usual    exaggeration 
declared    the    invaders    to    be    an    innumerable    host,    of 
gigantic   stature,   great  ferocity,  and  invincible   strength 
All  felt  taken  unawares.     Excepting  the  King  of  Naples,' 
not  one  of  the  Italian  princes  was  in  the  least  prepared 
for  resistance  :    the   native  armies  were  very  feeble,   the 
foreign  forces  hostile  ;  and  all  men  were  so  overwhelmed 
by  terror,  that  they  already  seemed  to  see  blood  flowing 
on   all   sides.     Accordingly  the  people  thronged    to  the 
Duomo,   as    though  to  seek  aid  from   Savonarola.     For 
all  his  words  were  now  verified  :  the  sword  of  God  had 
come    down    upon   earth  ;    the  threatened   chastisements 
had  begun.     The   Friar  alone  had  foreseen  the  future  ; 
he  alone   would  know  the  remedy  for  all  this  disaster.' 
Hence  all  Italy  rang  with  his  name  ;  all  eyes  were  turned 
towards  him,  and,  by  the  irresistible  force  of  events,  he 
was  almost  instantaneously  transformed  into  a  political 
authority.     The  whole  population    applied   to    him,  the 
most  influential  citizens  sought  his  advice  ;  and  as  if  by 
magic    hip  followers  became  masters  of  the  town.     But 
by  this   time,  so  total  a  change  had  taken  place  in   the 
affairs   of  Florence   and  of  Italy  in   general,  that  it   is 
necessary  to  go  back  a  little,  and  explain  at  length  in 
what  manner  this  change  had  been  wrought. 

and  closed  the  Ark  just  before  the  descent  of  the  French  king  into  Italy 
with  certain  sermons  so  full  of  terrors  and  alarms,  cries  and  lamenta- 
tions, that  every  one  went  about  the  city  bewildered,  speechless,  and,  as 
it  were,  half-dead."  (Cerretani,  "Storia,"  an  autograph  MS.  loc.  cit. 
sheet  i§5«    gee,  too,  the  "Compendium  Revelationum,"  U«  cit.) 


i    l  :  I 

■  he   effi  i  I    ;  1    by   tfa 

scrn'  the   whole   public,  t!  ery  day  greater 

numbers  thronged  to  the  Duomo.     Savon 

to  be  the  most   important   per  •   in   Florence,  and 

'O  de' Medici  could  no  lo  rain  hi9  uneasin 

Hut  it  was  i  matter  of  general  surprise  that  the  Friar 
should  devote  so  much  time  to  the  buildi  the  Ark, 

that  even  on  resuming  the  same  theme  in  the  autumn 
of  1494,  his  exposition  of  this  short  chapter  of  Genesis 
should  still  be  left  unfinished.  He  has  said  himself  that 
he  could  not  explain  his  own  slowness,  and  that  some 
.  er  seemed  to  be  holding  him  back.  Sud- 
denly, however,  he  hurried  to  a  conclusion.1  The  third 
of  these  sermons  was  to  treat  of  the  17th  verse  of 
chap,  vi.,  describing  the  Deluge,  and  it  was  given  on 
September  21,  destined  to  be  a  memorable  day  for  Savo- 
narola and  Florence.  The  Duomo  was  scarcely  large 
enouch  to  contain  the  vast  crowd  which  had  been  waiting 
since  the  early  morning  in  a  state  of  great  excitement  and 
expectation.  At  last  the  preacher  mounted  the  pulpit, 
and  on  looking  round  upon  his  hearers  and  noting  the 
extraordinary  agitation  prevailing  amongst  them,  cried  out 
in  a  terrible  voice  :  "  Ecce  ego  adducam  aquas  super  ter  ram  !  " 
His  voice  resounded  through  the  church  with  the  strength 
of  a  thunder-clap  ;  his  words  seemed  to  impress  all  present 
with  a  strange  alarm.  Pico  della  Mirandola  said  that  he 
felt  a  cold  shiver  run  through  him,  and  that  his  hair  stood 
on  end  ;  and  Savonarola  has  also  declared  that  he  himself 
was  no  less  moved  than  his  hearers.2 

1  The  Venetian  editor  calls  this  series  of  thirteen  sermons  "Advent 
Sermons,"  makes  them  precede  the  forty-three  Lenten  discourses,  and 
prints  them  all  with  the  same  inaccuracies  :  Venetiis  in  officina  divi 
Bernardini,  1536.  But  the  "Advent  Sermons"  of  1493  were  those  on 
the  Psalm  (luam  bonus,  and  in  Advent  1494,  Savonarola  preached  on, 
Haggai.  The  thirteen  sermons  on  the  Ark  should  therefore  follow,  not 
precede,  the  Lenten  series  (1492),  as  will  be  clearly  seen  on  perusal. 

9  "  He  had  preached  in  Santa  Liperata  (an  old  name  for  the  Duomo), 


RUMOURS  OF  THE  INVASION  OF  ITALY. 


189 


t    The   extraordinary  agitation  of  the   Florentine  public 
is  easily  explained.     Unexpectedly  as  a  thunderclap  from 
a    clear    sky,    came   the    news   that    a    flood    of  foreign 
soldiery  was  pouring  down  from  the  Alps  to  the  conquest 
of   Italy.     And    rumour,    with    its    usual    exaggeration 
declared    the    invaders    to    be    an    innumerable    host,    of 
gigantic   stature,   great  ferocity,  and  invincible   strength. 
All  felt  taken  unawares.     Excepting  the  King  of  Naples,' 
not  one  of  the  Italian  princes  was  in  the  least  prepared 
for  resistance  :    the   native  armies  were  very  feeble,   the 
foreign  forces  hostile  ;  and  all  men  were  so  overwhelmed 
by  terror,  that  they  already  seemed  to  see  blood  flowing 
on   all   sides.     Accordingly  the  people  thronged    to  the 
Duomo,   as    though  to  seek  aid  from   Savonarola.     For 
all  his  words  were  now  verified  :  the  sword  of  God  had 
come    down    upon   earth  ;    the  threatened   chastisements 
had  begun.     The   Friar  alone  had  foreseen  the  future  ; 
he  alone   would  know  the  remedy  for  all  this  disaster.' 
Hence  all  Italy  rang  with  his  name  ;  all  eyes  were  turned 
towards  him,  and,  by  the  irresistible  force  of  events,  he 
was  almost  instantaneously  transformed  into  a  political 
authority.     The  whole  population    applied  to   him,  the 
most  influential  citizens  sought  his  advice  ;  and  as  if  by 
magic    his  followers  became  masters  of  the  town.     But 
by  this  time,  so  total  a  change  had  taken  place  in   the 
affairs   of  Florence   and  of  Italy  in   general,  that  it   is 
necessary  to  go  back  a  little,  and  explain  at  length  in 
what  manner  this  change  had  been  wrought. 

and  closed  the  Ark  just  before  the  descent  of  the  French  king  into  Italy 
with  certain  sermons  so  full  of  terrors  and  alarms,  cries  and  lamenta- 
tions,  that  every  one  went  about  the  city  bewildered,  speechless,  and,  as 
it  were,  half-dead."  (Cerretani,  "Storia,"  an  autograph  MS.  loc.  cit. 
sheet  i§£.    See,  too,  the  "Compendium  Revelationum,"  U*o.  cjt.) 


BOOK  II. 

CHAPTERS  I.— VII. 

(I494-I495-) 


CARLO   Vili.    Red.  Francia  acquilo  il  Rf  Rno  di  Napoli,  cacciandone  Fer- 
rante 1 1.  e  !o  tenne  da  vn'a  nno ,  e  mezo  . 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  COMING   OF  THE  FRENCH  INTO  IToALY. 

(1494.) 

FTER  the  death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
and  the  election  of  Alexander  VI.,  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Italy  grew  rapidly 
worse.  The  Borgian  Pontiff;  with  his 
devouring  ambition  to  create  principali- 
ties for  his  children,  turned  a  greedy 
eye  on  every  feeble  or  timid  potentate  ;  he  made  and 
unmade  treaties,  alliances,  and  solemn  engagements,  and 
was  ready  to  expose  Italy  and  the  whole  of  Europe  to 
any  catastrophe,  in  order  to  gain  his  ends.1  No  less 
dangerous  was  the  temper  of  Ludovico  the  Moor,  for 
he  was  equally  dominated  by  fear  and  ambition.  His 
duplicity  and  bad  faith  were  notorious  throughout  Italy  ; 
he  concluded  treaties  only  to  violate  them  at  the  first 
opportunity  ;  sometimes,  indeed,  in  the  act  of  signing 
them  he  was  scheming  how  best  to  break  the  contract, 
should  it  seem  expedient  to  do  so.  He  prided  himself 
en  being  the  craftiest  man  in  Italy,  and  was  incessantly 

1  Machiavelli,  "  Legazioni  "  ;  Francesco  Guicciardini,  "  Storia  d'Itali. 1  ■  , 
Sismondi,  "Hist,  des  Répub.  Ital."  ;  Michelet,  "  Renaissance."  All  his- 
torians and  Italian  ambassadors  are  unanimous  on  this  point.  See,  too. 
De  Cherrier,  «  Hist,  de  Charles  VIII."    Paris  :  Didier,  1868.    Two  Vols! 

14 


■    ,  VONARO:  AND  TIMI 

and    fresh    plots  in   order    I 
ih  his  enemies,  and  increa 

\\\\  when    Buffering  from   attacks  of    fear,  all 

lied   and   developed   ini  » 
activity  ;   so   that   at    these    moments 

oible  Tor  any  one  to  foretell  what  he  would 

1      Unfortunately,  both  for  himself  and 
,  he  was  a   prey   to   tear    at   the   time    of  which 
are  now  speaking,  and  consequently  in  a  state  of  con- 
tinual susper 

1  [e  had  made  himself  lord  of  Milan  by  an  act  of  cruel 
usurpation  ;  he  kept  his   nephew,  Giovati  Galeazzo,  the 
htftJ  duke,  a  prisoner  at  Pavia,  and  has  been  suspected 
having   compassed   his   death   by   slow   poison.     The 
wig  man  was  already  weak  and  ailing,  and  his  strength 
ily  declined     Accordingly  he  could  make  no   attempt 
1st    his  uncle  ;    but    his  wife,    Isabella  of  Aragon, 
daughter    of  Alphonso    of    Naples,    refused    to   submit 
tamely  to  the  loss  of  their  rights,  and  the   humiliating 
confinement   imposed    by  their    usurper.     Therefore   she 
proclaimed  her  grievances    to  all   Italy,    and    repeatedly 
summoned  her  father  and  grandfather  to  come  to  avenge 
her  wrongs  and  replace  herself  and  husband  at  the  head 
of  their  State.     King  Ferdinand  and  his  son  Alphonso, 
sovereigns  of  a  vast  "kingdom  and  proud  of  the  military 
renown°they  had  won  in  their  wars  with  the  Barons,  and 
at    the    siege    of   Otranto,   treated    the    Moor    with    the 
utmost    contempt.     In    their    despatches    they   addressed 
him   either   as  the   Duke  of  Bari,  or  merely    as    Messer 

1  "  Le  dit  Seigneur  Ludovic  estoit  homme  très  sage,  mais  fort  craintif 
et  bicn  souple  quand  il  avait  peur  (j'en  parie  comme  de  celuy  que  fai 
con^nu  et  bcaucoup  de  choses  traicté  avee  luy)  et  homme  sans  toy,  s  i 
vcivait  son  profit  pour  la  rompre  "  (Philippe  de  Comines,  Mémoires, 
&L  bk.  vii.  chap.  ii.  p.  491-  Paris  :  Rollin,  1747)-  Excepting  when 
emoting  from  this  author  we  shall  refer  to  him  under  his  real  name  ot 
Commines. 


LUDOVICO  THE  MO  OH. 

Ludovico/  and  they  continually  threatened   to   dcnriv. 
him  of  his  ill-gotten  power,  and  restore  it  to  I  label  h  and 
H     TC    I'  iS  lmP°ssible  to  describe  the  agonies  of  fa 

he  conce  vyedUd0Had  >  ^  "T  "^  "°r  the  ^A 
ne  conceived.     Had  it  been  in  his  power  he  wnnlH  h, 

unhesitatingly  set  all  Italy  and  the  whole  world  on  fire    n 
order  to  be  freed  from  these  alarms  J    l 

.    Lorenzo  de'  Medici  had  always  shown  much  prudence 
in  acting  as  mediator  between  the  two  parties,  and  Se 
preserving  his own  neutrality,  maintaining  fr  eiX  r 
ions  with  both.     He  contrived  to  effect  this  by  „ 
a  kind  of  political  see-saw,  and  was  therefore  styled  bj  his 
contemporaries  the  beam  of  the  Italian  scales/   As  early 
as  1480  he  had  concluded  a  treaty  of  union  between  the 
States  _  of  Naples,  Milan,   and    Florence;    and  later    bv 
throwing  his  weight  alternately  to  this  side  and  that  had 
always  contrived  to  keep  this" alliance  intact' ?    But* after 
his  death  the    aspect    of  affairs    instantly   changed,  and 
Ludovicos  first  thought  was  to  test  in  some  way  the  dis- 
position of  his  allies.     He  therefore  proposed  tha    to  do 
honour  to  the  newly-elected  Pope,  the  ambassador    from 
the  three  courts  should  go  to  Rome  at  the  same  moment 
and  be  presented  together  as  friends  to  Alexander.     But 
Piero  de  Medici   being  desirous  to  figure  as  the  head  of  a 
special  embassy  from  Florence,  for  which  he  had  already 
made  splendid  preparations,  induced  the  King  of  Napl- 
to   find  some  excuse  for   rejecting   Ludovico's  proposaT 
r-erdinand  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity  to  wound  his 


ll'OXAKP!  IS  LIFE  A  XP   TIMES. 

personal  him  to  understand,  at  the  same 

pliancc  with  the  wishes  ol  1  ier 
[t  Rcult  to  imagine  to  what  an  extent  Ludovico i 

i  were  aroused  by  this  reply.     And  before  long 

ed   tO   regard   it   as   a   token   <>t   profound  and 

neral  hostility,  and  of  his  own  isolation  in  Italy,  inas- 
much as  the  Orsini  had  accepted   commands  in  the  pay  Ot 
the    Neapolitan   king,  and  already  won   Piero  de'  Medici 
over  to  their  side.     Accordingly  Ludovico  began  to  give 
serious   attention   to   his   own  safety,  and   could  not  rest 
until  he  finally  hit  upon  the  plan  of  inviting  the  French 
to  undertake 'the   conquest  of  the   Neapolitan   kingdom. 
This  proved  to  be  the   beginning  of  the  long  string  of 
disasters   which  was  to  desolate  Italy  for  ages   to  come, 
destroy  her  commercial  prosperity,  stifle  her  literary  and 
scientific  culture,  and  extinguish  every  spark  of  her  liberty. 
Ludovico    undoubtedly    gave    the  first  impetus  to  these 
woes,  but  he  has  been  unjustly  execrated   as  almost  the 
sole  author  of  events  for  which,  in  truth,  the  way  had  long 
been  prepared.     He  has  thus  been  raised  to  an  historical 
importance,  to  which  even  the  evil  he  wrought  upon  his 
country  can  give  him  no  claim. 

Italy    had  been   so  worn  out  by   the  over-active  and 
restless  life  of  preceding  times,  that  now,  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  she  had  fallen  into  a  state  of  premature  decrepi- 
tude, was  politically  aged,  divided,  and  feeble.     Great  and 
powerful    States    had    sprung    up    around    her,  and  were 
rapidly  gaining  maturity  and  strength.     The  Turks,  now 
at  the  height  of  their  power,  had  already  established  a  firm 
foothold  in  Europe,  and  were  threatening  Italy  and  the 
whole  Western  continent,  both  by  sea  and  by  land.     Spain 
had  united  the  kingdoms   of   Aragon    and  Castille,   ex- 
pelled the   Moors,  and,  guided  by  the  daring  genius  of 
Christopher  Columbus,  was  already  traversing  the  Atlantic. 
In  France  the  iron  despotism   of  Louis  XI.  had  lowered 


THE  ITALIAN  ENTERPRISE. 


197 


the  aristocracy  and  raised  the  people,  re -established  the 
finances,  united  the  country,  and  extended  its  frontiers 
towards  the  Rhine  and  the  Pyrenees.  At  the  same  time 
the  decease  of  Rene  of  Anjou,  by  giving  the  French  Icing 
possession  of  that  Duchy  and  Provence,  had  invested 
him  with  all  the  boasted  rights  of  the  Angevins  to  the 
Neapolitan  throne.  Germany,  although  apparently  weak- 
ened  by  the  feeble  and  vacillating  rule  of  Maximilian  I 
was  nevertheless  developing  increased  energy  as  a  military 
power.  And  lastly  the  Swiss,  now  the  best  foot  soldiers 
or  Europe,  were  ready  to  cross  the  Alps  in  formidable 
numbers  at  the  bidding  of  any  paymaster. 

At  this  moment,  partly  from  consciousness  of  their  own 
strength,  spirit  of  enterprise,  desire  for  advanced  civiliza- 
tion, but,  above  all,  from  a  certain  national  jealousy,  all 
these  races  were  disposed  to  attack  Italy.     They  deemed 
it  unpardonable    that   Italy   should    still    be    the   world's 
preceptress  ;  that  students  from  all  parts  of  Europe  should 
flock  to  her  universities  ;  that  she  should  be  the  sole  centre 
of  art  and  literature  ;  that  her  manners  should  be  imitated, 
her  language  studied  in  every  Court  throughout  Christen- 
dom ;    that  the  writers,  artists,  philosophers,  physicians, 
astrologers,  and  navigators  of  Italy  should  still  surpass  all 
others   in   glory,  as  much  as   her  princes  and  merchants 
eclipsed  all  others  in  wealth.     Hence  the  mingled  senti- 
ment of  love  and  hate  that  instinctively  attracted  the  rest 
of  Europe  to  Italy,      and   as   Italy  scattered  the  seeds  of 
culture  all  over  the  world,  while  no  longer  able  to  conquer 
bv  force,  it  was  inevitable  that  she  should  now  be  conquered. 
In  fact,  during  the  fifteenth  century  the  Italian  enterprise 
was  regarded  by  Europe  in  the  light  of  a  crusade  ;  captains 
and  statesmen  expected  to  reap  from  it  precious  and  easv 
victories  ;  scholars  looked  to  it  as  to  a  revelation  of  the 
world  of  art   and  science  ;    soldiers   dreamt  of  the  rich 
booty  to  be  gleaned  from  the  sack  of  palaces  and  villas  ; 


SJl'ihì  \ND  TIMES. 

ali     e  Bldca     and    fruitful    soil    of 

,  the  fi  tìned  s  the 

the  French.     The  |  Fram 

>  <        r  of  ]•  |  on  the  confines  of  Italy,  the 

temper  of  hn  her  political  and   military  standing — 

thing,  in  «sh  immoned   her  to  the  van  of  tl 

mighty  movement  that  was  to  bring  life  to  Europe  I 

B  at  this  juncture  France  had  a  new 

so-.  i,   Charles  Vili.,  a  youth  of   twenty-two  years, 

nd!  h  a  strange  passion  for  adventure.     Of  weakly 

constitution,  stunted  and  almost  deformed,  scarcely  able  to 
the  alphabet,  and  devoid  both  of  judgment  and 
prudence,  he  was  eager  to  rule,  while  incapable  of  mam- 
ining  his  authority  even  over  his  courtiers.2  He  was 
always  surrounded  by  men  of  low  origin,  who,  by  winning 
his  favour,  were  raised  to  the  highest  ^  dignities  of  the 
State  ;  and  these  satellites  continually  stirred  his  childish 
ambition  to  emulate  the  deeds  of  St.  Louis  of  France, 
and  immortalize  his  name  by  a  crusade  against  the  Turks, 
of  which  the  conquest  of  Naples  was  to  be  the  first  step. 
And  while  these  men  were  urging  him  to  assert  the 
claim  to  the  Neapolitan  throne,  supposed  to  have  devolved 
upon  the  sovereign  of  France  from  the  House  of  Anjou,3 

1  Guicciardini,  Sismondi,  Leo,  &c.  The  subject  is  treated  in  Michelet's 
"  Renaissance  "  in  terms  of  great  eloquence  and  originality.  See  also 
Dc  Cherrier,  op.  cit.  .  .         .     . 

2  The  character  of  Charles  VI 1 1,  is  admirably  described  in  Guicciardini  s 
"  Storia  d'Italia,"  vol.  i.  p.  87.  See  also  De  Chcrrier's  remarks  on  it  in 
his  "Histoire  de  Charles  VIII.,"  and  those  of  Nardi,  Parenti,  and 
Cerretani  in  their  respective  histories  of  Florence.  But  the  best  author 
to  consult  on  this  period  of  history  is  Philippe  de  Comines  (from  whose 
"Memoires"  we  have  already  quoted),  who  was  one  of  the  finest  ob- 
servers and  diplomats  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

3  Gibbon  once  entertained  the  idea  of  writing  the  history  of  the  descent 
of  Charles  VIII.  into  Italy;  "an  event,"  as  he  says  "  which  changed 
the  face  of  Europe."  In  vol.  iii.  of  his  "  Miscellaneous  Works  (London, 
1814)  he  gives  the  scheme  of  this  projected  history,  and  explains  the 
nullity  of  the  French  pretensions  to  the  Neapolitan  throne. 


INVITATION  OR  INVASIONI  ,99 

the  Neapolitan  exiles  were  always  at  his  side  striving  to 
direct  his  ambition  to  the  same  end.  The  princes  of 
Salerno  and  B.s.gnano,  who  had  escaped  the  massacre  of 
the  Neapolitan  Barons  were  incessantly  declaiming  against 
he  cruel  tyranny  of  Ferdinand  and  Alphonso,  Oaring 

Ìh  XT  £aS  a  ?7e,rful  AngeVÌn  Party  in  the  ki"gdonf, 
and  that  King   Charles  would  be  welcomed  with  open 

arms  by  the  population  at  large.  In  fact  the  distressed 
condition  of  the  Neapolitans  was  a  matter  of  universal 
notoriety;  and,  apart  from  the  exaggerations  of  the 
exiles  it  was  also  true  that  there  was  a  general  desire 
tor  a  change  of  some  sort. 

Throughout  the  rest  of  Italy  it  was  plain  that  all  friends 
of  liberty  looked  forward  to  the  coming  of  the  French  with 
much  greater  pleasure  than  alarm.     The  easy  and  yielding 
temper  of  that  people,  and  the  known  element  of  un- 
certainty and  unexpectedness  in  their  character,  caused  all 
to  hope  from  them  that  which  they  most  desired,  so  that 
every  oppressed  city  or  republic  expected  relief  from  its 
woes  at  the  hands  of  the  French.     Louis  XI.  had  been 
frequently    solicited  by  this  or   that  party  to    cross  the 
Alps,  and    now   that   Ludovico   the    Moor  was  sending 
ambassadors  to  tempt  Charles  VIII.,  it  appeared  that  even 
the  1  ope  was  by  no  means  averse  to  the  plan.     Whether 
it  was  that  Alexander  wished  to  frighten  the  King  of 
Naples,  m  order  to  make  peace  with  him  on  more  advan- 
tageous terms,   or  had  let  himself  be  ensnared   by   the 
subtle  devices  and  crafty  policy  of  the  Moor,  or  merely 
like  so  many  others,  hoped  in  the  unknown,  it  is  positive 
that  he  also  encouraged  the  French  to  come  down  into 
Italy,  i 

Indeed,   by  a  strange  anomaly,  the   French   invasion, 

'Guicciardini    "Storia  d'Italia";    "Codice  Aragonese"  (previously 
juoted);    De  Cherner,  op.  cit.  j   Michelet,  "Renaissance";  Sismondl, 
rlistoire  des  Francais.  ' 


S  WONAROLA'S  IL  v/>  77.1/A.S 

■  to  bring  w  many  woes  on  our  country,  was,  at 

th.it  momenl         ìtively  desired  by  almost  all   halm. 

,IKionlv  edbythe  French.     The  Barons  ol  France 

met  in  council  and  openly  declared  themselves  adverse  to 

ill-iudged   and   perilous  an  enterprise.     No  reliance, 

v  said/could  be  placed  on  the  aid  of  an  ally  such  as 

the    M    OT,  nor  Of  a  Pope  BO  tickle  and  changeable   as  the 

Bor  eia  ;  the  forces  of  the  Neapolitan  king  were  no  con- 

nptible  toes,  and  France,  with  her  exhausted  treasury,  had 
means  of  pursuit!-  a  lengthy  campaign.     At  bottom, 
their   chief  distrust   was  in  their  own    king,    whom  they 
judged  to  be  quite  unfit   to  he  the   leader  of  so  great   an 
cr  b       But  Charles  paid  no  heed  to  their  advice,  and 

allowed  himself  to  be  guided  by  two  individuals  who 
were  totally  unversed  either  in  war  or  in  statesmanship. 
One  of  these  was  Etienne  de  Vers,  originally  a  lackey, 
and  now  Seneschal  Beaucaire  ;  the  other  Guillaume 
Brissonet,  a  petty  tradesman,  first  made  Minister  of 
Finance,  and  afterwards  a  cardinal.  Incited  by  the  hope 
of  fresh  gains,  and  the  promises  of  Ludovico  and  the 
Pope  they  were  the  only  Frenchmen  who  favoured  the 
war,  and  urged  Charles  VIII.  to  undertake  it. 

The  monarch  finally  dismissed  the  agents  ot  the  Nea- 
politan king  and  sent  four  envoys  to  ascertain  the  inten- 
tions of  the  other  Italian  States.  But  they  received  no 
real  sympathy  from  any  of  the  Governments  :  the  Venetian 
Republic  was  neutral  ;  Piero  de'  Medici  entirely  devoted 
to  the  House  of  Aragon,  and  the  Pope,  in  spite  of  his 
invitation  to  the  French,  had  now  changed  his  views,  and 
seemed  to  be  on  the  Neapolitan  side.  King  Ferdinand 
had  done  his  utmost  to  win  Borgia's  friendship  as  soon  as 
his  own  fortunes  were  threatened  with  danger,  but  his 
lavish  attentions  and  promises  had  produced  no  erteci 
He  died  on  January  25,  1494,  tormented  by  agonies  o. 
remorse,  and  his  last  hours  were  also  embittered  by  the 


PUBLIC  OPINION  FRIENDLY  TO  THE  FRENCH  201 

thought  of  bequeathing   a  tottering  throne  to  his  heirs. 
Thus,  after  a  long  and  prosperous  life,  he  ended  his  days 

—to  use  the  words  of  a  contemporary  writer sine  luce, 

sine   cruce,  sine  DeoS     But  his  son   Alphonso  made  the 
most  vigorous  preparations  for  war,  and,  while  collecting 
soldiers  and  re-organizing  the  fleet,  succeeded  in  buying 
the  Pope's  alliance  at  the  price  of  thirty  thousand  ducats 
to  Alexander  himself,  and  generous  donations  to  his  sons.2 
But   although    the  French  envoys  found  that   all   the 
Italian   powers,  excepting  Ludovico   of  Milan,  were  op- 
posed  to  the  coming  of   King  Charles,  they  also  ascer- 
tained that  the  masses  regarded  it  very  favourably.    This 
was  particularly  the  case  in  Florence.     Savonarola,  from 
the  pulpit,  boldly  invited  the  new  Cyrus  to  cross  the  Alps, 
and  public  opinion  was  decidedly  friendly  to  the  French 
and  opposed  to  Piero  de'  Medici.     The  latter  had  been 
compelled   to  relegate  his  own  cousins  to  their  country 
houses   because  they  had  joined  the   popular  party  and 
declared  their  almost  unanimous  hostility  to  the  Medicean 
rule,  at    the    time  when  he    had  sent  envoys  to    France 
to    explain    and  justify  his    policy   to  Charles.        Piero 
Capponi,  always  a  man  of  extreme  measures,  had   been 
one  of  these  ambassadors,  and  had  advised  the  kino-  to 

1  Joh.  Burcardi,  "Diarium,"  recently  edited  by  Mons.  L.  Thuasne 
(3  vols.  Paris  :  Leroux,  1883-85).  Vide  to  vol.  ii.  p.  89.  This  excellent 
work  may  be  consulted  with  great  profit  for  details  of  the  period. 

2  Besides  the  authors  already  quoted,  the  reader  may  be  referred  to 
the  Introduction  of  our  own  work  on  Machiavelli,  &c,  vol.  i.  p.  236 
and  fol.,  and  likewise  to  Marin  Sanuto's  "La  Spedizione  di  Carlo  Vili, 
in  Italia."  This  very  important  work,  preceding  the  author's  celebrated 
"  Diarii,"  to  which  it  serves  as  an  introduction,  is  preserved  in  manu- 
script in  the  National  Library  of  Paris.  Finding  that  Venice  had  no 
copy  of  it,  and  that  it  was  not  generally  known,  we  succeeded,  by  the  aid 
of  the  Government,  in  having  it  sent  to  Italy  on  loan  and  copied  in  the 
"Archivio  dei  Frari."  This  copy  is  now  in  the  Marcian  Library  at 
Venice.  _  It  was  afterwards  published  by  Professor  R.  Fulin  in  his 
a  Archivio  Veneto,"  and  also  in  a  separate  form.  (Venice,  1883.) 
Unfortunately  the  Paris  MS.  contains  some  inaccuracies  which  have 
been  preserved  in  the  printed  version. 


202  i    ,  //•/;  AND  TIMES. 

A  all  Florentine  merchant  1    wee,  and  by 

.    to  the  materia]  interests   of  the  Republic, 

rouse  the  whole  ;  1st  the  Medii 

ten  Kii 

•itlv,  hesitation  was  his 

te  of  mind.     When  all  was  prepared,  and  the 

for  act!  >n   arrived,   he   always  began   to   have 

don'  Thus,    no   sooner   was    it    ascertained   that    the 

3    had    declared    in    his    favour,    than    he   instantly 

recognized  the   full    difficulty    of  the   undertaking.     But 

while    he    was   at    Lyons,   there   came  to   him   the 

C  .     inai  of  St.  Piero  in  Vincoli,  who  had  escaped  from 

1  "  Mcmoires  de   Philippe  de  Commines."  livre  vi.  chap.  vi.  p.  444. 
The    author    says    that     Piero    de'    Medici    sent    two    embassies    to 
Charles  VIII.,  and  that  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo  and  Piero  Soderini  formed 
:  of  the  first.     u  A  la  seconde  fois  envoya  le  dit  f  ierre  (de*  Medici)  à 
Lion,  un  appelé  Pierre  Cappon,  et  autres,  et  disoit  pour  excuse,  comme 
javoit  fait,  que  le  roy  Louys  onziesme  leur  avoit  commandé  à  Florence 
se  mettre'en  ligue  avec  le  roy  Ferrand.  .  .  .  En  tousles  deux  ambas- 
sades  yavoit  toujours  quelq'un  enncmy  dudit  de  Medicis,  et  par  especial 
cette  fois  le  dit   Pierre  Cappon,  qui  soubz  main  advertissoit  ce  qu'on 
devoit  faire  pour  tourner  la  cité  de  Florence  contre  le  dit  Pierre,  et  faisait 
sa  charge  plus  aigre  qu'elle  n'estoit,  et  aussi  conseilloit  qu'on  bannist 
tous  lesVlorentins  du  royaume,  et  ainsi  fu  fait.     Cccy  je  dis  pour  mieux 
vous  faire  entendre  ce  qui  advint  après  ;  car  le  Roy  demoura  en  grande 
inimitié  centre  le  dit  Pierre;  et  lesdits  general  et  seneschal  (Bnssonet 
and  Beaucaire)  avoyent  grande  intelligence  avec  ses  enncmis  en  ladite 
cite,  et  par  especial  avec  ce  Cappon,  et  avec    deux  cousins  germams 
dudit  Pierre,  et  de  son  nom  propre."     It  is  therefore  plain,  according 
to  Commines,  that  Capponi  was  adverse  to  Piero  de'  Medici,  by  whom  he 
had  been  sent  to   France.     Baron   Kervyn  de   Lcttenhovc  says  in  his 
Lettres,   &c,   de   Philippe  de   Commines    (vol.    ii.    p.    98.       Brussels, 
iS6S\  that  the  charge  is  doubtful,  since  Commines  was  not  Capponi's 
friend.     And  this  opinion  is  corroborated  by  others  and  supported  by  the 
/act  that  during  this  time  Capponi's  letters  to  Piero  de'  Medici  always 
seemed  to  be  written  in  a  very  friendly  spirit.     Nevertheless  the  orator, 
Francesco  della  Casa,  who  was  sincerely  attached  to  Piero  de'  Medici, 
wrote  from  Lyons  at  this  time  warning  him  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
Capponi  and  Capponi's  adherents.  And  in  fact,  directly  Capponi  returned 
to  Florence,  he  showed  himself  to  be  one  of  the  most  determined  op- 
ponents of  the  Medici.     He  was  an  extremely  courageous  man,  but  a 
somewhat  inconsistent  politician,  and,  as  Guicciardini  neatly  said  of  him, 
"he  sometimes   wavered,  and  sometimes  shammed"  ("Storia  Fioren- 
tina," p.  I4°)« 


CHARLES  TREATS  WITH  SPAIN. 


*>j 


the    Castle    of    Ostia,    where,    after    having   defied    and 

alarmed  the  Pope  he  had  been  so  strictly  besieged  and  „ 

such  danger  that  he  had  been  barely  able  to  save  his  life 

by  flight.     He  was  the  mortal  enemy  of  Borgia,  whom 

he  always  designated  as  a  heretic  and  unbeliever,  was  one 

of  the  tew  cardinals  who  had  refused  to  sell  him  their 

votes  and  afterwards  became  Pope  Julius  II.     For  a  Ion* 

time  he  warred  against  Alexander  with  untiring  energy" 

did  his  best   to  assemble  a  Council  for  the  purpose  of 

deposing  him  and,  in  spite  of  his  years,  undauntedly  faced 

every  kind  of  danger  and  hardship.     When  admitted  to 

the  king  s  presence  his  fiery  words  swept  away  all  Charles's 

doubts,    and   at  last  decided  him  to   set  forth  towards 

Italy.1 

But  first  of  all  funds  had  to  be  provided,  and  money 
was  very  scarce  in  France  just  then,  although  Ludovico 
the  Moor  was  ready  to  pay  down  200,000  ducats,  and 
had  given  his  promise  for  more.»     Meanwhile  a  loan  was 
obtained  at  high  interest  from  Genoese  bankers,  and  the 
Crown  jewels  were  pledged,  together  with  those  of  several 
nobles  of  the  Court.     It  was  also  requisite  to  arrange  an 
agreement  with  Spain  and  the  emperor,  in  order  not  to  be 
attacked  in  the  rear.     Accordingly  Charles  concluded  a 
treaty  of  alliance  with  the  former  Power,  ceding  Perpienan 
and  the  county  of  Roussillon,  which  had  been  gloriously 
gained    to    France     by     the    hard-fought    victories    of 
■Louis  XL,  and  formed  the  key  of  the  Pyrenean  district. 
1  he  county  of  Artois,  also  conquered  by  the  late  kino- 
was  yielded  to  Maximilian.     The  emperor's  daughter  was 
likewise  restored  to  him,  for  although  long  repudiated  by 
Charles,  the  latter  had  hitherto  refused  to°send  her  back. 
in  spite  of  her  father's  repeated  demands.     The  French 
were  naturally  enraged  by  all  these  concessions.     They 

'  Guicciardini,  "Storia  d'Italia,"  vol.  i.  p.  53. 

•  Guicciardini,  p.  83  and  fol.  ;  De  Cherrier,  vol.  i.  p.  351. 


j04  ;\v  ////:  AND  TIME*. 

.1  the  mrreader  of  such  important  province*  a 
grave  offence  to  the  national  honour,  and  that  Charles  had 

the  dignity  of  the  country  by  his  treaties  and 

burdened  it  with  new  debts  which  it  was  in  no  position  to 

w.     Therefore  every  one  augured  ill  of  an  enterprise 

ipproved   by  all  captains  and  statesmen,  and  that  could 

only  be  undertaken  at  the  price  of  degradine  acts  of  sub- 
mission  to   nei         irine  Powers.     Nevertheless  France 

.':   Providence  On  her  Side,  and   her  fortunes  were  hound 

to  prosper  since  Italy  was  incapable  of  resistance. 

Our  military  strength  was  then  very  low,  if  not  entirely 
extinguished,  for  the  reputation  gained  by  the  troops  of 
the    Neapolitan   king   in    their  petty    warfare  against  the 
Barons  was  not  likely  to  stand  the  test  of  pitched  battles. 
The  celebrated   Condottieri   and   free   captains,  who   had 
formerly  encountered  foreign  armies  with  so  much  honour, 
been  the  first  to  found  the  science  of  war,  and  instruct  all 
Europe  in  modern  strategy  and  tactics,  had  now  ceased  to 
exist.      None  of  their  best  qualities  had  been  inherited  by 
their  successors,  who  had  converted  war  into  a  shameful 
trade,  in  which  their  chief  concern  was  to  get  the  highest 
pay  without  risking  their  skins.     Those  were  the  times  of 
which  Machiavelli  said  that  two  armies  would  often  fight 
for  hours  without  any  one  falling  by  the  sword,  and  that 
the  only  men  killed  were  those  who  were  thrown  down 
and  trampled  under  the  horses'  hoofs.1      In  fact  the  chief 
strength  of  the   Italian   armies  of  the  period  lay  in  the 
cavalry,    and    the    trooper   and    his  horse    were   both   so 
loaded  with  armour  that,  once  down,  neither  could  rise 
without  help.     The  infantry,  on  the  other  hand,  was  too 
lightly  armed,  the  arquebuse  and  pike  having  been  only 
just   introduced  ;     so   the    foot   soldiers   fought   in    skir- 

1  Of  course  Machiavelli^  words  are  not  to  be  taken  quite  literally,  for 
though  he  often  repeats  the  assertion,  it  was  undoubtedly  exaggerated. 
Nevertheless  those  were  sad  times  when  similar  accusations  could  even 
be  hazarded  1 


THE  FRENCH  ARMY 

205 

mishing    form,    or  behind   trenches    and    embankments 
and   when  drawn  up  m  bands,  formed  so  wide  a  line  and 
so  shallow  a  flank  as  to   be  very   easily   routed       The 
artillery  consisted  of  a  few  heavy  guns  drawn  by  oxer 
very  difficult  to  load,  and  the  large  balls  fired  from  them' 
being  generally  of  stone,  inflicted  little  damage  on  the  foe  i 
The  French  army,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  model  to 
all   Europe  in  the  art  of  war.     It  had  adopted  all  the 
latest   improvements,   and  its  main  strength   lay  in    the 
infantry,   which,   moving  in  large  and    compact   bodies 
and  being  excellently  drilled,  could  execute  many  new  and 
startling   manoeuvres,   and  be  handled   with    the  utmost 
rapidity       The   vanguard    consisted   of   eight    thousand 
Swiss  and  the  strength  of  the  cavalry  force  was  increased 
by  the  spirit  of  emulation  existing    between   the   great 
French  lords  and  the  flower  of  Scottish  chivalry  who  rode 
in  its  ranks.     The  French   also  used  the  best   weapons 
which   had   then    been    invented.      Their  infantry  were 
armed   with   shining    halberds    and    pikes,    and    every 
thousand   foot   soldiers   comprised    one   hundred    arque- 
busiers.     Besides  culverins  and  falconets,  they  had  thirty- 
six  guns  drawn  by  horses  and  mounted  on  four-wheeled 
carnages.     Two  of  these  wheels  were  detached  when  the 
pieces  had  to  be  placed  in  position.     On  the  march  the 
guns  moved  almost  as  quickly  as  the  infantry,  which  was 
considered  a  great   marvel  in  those  days.2  '   Every  one 
talked  of  the  prodigies  to  be  expected  from  the  French 
cannon  ;    and   the   Florentine    ambassadors   had  already 
given  minute  descriptions  of  "  these  fearsome  things  "  3 

an^I^P?rZii°,S/<C°ng-iura  ¥\  Baroni>"  bk-  i-  and  ii.,  there  is  a  minute 
and  masterly  description  of  Italian  warfare  at  that  period.  See  also 
buicciardini,  Sismondi,  &c. 

2  Sismondi,  "Hist,  des  Répub.  Ital."  and  "  Histoire  des  Francois': 
Michelet,  "  Renaissance  "  ;  Guicciardini,  &c. 

»  Desjardin,  vol.  i.  p.  400.  A  despatch  from  Vespucci  and  Cappona 
dated  June  8,  1494.  r*      ' 


so6  SAVONAROLfS  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

tainty  as  to  the 
French  id  writers  aiealwa] 

n  their  figures!  and  their  mode  of  counting  by 

n.      Nevertheless 

dculate  that  King  Charles's  army  consistevi 

of  22,000  toot  and   24,000  h<  »d  with  the  addition 

all  hia  followers,  and  the  Milanese  soldiery  that 

18   to  join   him  in    Italy,   his   whole   force    must    have 
amour  1  6o,coo  men.- 

Meanwhile  King  Alphonso  of  Naples  was  actively  pre- 
paring for  war  to  the  best  of  his  strength.  His  brother, 
D  tn  Frederic,  was  leading  an  army  against  Genoa,  where 
the  French  fleet  was  assembled  ;  Don  Ferdinand,  Duke  of 

labria,  together  with  the  Count  of  Pitigliano  and  Gian 
iacomo  Trivulzi,  two  of  the  most  renowned  captains  of 
the  day,  was  advancing  into  Romagna  to  divert  the  v. 
from  the  Neapolitan  frontier. 

This  state  of  things  made  it  imperative  for  King  Charles 
to  hasten  his  movements,  and  the  very  generals  who  had 
opposed  the  expedition  were  now  anxious  to  begin  it, 
being  convinced  that  its  difficulties  would  only  be  in- 
creased by  delay.  But  at  this  juncture  fresh  doubts 
assailed  the  king.  He  was  perplexed  by  a  thousand  un- 
certainties, and  seemed,  indeed,  to  have  changed  his  inten- 
tions altogether,  for  some  of  his  troops,  who  were  already 
on  the  march,  received  orders  to  retrace  their^  steps. 
Thereupon  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Piero  in  Vincoli  again 
sought  his  presence  and  addressed  him  in  an  almost  violent 

1  A  man  at  arms  generally  signified  one  mounted  trooper,  two  bowmen, 
and  two  reserve  horses,  thus  three  men  and  five  horses  in  all.  But  the 
number  often  varied,  as  also  the  numbers  of  the  swarm  of  pages, 
workmen,  attendants,  and  other  supernumeraries  added  to  the  army. 

2  There  are  too  many  discrepancies  on  this  point  among  the  old 
historians  for  it  to  be  worth  while  to  cote  them,  all  their  calculations 
beincr  made  by  hearsay,  or  at  random.  '•  T^  have  followed  the  computa- 
tion "given  by  Nardi  and  accepted  by  Slsmondi,  Michelet,  and  othei 
modern  writers. 


MEETING  OF  CHARLES  AND  LUDOVICO. 


!07 


tone.  His  Majesty,  he  said,  was  endangering  not  only 
his  own  honour,  but  that  of  the  whole  nation  His 
vehemence  carried  the  day,  and  all  hesitation  was  at  an  end 

So,  at  last,  on  the  22nd  of  August,  1494,  the  king  set 
forth  with  his  army,  and  crossing  Monte  Gi  nevra,  halted 
at  Asti,  where  he  was  met  by  Ludovico  the  Moor  to- 
gether with  his  wife  and  the  Duke  of  Ferrara. 

But,  amid  festivities  and  women,  Charles  again  forgot 
the  war  and  indulged  in  so  many  excesses,  that   he  fell 
seriously  ill,  and  was  detained  at  Asti  for  a  month.     He 
then  went  on  to  Pavia,  where  he  found  the  unfortunate 
Giovan  Galeazzo  wasting  away,  bedridden,  in  the  prime  of 
his  youth,  and  heard  the  lamentations  of  the  prince's  wife 
who,  casting  herself  sobbing  at  his  feet,  besought  him  to 
deliver  them  from  their  misery.     The  king  appeared  to  be 
greatly  moved  and  promised  to  give  them  effectual  help. 
But  he  had  hardly  reached  Piacenza  before  news  arrived 
of  the  poor  young  prince's  decease,  and  rumour  added  that 
he  had   been  poisoned   by  his  uncle,  the  Moor.      The 
whole  army  was  stirred  to  indignation  by  this  event,  for 
it  revealed  the  nature  of  the  ally  with  whom  they  had  to 
deal.     The  king  alone  seemed  to  attach  no  importance  to 
it.     He  had  relapsed  into  his  usual  state  of  uncertainty, 
could  not  decide  whether  to  march  towards  Romagna  cr 
through  Tuscany,  and  meanwhile  again   halted  in  order 
to  give  himself  up  to  fresh  excesses. 

During  this  time  good  news  poured  in  from  all  sides  of 
successes  achieved  by  the  French.  The  valiant  General 
D'Aubigny,  who  had  been  sent  to  Romagna  to  hold  the 
Neapolitans  in  check,  had  succeeded  in  harassing  them  so 
cruelly  with  his  small  force,  that,  without  coming  to  a 
pitched  battle,  he  had  succeeded  in  driving  them  back 
across  their  own  frontiers.  At  Genoa  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  with  a  powerful  fleet  had  forced  Don  Frederic  to 
withdraw  his  troops.     At  Rapallo  the  scanty  Neapolitan 


SAVONA!        ?S  UFE  AND  TIMES. 


was    surprised    hv    a   small    body   of  Swiss,   who 
\  a  landing  under  cover  I  f  the  ship's  pins,  sacked  and 
mi,  and  although  the  garrison  had  surrendered, 
pat  them   and    all    the   inhabitants   to  the   sword    without 
even  iparing  forty  sick   persons,  who  were  killed  in  their 
The  news  of  this  deed  spread  indescribable  terror 
throughout  Italy,  where  warfare  of  BO  ferocious  a  kind  was 
then   unknown.'     The   Neapolitan   army    beat  a  retreat  ; 
every  city,  down  to  the  smallest  town  within  range  of  the 
hostile   fleet,  expected  to  share  the  sad  fate  of  Rapallo  ; 
the  name  of  the   French   became   a  word  of  terror,  and 
scarcely  any  resistance  was  offered  to  their  advance. 

About  this  time  Piero  de'  Medici's  cousins,  Giovanni  and 
Lorenzo,  uho  had  joined  the  popular  party,  and  escaped 
from  the  villas  to  which  they  had  been  banished,  arrived 
at  the  royal  camp  and  assured  the  king  that  all  Tuscany 
would  welcome  the  passage  of  the  French.     Accordingly 
the  army  at  last  set  out  through  the   Lumgiana  territory 
and    skirted    the    banks    of   the    Magra.       On    reaching 
Fivizzano  they  took  its  castle  by  assault,  and  rivalled  the 
cruelties  of  the  Swiss.      But  they  soon   discovered  that 
their  way  was  beset  with  dangers.     They  were  in  a  barren 
district,  shut  in  by  mountains  to  the  left  ;  on  the  right  lay 
the  sea,  where  the  enemy's   vessels   might  appear  at  any 
moment  ;  and  before  them  rose  the  fortresses  of  Sarzana, 
Sarzanello,  and  Pietrasanta,  which,  even  with  scanty  garri- 
sons  v  ere  enough  to  check  the  advance  of  any  army,  no 
matter  how  formidable.      Had  Piero  de'  Medici  possessed 
the  courage  to  strike  a  bold  blow,  even  at  this  moment, 
he  might  have  inflicted  on  the  French  a  severe  and  igno- 
minious defeat.      But  their  armies"  seemed  to  be  miracu- 
lously guided  by  Providence  to  work  our  ruin,  and,  not- 
withstanding the  blind  indolence  of  their  king,  and  their 
neglect  of  the  most  ordinary  precautions,  all  was  fated  to 
go  we*1  ""ih  them. 


CONFUSION  IN  FLORENCE. 

Meanwhile  the  utmost  confusion  reigned  in  Florence 
The  popular  party  had  always  been  favourable  to  Fr  nce  ." 
but    now,  owing  to    Piero's  mad  policy,   the  king    was' 
advancing  as  an  enemy,  and  devastating"  the  land  bv  fire 
and  sword      What  was  to  be  done  in  this  state  of  thLs > 
To  open  the  road  to  the  French,  without  first  cominfto 
terms  with  them,  would  be  both  imprudent  and  cowa  cfly 
while  to  refuse  them  passage  would  be  equivalent  to  à 
declaration  of  war.     The  government  of  the  city  was  still 
in  the  hand  of  the  weak  and  incapable  Piero  the  sole 
cause    of  all  these  disturbances  ;  accordingly  every  one 
waited  to  see  what  line  of  conduct  he  would  adopt,  and 
amid  the  general  danger  all  took  pleasure  in  witnessinr 
his  discomfiture.     In  fact  Piero's  position  was  the  worst 
that    could    be    conceived.      The  victorious  enemy  now 
drawing  near  was  personally  incensed  against  him  ;  ne  was 
penniless,  with   no  friends  to  whom  he  could  turn  for 
supplies  ;  the  country  was  against  him,  and  he  had  no  one 
to  give  him  advice  !     He  sent  Paolo  Orsini  with  a  few 
horse  and   three  hundred  foot  to  reinforce  the  garrison 
of    Sarzana  ;    but   no   sooner   had   he   done   this   than 
assailed   by  fresh  fears,  he  resolved  to  go  to  the  royal 
camp  and  sue  for  peace.     In   this  way  he   thought   to 
imitate  his  father's  journey  to  Naples,  when,  by  daringly 
putting  himself  in  King  Ferdinand's  power,  Lorenzo  had 
succeeded  in  obtaining  honourable  terms  from  him      But 
it   is  very  difficult  for  history  to   reproduce  itself,  and 
Fiero,  urged  by  fear  to  that  which  Lorenzo  had  done 
from  courage,  reaped  nothing  but  humiliation  and  ruin 
by  an  act  that  had  brought  increased  power  and  prestige 

to  his  filfhpr  I  r  b 


;„  ,Z xi '■'  (ln,'h?t holograph  MS.,  from  which  we  have  already  quoted, 
mthe  Nanonal  library,  II,  IV.,  ,69,  at  sheet  187)  writes  that  Piero  said 
on   this   occasion:    "  Every  one  must  act    for   himself."      Commines 
?™rdl"1;  Nardi,  Cerretani,  &c,  are  all  perfectly  agreed  as  to  these 
tacts,   bee  also  De  Chemer,  vol.  1.  chap.  i.  ;  Caopelli,  op.  cit,  p.  34  and  fol. 


;  ri  IT.  AND  TIMES. 


■  letterato  Florencefall  of  di  - 

fusion,  in  which  he  med         cplain 

II,  felt  that  he  was  rushing  to  his  ruin, 

tmolanium;  he  was  forsaken  hy  all,  and  this 

lst  „  .     He  should  always  remain  faith- 

fu]  ,  Naples.»      Meanwhile,  on  the  2nd 

•x  theFlorentir  patched  seven  ambassadi 

They  were  to  keep  a  str.ct  watch  on 
hb  ns,  and   endeavour  to  obtain   easy   terms,  With- 

•    riving  too   much   offence   to  the   lting.3     But   I  icro 
was  already  at  Ketrasanta,  and   had   there   learnt  that 
Orsini  had  been  defeated  on  the  march  by  a  small  body 
•neh       This  news  having  increased  his  anxiety  to 
obtain  Peace  «  any  price,  he  sent  to  demand  a  safe-con- 
duct   and  directly  he  received  it,  repaired  to   the  camp 
There  he  found  that  the  king  and  his  advanced  guard  had 
been  attacking  the  fortress  of  Sarzanello  for  three  days 
without  success.     Any  other  man  would  have  known  how 
to  turn  this  failure  and  the  perilous  position  of  the  enemy  s 
forces  to  his  own  advantage  ;  but  Piero  was  unable  to 
shake  off  his  terrors,  and  was  additionally  cowed  by  the 
cold  and  haughty   reception  he  met  with  from  the  king. 
Without  even  questioning  the  ambassadors,  he  had   the 
incredible  folly  to  cede  all  the  three  fortresses  to  Charles, 
despatching  peremptory  orders  to  their  governors  for  their 
consignment  to  the  French,  who  lost  no  time  in  taking 
possession  of  them.      He  also  promised  Charles  200,000 
florins  and  permission  to  hold  the  fortresses  of  Pisa  and 
and  Leghorn  so  long  as  the  war  should  last. 

■  Instead  of  trahor,  according  to  the  original  manuscript  in .the  Floren- 
tine Archives.     Piero  meant  to  say  :  I  go  to  .mmolate  myself  of  my  o»n 

aC'°Desiardin    vol.  i.  p.  587  and  fol.      See  also  Guasti,  "  Relazioni  dip 
lomató&Ia  ToscSni/la  Francia,"  in  the  «Arch.v.o,  Stor.  ltd, 
N.S.,  vol.  xvi.  part  ii.  pp.  54  and  55. 
3  Desjardin,  vol.  i.  p.  594  and  foL 


SUCCESSFUL  ADVANCE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 


21  I 


Being  now  masters  of  the  Tuscan  territory  the  French 
made  a  rapid  advance,  scarcely  able  to  believe  in  the 
change,  by  which  they  had  been  so  miraculously  delivered 
from  danger.  _  They  all  accepted  it  as  a  sign  that  Hca 
favoured  their  enterprise  ;  and  this  belief  was  not  only 
shared  by  generals  as  well  as  soldiery,  but  even  bV  the 
king,  who  was  now  convinced  that  he  was  really  the  new 
Cyrus,  foretold  by  the  preacher  of  St.  Mark's  «  When 
the  news  of  these  events  reached  Florence,  it  roused  the 
public  to  indescribable  fury,  and  led  to  startling  and  most 
important  events.  ° 

'Philippe  de  Comines,  «  Memoires»  livre  vii.  cap.  ix.  p  «i  This 
writer  says  that  the  French  cou]dnot  ^,.  their  ««me^and  hushed 
at  Piero  de'  Medici  on  seeing  how  readily  he  yielded  everyth  ine •  «  Com  me 

•USsaKEÈSsf  And  he  ■&-*  «^  **  £35 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE    MEDICI    ViRB     EX*PELLE<D    FRO&i     VI/)Ry.^rE 
71  v  .  ;vv>/.-/   IS  SEV>CT  ON   AN   EMBASSY    TO   ÌHE 

FRENCH  Coi  MP. 

(November,  1494.) 

— 7O  HE  month  of  November,  1494,  began 
'•c5)'q    under    sinister    auspices    in    Florence. 

^àtO     The  unexpected,  almost  incredible  news 
ffr^X-  of   the   surrender    of    fortresses    which 
j^fpi  y&fè  had  cost  the  Republic  prolonged  sieges 
^^^%^J^>   and    enormous    expense,1    and    formed 
the  key  of  the  whole  Tuscan  territory,  instantly  raised  a 
tumult  among  the  people  ;  and  the  general  fury  was   in- 
creased by  letters  received  from  the  French  camp,  and  the 
accounts  of  the  returned  envoys.     For  they  told  with  what 
ease  honourable  terms  might  have  been  wrested  from  the 
kino-  ;  with  what  a  mixture  of  cowardice  and  self-assertion 
Piero  de'  Medici  had  placed  the  whole  Republic  at  the  mercy 
of  Charles  VIIL,  without  waiting  for  the  ambassadors  ^ or 
interrogating  any  one.     All  gave  free  vent  to  their  indig- 
nation,&and  the  people  began  to  gather  in  the  streets  and 

1  The  fortress  of  Pietrasanta  cost  the  Republic  150,000  ducats  and  a 
two  months'  siege  ;  that  of  Sarzana,  50,000  florins.  Vide  Rinuccini 
"  Ricordi  Storici,"  p.  cxli.  This  diary  was  brought  out  by  Aiazzi,  in 
Florence,  1840,  and  may  be  consulted  with  orofit.  Vide  also  Cerretani, 
"  Storia  di  Firenze,"  cod.  cit.  IL,  III.,  74.  at  sheet  iSo. 


FLORENCE  ON  THE  E  VE  OF  RE  VOL  T.         tIJ 

squares.     Some  of  the  crowd  were  seen  to  be  armed  with 
old  weapons  which  had  been  hidden  away  for  more    hàn 
half  a  century  ;  others  nourished  daggers   which   4  It 
said,  .had  done  work  in  the  Duerni X  day  of '  He 

s^  one  CdT?  hT  ^  7°'   and  SÌlk   ™«W« 
strong,  broad-bet,  dark-visaged  men  poured  forth  remind 

mg  the  beholder  of  Michele  di  Lando's  Ciomp  .     0n" 
that  day  i    seemed  as  though  the  Florentines  had  lean 
back  a  century,  and  that  after  patient  endurance  of  gg 
years     tyranny    they    were    now    decided    to   reconqu  r 
their  liberty  by  violence  and  bloodshed  q 

Nevertheless,  in  the  midst  of  this  general  excitement 
men  s  minds  were  daunted  by  an  equally  general  fedina  of 
uncertain  y  and  distrust.     It  was  true  that  the  Medici  had 
left  no  soldiers  in  Florence,  and  that  the  people  could  at 
any  moment  make  themselves  masters  of  the  whole  citv  • 
but  they  knew  not  whom  to  trust,  nor  whom  to  choose  as 
their  leader.  _   The  old  champions  of  liberty  had  nearly  all 
perished  during  the  last  sixty  years,  either  at  the  block  or 
in  persecution  and  exile.     The  few  men  at  all  familiar 
with  State  affairs  were  those  who  had  always  basked  in  the 
favour  of  the  Medici,*  and  the  multitude  just  freed  from 
slavery  would  inevitably  recur  to  licence  if  left  to  them- 
selves.    This,  therefore,  was  one  of  those  terrible  moments 
when  no  one  could  foretell  what  excesses  and  what  atrocities 
might  not  be  committed.     All  day  the  people  streamed 
aimlessly  through  the  streets,  like  an  impetuous  torrent  ■ 
they    cast    covetous    glances    on   the  houses  of    citizens 

Jacopo  Nardi,  Istoria  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  37  and  fol. 

Florence,  thou  knowest  that  for  sixty  years  thou  hast  had  an  anneri 
man  m  thy  ho  .   He  robbed  £hee  £  *  he  robbed   hee 

of  thy  women,  and  thou  wast  compelled  to  bear  all  with  pafience 
Where  couldst  thou  find  support  ?      Under  what  governmen    d"ds't  ih'ou 
live,  but  a  government  made  I  know  not  how  ?   Tell  me  whatbrato haZ 
hou  on  thy  side?     On  his  were  better  brains  than  oSrt "ne-I     ould a 

attiri  s'^ndtrL'ent,  ffiST  *  — »  -"**  ^  *™ *  ™ 


214 


SAVONAROLA S  I  \ND  TIMES. 


,1  wealth  by  f  oppn         !  lult  thcv 

h,  only  at  the  hour  i 

sermon  thcv  nil  nstinctivel  D  >.   Never 

e  i  throng  been  gathered  within  us  walls;  all 

wo  idy  packed  to  be  able  to  move;   and  when  : 

l:lo  rola  mounted  the  pulpit  he  looked  down  upon 

I  and  motionless  mass  of  upturned  fiices.     Unusual 

I   and  excitement  were  depicted  on  ev<  unte- 

nance,  and  he  could  see  steel   corselets  flashing  here  and 
there  in  the  cloaked  crowd. 

The  Friar  was  now  the  only  man  having  any  influence 
over  the  people,  who  seemed  to  hang  on  his  words  and 
look  for  safety  to  him  alone.     One  hasty  word  from  his 
mouth  would  have  sufficed  to  cause  all  the  houses  of  the 
principal  citizens  to  be  sacked,  to  revive  past  scenes   of 
civil  warfare,  and   lead  to    torrents    of    blood.      For  the 
people    had    been   cruellv    trampled    on,    and    were    now 
panting    for    a   cruel    revenge.       He    therefore    carefully 
abstained  from  all  allusion  to  politics  ;  his  heart  was  over- 
flowing with  pity  ;  he  bent  forward  with  outstretched  arms 
from  the  pulpit,  and  in  tones  which  echoed  throughout 
the  building,  proclaimed  the  law  of  peace  and  charity  and 
union  :    "  Behold  !    the  sword  has  come    upon    you,  the 
prophecies    are    fulfilled,  the  scourges  begun!      Behold! 
these    hosrs    are    led    by  the  Lord!     O  Florence  !  #  The 
time  of  singing  and  dancing   is  at   an  end  ;  now  is  the 
time  to  shed  floods  of  tears   for  thy  sins.     Ihy  sins,  U 
Florence  !  thy  sins,  O  Rome  !  thy  sins,  O  Italy  !     They 
have  brought    these    chastisements    upon  thee  !  _    Repent 
ye,  then  ;    give   alms,   offer    up  prayers,  be  united  !     O 
my    people  !   I    have  long  been  as    thy  father  ;    I    have 
laboured  all  the  days  of  my  life  to  teach  ye  the  truths  or 
faith  and  of  godly  living,  yet  have  I  received  nought  but 
tribulation,  scorn,  and  contumely  ;   give  me  at  least  the 
consolation  of  seeing  ye  do  good   deeds  !     My  people, 


A  BLOODLESS  REVOLUTION. 


21 


what  desire  hath  ever  been  mine  but  to  see  ye  saved,  to  see 
ye  united  ?  <  Repent  ye,  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at 
hand  !  '  But  I  have  said  this  so  many  times,  I  have 
cried  to  ye  so  many  times  ;  I  have  wept  for  thee,  O 
Florence,  so  many  times,  that  it  should  be  enough. 
To  Thee  I  turn,  O  Lord,  to  Thee,  who  didst  die  for  love 
of  us  and  for  our  sins  :  forgive,  O  Lord,  forgive  the 
Florentine  people,  that  would  fain  be  Thy  people  "l  And 
in  this  strain  he  continued  to  exhort  his  hearers  to  charity, 
faith,  and  concord  with  such  exceeding  earnestness  and 
fervour  that  he  was  exhausted  and  almost  ill  for  several 
days  after.2  These  sermons  were  less  eloquent  than  some 
of  the  others,  since  he  was  too  deeply  moved  for  reflec- 
tion or  for  studied  effects  ;  but  the  tenderness  with  which 
he  spoke  dominated  and  soothed  the  people,  who,  fresh 
from  the  tumults  without,  entered  this  place  of  peace  to 
hear  the  words  of  the  Gospel.  So  magical  was  the  power 
of  Savonarola's  voice  in  those  days,  that,  in  all  this  great 
stir  of  public  excitement,  not  a  single  excess  was  com- 
mitted, and  the  revolution  that  seemed  on  the  point  of 
being  effected  by  violence  on  the  Piazza  was  quietly  and 
peaceably  accomplished  within  the  walls  of  the  palace. 
And  this  miracle,  unprecedented  in  Florentine  history, 
is  unanimously  attributed  by  the  historians  of  the  time  to 
Savonarola's  beneficial  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  the 
people.3 

1  "Sermons on  Haggai," delivered  in  Advent,  1494.  Venice,  1544.  Frate 
Stefano  da  Codiponte  transcribed  them  as  they  were  spoken.  See  the 
first  sermon.  Haggai  was  the  prophet  who  addressed  the  Hebrews  on 
their  return  from  captivity  in  Babylon,  in  order  to  urge  them  to  rebuild 
the  temple.  It  is  easy,  therefore,  to  understand  why  Savonarola  made 
choice  of  the  subject  at  this  moment. 

2  "  Calendis  igitur  Novembris,  id  est  Sanctorum  omnium  solcmnitate,  et 
duobus  proximis  diebus,  voci  et  lateri  non  peperei,  et  (ut  orimi  populo 
notum  est)  tantum  ex  pulpito  declamavi,  quod  infirmior  corpore  laetus, 
paene  languì  "  ("  Compendium  Revelationum,"  p.  236). 

3  All  the  historians  are  unanimous  in  asserting  that  Savonarola  was  the 
soul  of  the  Florentine  people  during  those  days.     If  much  was  owed  to 


WONA  AND  TIMES. 

On  November  4th  the  5  called  a  special  meeting 

the  Council  of  Seventy,  111  order  to  decide  what  course 

to  All  the  member  adherents  and  nominees 

of  the    Medici,    but    were    so   enraged    by    the    cowardly 

trrender  of  the  fortresses  that  they  already  had  the  air  of 

a  republican  assembly.     Accordine  to  the  old  Florentine 

law  and  custom  no  one  was  allowed  to  speak  unless 
invited  to  do  so  by  the  Signory,  and  was  then  only 
expected  to  support  the  measures  which  they  had  pro- 
posed. But  in  moments  of  public  excitement  neither  this 
nor  any  other  law  was  observed  in  Florence.  On  this  day 
there  was  great  agitation  in  the  Council  ;  the  safety  of  the 
countrv  was  at  stake  ;  the  Signory  asked  every  one  for 
advice,'  and  all  wished  to  speak.  Yet  so  much  were  men's 
minds  daunted  by  the  long  habit  of  slavery,  that  when 
Messcr  Luca  Corsini  broke  through  the  old  rule,  and, 
rising  to  his  feet,  uninvited,  began  to  remark  that  things 
were  going  badly,  the  city  falling  into  a  state  of  anarchy, 
and  that  some  strong  remedy  was  required,  every  one  felt 
amazed.  Some  of  his  colleagues  began  to  murmur,  others 
to  cough  ;  and  at  last  he  began  to  falter  and  became  so 
confused  that  he  could  not  go  on  with  his  speech.1 

However  the  debate  was  soon  reopened  by  Jacopo  di 

him  for  having  roused  them  during  the  previous  years  from  their  pro- 
longed slumber,  a  still  greater  debt  was  due  to  him  for  having  main- 
tained peace  and  concord  in  those  days  of  disturbance.  This  will  be 
more  fully  seen  in  the  ensuing  chapters,  and  the  sermons  on  Haggai  will 
supply  us  with  excellent  proofs.  Guicciardini  was  one  of  those  who  best 
judged  and  appreciated  Savonarola.  In  his  dialogue,  "  Sul  Reggimento 
di  Firenze,"  p.  28,  he  makes  Bernardo  del  Nero  address  the  following 
words  to  Capponi,  who  sided  with  the  government  of  the  "  Ottimati  "  : 
"  I  hold  you  to  be  deeply  indebted  to  this  Friar,  who,  having  early  quieted 
the  tumult,  has  prevented  any  trial  being  made  of  the  results  of  this  form 
of  government  of  yours  ;  for  I  cannot  doubt  that  it  would  have  given 
birth  to  civil  discords  of  such  a  sort  as  would  have  speedily  produced 
some  disorderly  and  tumultuous  change."  As  Savonarola  was  the  only 
man  who  saved  the  State  from  anarchy,  Guicciardini  also  writes  of  him 
at  some  length  in  his  "  Storia  Fiorentina." 
'  Cerretani,  "  Storia  di  Firenze,"  Cod.  cit.,at  sheet  181. 


PIERO  CAPPONI  SPEAKS  PLAINLY.  „ 

Tana,  de'  Neri.,  a  youth  of  considerable  spirit,  who 
warmly  seconded  Corsini's  words  ;  but  he  tooV scntlv 
began  to  hesitate,  and  his  father,  rising  in  great  coH 
sought  to  excuse  him  in  the  eyes  o"f  thf  assembly  by' 
saying  that  he  was  young  and  foolish.  y 

Lastly  Piero  di  Gino  Capponi  rose  to  his  feet      With 
his  finely-proportioned  form,  white  hair,  fiery  ciance   and 
a  certain  air  of  buoyant  courage  like  that  of  a  warhorse 
at  sound  of  trumpet,  he  attracted  universal  attention,  and 
reduced  all  to  silence.     He  was  known  to  be  a  man  of 
few  but  resolute  words,  and  of  still  more  resolute  deeds 
He  now  spoke  plainly,  and  said  :  »  Piero  de'  Medici  is  no 
longer  fit  to  rule  the  State  ;  the  Republic  must  provide  for 
itseit  ;  the  moment  has  come  to  shake  off  this  baby  govern 
menti     Let  ambassadors  be  sent  to  King  Charlfs    and 
should  they  meet  Piero  by  the  way,  let  them  pass  him 
without    salutation  ;  and    let   them   explain    that   he  his 
caused  all  the  evil,  and  that  the  city  is  well  disposed  to 
the  French.     Let  honourable  men  be  chosen  to  eive  a 
fitting  welcome  to  the  king  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  let 
all  the  captains  and  soldiery  be  summoned  in  from  the 
country,  and  hidden  away  in  cloisters  and  other  secret 
places      And  besides  the  soldiery,  let  all  men  be  prepared 
to  nght  in  case  of  need,  so  that  when  we  shall  have  done 
our  best  to   act    honestly   towards   this    most    Christian 
monarch,  and  to  satisfy  with  money  the  avarice  of  the 
French   we  may  be  ready  to  face  him  and  show  our  teeth 
it  he  should  try  us  beyond  our  patience,  either  by  word  or 
deed.     And  above  all,"  he  said  in  conclusion,  ««  it  must 

'  Cerretani  has  bequeathed  us  a  minute  account  of  this  debite  ten» 
at    at  sheet  18.  and  fob).  It  is  also  mentioned  by  Gaddi    he  "  P  for bn  - 

b Ca^nT'tT  >  mt°  NerU'S  m°Ut?  thC  «**•*•*  WOrds  ™ hy   Po -'  ',, 
oy  Lapponi,  to  whom,  as  a  man  of  mature  years,  thev  aro   fV.,,„r» 

appropriate  than  to  the  very  youthful  Nerli/  ^feAcdaWi   «V 

Piero   Capponi,"   in   the  "Archivio  Storico,"  vol.  iv    nirt     '     il    ,    ' 

appendix  to  the  biography  a  portion  of  the  "  Priorista  Caddi  "'is  given 


,lS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

■ten  to  send  Father  Girolamo  Savonarola  a* 
he  has  eaincd  the  entire  loi 
the  pc  He  might  have  added  :  because  he  h 

the  entire  the  111  r  Charles  had  conceived 

an  almost  religious  veneration  for  the  man  who  had  i 

told  his  coming,  and  declared   it  to  be   ordained 

by  the  Lord. 

'The  new  ambassadors  were  elected  on  the  5th  of  Novem- 
ber and  consisted  of  Pandolfo  Rucellai,  Giovanni  Caval- 
canti,  Piero  Capponi,  Tanai  de'   Nerli,  and  Savonarola.- 
The  latter  allowed  the  others  to  precede  him  to  Lucca, 
where  they  hoped  to  meet  the  king,  while  he  followed  on 
foot  according  to  his  usual  custom,  accompanied  by  two 
of  his  brethren.3     But,  before  starting,  he  again  addressed 
the    people,  and  preached   a   sermon   ending   with    these 
words  :    "  The    Lord    hath    granted    thy    prayers,    and 
wrought  a  great  revolution  by  peaceful  means.     He  alone 
came  to  rescue  the  city  when'it  was  forsaken  of  all.    Wait 
and  thou  shalt  see  the  disasters  which  will  happen  else- 
where.    Therefore  be  steadfast  in  good  works,  O  people 
of  Florence  ;  be   steadfast   in  peace  !      If  thou  wouldst 
have  the  Lord  steadfast  in  mercy,  be  thou  merciful  to- 
wards thy  brethren,  thy  friends,  and  thy  enemies  ;  other- 
wise thou  too  shalt  be  smitten  by  the  scourges   prepared 
for  the  rest  of  Italy.     Misericordiam  volo,  crieth  the  Lord 
unto  ye.    Woe  to  him  that  obeyeth  not  His  commands  !  "4 

»  Cerretani  and  Acciaioli,  from  whom  we  have  already  quoted.     Cap 
poni  had  a  great  veneration  for  Savonarola  and  the  brotherhood  of  St. 
Mark's,  but  did  not  show  himself  unfailingly  constant.     He  used  to  con- 
fess to  Fra  Silvestro,  and  his  published  letters  in  the  Archivio  Storico,  at 
the  end  of  Acciaioli  biography  of  him,  give  frequent  proofs  of  his  high 

CS-ej%fc°lhe  portion  of  the  "  Priorista  Gaddi,"  published  in  the  Appendix 
of  the  Life  of  Capponi,  to  which  we  have  before  referred,  and  Desjardin, 

vol.  i.  p.  598  and  fol.  _    .     ,. 

3  Parenti,  "  Storia,"  already  quoted  ;  Cod.  already  quoted,  sheet  190. 
*  "Prediche  sopra  Aggeo,"  Sermon  iii. 


PIERO  DE  MEDICI  IS  EXPELLED.  2 , 9 

After  delivering  this  discourse  he  started  for  Pisa,  where 
the  other  ambassadors  and  also  the  king  speedily  arrive  1 
When  Piero  de'  Medici  found  that  these  envoys  came  in 
the  name  of  the  Republic,  without  offering  any  si™  of 
allegiance  to  himself,  he  at  once   understood  that   some 
important  change  had  occurred  in  Florence.     He  there- 
fore earnestly  besought  the  king's  assistance,  and  promised 
immediate    payment    of  the  required    200,000    ducats  1 
Then,  after  bidding  Paolo  Orsini  to  collect  his  troops 
hire  as  many  men  as  possible  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
follow  him  to  Florence,  he  hastily  returned  to  the  city  on 
the  evening  of  the  8th  of  Novembers     The  ensuing  day 
towards  the  twenty-first  hour,  he  presented  himself  at  the 
palace  with  a  numerous  retinue,  for  the  purpose  of  callino- 
a   general    parliament  of  the  people,  and  of  taking  the 
government  into  his  own  hands.     But  the  Signory  being 
forewarned  of  his  designs,  only  allowed  him  to  bring  in  a 
few  of  his  companions,  and,  receiving  him  with  studied 
coldness,  advised  him  to  dismiss  his  hired  troops  in  order 
to  avoid   involving  himself    and  the  city    in  a  fruitless 
struggle.      Piero    was   so  confounded    by    this  cold    and 
determined  reception,  that  he  knew  not  what  course  to 
adopt,  and  withdrew  muttering  that  he  would  first  see  what 
was  to  be  done  and  then  return  to  announce  his  decision 
to  the  Signory.      Repairing   to  his   own  house,  he  sent 
orders  to  Orsini  to  seize  the  San  Gallo  Gate  ;  and  after 
providing  himself  with  weapons,  and   an   armed   escort, 
went  again  to  the  palace.      But  several  members  of  the 
Government  stood  in  the  doorway  and  barred  his  entrance, 
telling  him  they  were  forbidden  to  let  him  pass  that  way, 
and  could  only  admit  him,  alone  and  unarmed,  by  the 
little  postern  gate.     Thereupon,  boiling  with   rage,  and 

1  Parenti,  "  Storia,"  already  quoted  ;  Cod.,  already  quoted,  at  sheet  04. 
See  also  the  "  Priorista  Gaddi,"  p.  41  and  fol. 
a  Jacopo  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  42  ;  Rinuccini,  "  Ricordi,'  p.  clii. 


|fd  TI  MI'S. 

th  threatenin  ay.     But  he  had 

i  hailed  by  one  of  the 
•a  to  the  rat   by   M     er  Antonio 

only  men  f  the  (  intent  still  remai» 

the  Medici,  on  purpose  to  call  him  back. 

I      .  1.   rini,  chancing  to  he  Proposto  !  that  day,  had   the 

ht  of  proposing  measures  for  discussion,  and   had 

thus  been  able  to  prevent  the  issue  of  any  decree  hostile  to 

Piero.     Also,  having  the  care  of  the  tower  keys,  he  had 

prevented  the  bell  from  being  rung  to  summon  the  people. 

But   he  had  gone  too  far  in  venturing  to  recall   Piero,  in 

defiance  to  the  general  will  ;  so  now  Messer  Luca  Corsini, 

together  with  Jacopo  de'  Nerli  and  Filippozzo  Gualterotti, 

ime   to  the   gate   expressly   to   prevent    his   admittance. 

Lorini's  invitation  had  restored  Piero's  courage,  so  he  now 

tried  to  take  an  arrogant  tone  and  force  his  way  in  ;  but 

Nerli  drove  him  back  with  words  of  insult,  and  shut  the 

door  in  his  face 

On  witnessing  this  scene  the  populace  began  to  not, 
and,  by  way  of  proving  their  contempt  for  Piero,  drove 
him' off  with  scornful  cries  and  gestures,  wagging  the  tips 
of  their  hoods  at  him,  while  the  street  boys  assailed  him 
with  hisses  and  volleys  of  stones.  Piero  had  drawn  his 
sword,  but,  unable  to  decide  whether  to  use  it  or  sheathe  it, 
shrank  timidly  away  surrounded  by  his  followers  and 
cowed  by  the  mere  voice  of  the  people,  upon  whom  he 
had  so  arrogantly  trampled.  While  he  and  his  band  were 
retreating  with  the  mob  at  their  heels,  they  encountered 
the  Bargello,2  Pico  Antonio  dell'  Aquila,  who,  attempting 
to  give  aid  to  the  Mediceans,  was  immediately  seized  by 
the  unarmed  crowd,  and,  together  with  his  men,  stripped 
of  all  weapons  and  valuables.     He  was  then  led  to  his 

1  The  Proposto  was  generally  changed  twice  a  week  and  sometime* 
every  second  day. 
a  Captain  of  Justice. 


VAL  ORI  HARANG  UES  TUE  RE  ORI.  E.  lu 

palace  (the  Bargello)  an*  compelled  to  release  all  the 
prisoners  confined  there.  Thereupon  the  rioters  hurried 
away,  and  it  was  a  strange  sight  to  see  that  the  arms  taken 
from  the  Bargello,  were  the  first  brandished  in  the  cause 
of  liberty  But  already  the  great  bell  of  the  Si^nory  was 
heard  pealing  the  alarm,  and  the  whole  population  rushed 
to  the  Piazza.  All  left  their  houses,  closed  their  shops 
and  issued  forth  armed  with  billhooks,  spits,  stakes  or 
my  other  implement  that  came  handy.  On  that  day 
some  old  citizens  were  seen  dressed  in  quaint-cut  gar- 
ments and  with  rusty  weapons,  recalling  the  times  of  the 
periled  Republic,  and  their  appearance  was  everywhere 
hailed  with  cries  of  joy  by  the  crowd.1 

Hardly  was  the  throng  gathered 'in  the   Piazza  than 
Francesco  Valori  appeared  mounted  on  a  mule  and  covered 
with  dust,  having  just  returned  from  the  camp  whither  he 
had  been  sent  as  one  of  the  first  embassy  from  Florence 
The  crowd  pressed  round  him  to  ask  for  news,  and  in  a' 
moment  he  was  in  the  thick  of  the  riot.     Valori  was  an 
old  partisan  of  the  Medici,  had  filled  many  posts  under 
Lorenzo,  and  been  one  of  the  five  citizens  sent  by  that 
prince  to  urge  Savonarola  to  alter  the  tone  of  his  sermons 
But  that  interview  had  excited  Valori's  sympathy  for  the 
Friar,    and    he    had  gradually  become  one    of  his  most 
devoted  followers.     Disgusted  by  Piero's  misrule,  he  was 
now  an  energetic  member  of  the  popular  party,  where  he 
was  more  in  his  place  than  among  the  Mediceans.     For 
he  had  all  the  «qualities  of  a  popular  leader,  being  im- 
petuous and  daring,  narrow-brained,  large-hearted,  rashly 
eager  in  all  his  resolves,  and  perfectly  at  home  in  popular 
tumults.     So,  now,  without  even  dismounting  from  his 

•  Jacopo  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  41  and  fol.  ;  Rinuccini,  »■  Ricordi  Storici," 
p.  chi.  and  fol.,;  Gaddi,  "Priorista,"  p.  41  and  fol.  ;  Parenti,  "  Storia" 
(already  quoted)  sheet  192  and  fol.;  Cerretani,  "Storia  di  Firenze" 
sheet  192  and  fol.  ;  Landucci,  "  Diario,"  p.  73  and  fol. 


S  VJ)    TIMES. 

mule,  or  shaki  pf  the  journey,  he         n  to 

the  mull  He  told  h  iret  the  Icing 

the  ambassadors,  but  : 
they  had  been  very  coldly  receh 

thanks  to  1  bo,  before  leaving  the  camp, 

Fui  terms,  and  made  numerous  i 
[uests  to  the  injury  of  Florence.     And  on 

•  his  narrative  had  inflamed  the  popular  fury,  he 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  mob  and  marched  them 
with  cries  of  Abbasso  le  palle  (Down  with  the  balls)1  to 
attack  the  Medici  Palace.3 

Piero  meanwhile  had  summoned  Orsini  and  his  troops, 
assumed  his  armour  and  determined  to  force  his  way  into 
the  public  palace.  His  brother,  Cardinal  Giovanni, 3  set 
out  first  and  rushed  through  the  town  trying  to  rally  the 
people  in  his  favour  to  the  cry  of  palle,  palle  !  But  there 
was  no  response,  and  he  was  threatened  on  all  sides,  in  the 
streets  and  from  the  windows.  On  reaching  the  Church 
of  St.  Bartolommeo,  he  descried  the  approach  of  the 
furious  crowd  led  by  Valori,  and  beat  a  rapid  retreat, 
seeing  that  weapons  were  flashing  and  blows  begun. 
Returning  to  the  Medici  house  he  found  that  Piero  had 
already  taken  flight.  For  the  latter,  having  received  a 
decree  from  the  Signory,  proscribing  himself  and  the  Car- 
dinal as  rebels,  and  learned  that  his  brother  was  being 
driven  back,  had  not  even  the  courage  to  wait  for  him,  but 
had  fled  to  the  San  Gallo  Gate  with  his  few  remaining  fol- 
lowers. There  he  made  a  desperate  attempt  to  raise  the 
inhabitants  of  that  quarter — people  of  the  lowest  class,  who 
had  been  always  strongly  attached  to  his  House.  But  his 
words  and  the  gold  he  scattered  in  the  streets  were  equally 
fruitless.     Even  these  dregs  of  the  populace  treated  him 

1  Six  balls  were  the  Medici  arms. — Tr. 
•  See  the  authors  quoted  above. 
1  Afterwards  Pope  Leo  X. 


PIERGS  FLIGHT  TO  BOLOGNA  AND   VENICE.  223 

with  contempt  and  turned  away  towards  the  palace  of  the 
Signory.     Then  at  Jast  he  saw  that  all  hope  was  gone,  and 
that  the  best  he  could  do  was  to  save  his  life.     Humiliated 
and  overwhelmed  by  these  sudden  reverses,  he  set  forth 
on  the  road  to  Bologna,  and  before  he  had  made  a  dozen 
steps  beheld  the  city  gates  closed  behind  him       He  was 
accompanied  by   a  handful   of  soldiers,  who,  sharing  his 
fears  of  being  attacked  on  the  way  and  cut  to  pieces  bv 
the  peasantry,  nearly  all  deserted  him  before  he  came  to  the 
Tuscan  frontier.     Reaching  Bologna  with  his  scanty  and 
miserable  escort,  worn  out  and  exhausted    by  his   lonrr 
journey,  he  met  with  a  very  rough  reception  from  Benti- 
voglio,  who  said  :  "  I  would  rather  have  been  hacked  to 
pieces    than    abandon    my  State    in    this   fashion."     Yet 
before   long,   in    the   presence  of  a  similar  danger,  the 
haughty  Benti  voglio  was  himself  reduced  to  cowardfy  flight. 
Meanwhile   Piero,  increasingly  depressed  by  his  adverse 
fate,  pursued  his  journey  to  Venice,  where  he  at  last  found 
courtesy  and  rest.     But  while  there,  he  was  pained  to  find 
that    Soderini,  the   Florentine    ambassador,  had    already 
declared  in  favour  of  the  new  government.    The  Venetians, 
however,  received  him  with  all  the  honours  they  usually 
accorded  to  fallen  potentates,  and  this  was  balm  to  his 
troubled  spirit. 

His  experiences  during  the  last  few  days  seemed  to 
have  lasted  a  century.  He  now  awoke  as  from  a  weary 
dream,  and  began  to  realize  the  enormous  folly  of  his  con- 
duct, and  his  cowardice  in  leaving  the  State,  when 
threatened  by  no  positive  danger,  and  when  the  French 
king  seemed  ready  to  assist  him.  It  is  certain  that,  had 
he  shown  a  determined  spirit  during  those  days,  he  might 
have  succeeded  in  putting  down  the  budding  revolt 
and  relied  on  the  speedy  assistance  of  the  French.1     In 

■  This  was  the  opinion  not  only  of  Nardi  and  the  other  historians,  but 
also  of  Savonarola,  who   consequently  attributed  the  expulsion  of  the 


Ill 

bo  favour         disposed  towards  him 

I  tO  V  I   return. 

ng 
to  the  tumult  ali  rang 

ly  in  his  eai         Meanwhile  l  inai,  who 

:-  courage  du  •  arrived 

Venice.1  '  The  latter  had  re-  1   in    Florence   for 

some  time,   disguit  I   a    monk   and   e  A  to  much 

[ship  and  danger  ;  he  had  collected  all  the  more  pre- 
cious valuables  which  he  was  able  to  find  in  the  hurry  and 
confusion,  and  ensured  their  safety  by  conveying  them  to 
the  convent  of  St.  Mark.  His  example  was  followed  by 
J  Other  citizens  who  were  conscious  of  having  incurred 
the  hatred  of  the  people.  The  integrity  of  Savonarola 
and  his  brotherhood  was  held  in  such  great  esteem,  that, 
although  their  convent  was  practically  the  headquarters 
«  f  the  popular  party,  the  partisans  of  the  Medici,  and 
even  the  Cardinal  himself,  knew  of  no  safer  place  for  the 
bestowal  of  their  treasures. 

About  this  period  the  Signory  proclaimed  a  reward  of 
2000  florins  for  the  dead  bodies  of  Piero  and  the  Cardinal, 
of   5000    for  their  delivery   alive.2     At  the    same    time 

Medici  to  the  Divine  intervention.  "God  hath  freed  you  of  this  strong 
man  of  war;  let  no  one  say  to  thee  :  It  was  I  that  overcame  him,  for 
thou  hadst  not  the  strength  to  uproot  so  greata  House  and  so  powerful  a 
man  .  .  God  hath  been  stronger  than  he;  He  hath  taken  his  spoils 
from  him  and  his  own  possessions  and  his  dominion  over  thee  "  (Sermon 
delivered  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent,  1496). 

1  Guasti    "  Della  relazioni  diplomatiche  tra  la  Toscana  e  la  1- rancia, 
in  the    "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"    N.S.  vol.  xiv.  part  ii.  p.   57.     On 
November  Qth  the  Signory  announced  to  their  ambassadors  that  Piero  and 
Cardinal  Giovanni  had  been  expelled  by  the  people  and  had  fled  towards   , 

^So^says  Giovanni  Cambi,  "  Storia,"  vol.  ii.  p.  78.  Landucci  (p.  75) 
only  says  that  they  put  the  price  of  2000  florins  on  Piero's  head,  and  of 
1000  on  the  Cardinal's;  others  give  different  versions.  But  we  learn 
from  the  official  documents  ("  Deliberazioni  della  Signoria,  ad  annum 
sheets  q-,  and  95')  that  on  November  20th  a  reward  of  2000  lire  was  offered 
for  Piero's  head,  without  any  mention  of  the  Cardinal's.     It  is  difficult  to 


DISTURBANCES  IN  FLORENCE 

225 

efforts  were  made  to  destroy  all  memory  of  the  past 
despotism  The  effigies  of  the  rebels  of  ,Z4  pa mtJon 
the  walls  of  the  Podestà  palaee  were  effaced anTlikew.se 

ÌZ  $£££&»£  Andrea  dd  Cas^°  SS 

The  Neroni  and  Pazzi  families  were  recalled  together 
With  many  others  who  had  been  exiled  or  SegSed  to 
certain  places  Among  these  were  Piero's  cousins  Lorenzo 
and  Giovanm  de'  Medici,  who,  immediately  afte!  their 
return  stnpped  the  shield  with  the  palle  from  their  house 
put  the  arms  of  the  Florentine  pfople  in  its  place  and 
changed  them  name  from  Medici  to  Popolani.  Thus  the 
hitherto  despised  multitude  was  now  beset  with  flattery  ! 

Meanwhile  disturbances  went  on   increasing,  and    the 
populace  seemed  already  intoxicated  with  licence.     The 
dwellings^  Giovanni  Guidi,  notary  and  chancellor  of  the 
Riformagiom,  and  of  Antonio  Miniati,  manager  of  the 
Monte,*  were  put  to  the  sack,  for  both  these  men  haying 
been   faithful   tools  of  the  Medici,  and  their  subtle  coun- 
sellors in  the  art  of  burdening  the  people  with  insupport- 
able taxes  were  oojects  of  general  hatred.3     The  house  of 
Cardinal  Giovanni  de'  Medici  was  also  pillaged,  together 
with  the  garden  by  St.  Mark's,  in  which  so  rnfny  treasures 
of  art  had  been  collected  by  Lorenzo.     So  far,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  dagger  thrusts,  no  blood  had  been  shed  • 
but    many   were    eager  for  conflict,   and  it  would  have 
certainly  begun,  had  not  Savonarola's  partisans  done  their 

drcreteasinwe,,rn^«HerS  ^y  stood  ?  that  Period  of  confusion.    Many 

cSnlPH  f  '  HPff  edVWh'Ch  remained  unregistered,  and  were  afterwards 
decrees  wÌirhwent  ^T™'  And,  rUm0urS  were  P™posely  spread  of 
rnv™„./d  "eJV6r  bee"  paSSed-  "  is  "tremely  probable  that  the 
on7JcZTJl£  n°'  daret0/eS'ster  i^  proceedings  against  the  Cardinal, 
on  account  of  their  respect  for  his  ecclesiastical  dignity 

>■,*  hJ**?  urdK  But'  according  W  Vasari,  the  effigies  of  the  rebels  of 
frL       ,      °  Pu nted  on   the  podestà's  palace.     Cosimo   returned 

trom  exile  m  1434  ;  the  conspiracy  01  the  Pazzi  took  place  in  147S. 
State  Bank.  3  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  46. 

16 


.7)    TIMFS. 

.  .,,  keep  the  p         ind  had  not  the  Friar  been  hourly 

whither  he  had  rep  the  131b 

fthe  month  with  a  second  embassy.'      Hie 
,  endeavoured  to  qaell  the  disturbances  by  meansol 

of  the  severest  kind. 
But  the  popular  discontent  was  now  heightened  by  the 
arrival  of  other  envoys  from  Pisa  with  very  unsatisfactory 
tidings      They  had  informed  the  king  that  Florence  was 
friendly  to   him,  and   already  preparing  to  welcome  him 
with  all  the  honours  clue  to  his  royalty;   they  only  asked 
that    being  received  as  a  friend,  he  should   hear  himself  in 
that'  light,  and  deign  to  name  his  terms  at  once,  so  that 
free  vent  might  be  given  to  the  public  joy.      But  the  only 
renlv    Charles  condescended    to    give    was    that        Unce 
in  the  ..rear  town,  all  should  be  arranged."»     And  it  was 
evi  lent  from  his  Majesty's  coldness  that  the  solicitations 
of  Piero  de    Medici,  his  earnest  prayers,  lavish  promises 
of  money,  and  submissive  obedience,  had  turned  him  in  his 
favour.  '  Consequently  the  ambassadors  had  to  leave  with- 
out any   definite  answer,  and   could    only    say   that    the 
monarch  was  bv  no  means  well  disposed  to  the  Republic 

But  when  the  foiled  envoys  had  left  Pisa,  Savonarola 
repaired  to  the  French  camp,  and  passing  through  that 
great  host  of  armed  men,  made  his  way  to  the  king  s 
presence  Charles,  who  was  surrounded  by  his  generals, 
received  him  very  kindly,  and  thereupon,  without  wasting 
much  time  in  preliminaries,  the  Friar,  in  sonorous  and 
almost  commanding  accents,  addressed  him  with  a  short 
exhortation  beginning  as  follows  :  »  O  most  Christian 
king  thou  art  an  instrument  in  the  hand  ot  the  Lord, 
who  sendeth  thee  to  relieve   the    woes  of   Italy,  as  tor 

■  During  these  days  successive  embassies  were  sent  to  the  king.    That 

^■te»  srsr?»  «.  rC5 

others  Were  despatched  and  a  third  appointed,    See  Guaiti,  op.  at,  p.  Sfc 

'  "  Dentro  alla  gran  mila  s'assetterebbe  ogni  cosa. 


HIS  EXHORTATION  TO  KING  CHARLES. 


2'7 


many  years  I   have   foretold;    and   He    sendeth  thee  to 
reform    the    Church   which    now    Jieth    prostrate    in    the 
dust.      But  if   thou  be   not  just   and  merciful  ;  if  thou 
shouldst  fail  to  respect  the  city  of  Florence,  its  women, 
its  citizens,  and  its  liberty  ;  if  thou  shouldst  forget  the 
task  the   Lord   hath  sent  thee  to  perform,  then  will  He 
choose   another  to  fulfil   it  ;  His  hand  shall    smite  thee, 
and    chastise  thee  with  terrible   scourges.     These  things 
say  I  unto  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."*      The  king  and 
his  generals    seemed    much    impressed    by    Savonarola's 
menacing  words,  and  to  have  full  belief  in  them.      In  fact 
it  was  the   general   feeling  of  the  French  that  they  were 
divinely  guided  to  fulfil  the  Lord's  work,  and  Charles  felt 
a  strong  veneration  for  the  man  who  had  prophesied  his 
coming  and  foretold  the  success  of  his  expedition.     Con- 
sequently the  Friar's  exhortation  inspired  him   with  real 
terror,  and  decided  him  to  behave  more  honourably  to  the 
Florentines.     Thus,  when  Savonarola  returned  to  the  city 
shortly  after  the  other  ambassadors,  he  was  the  bearer  of 
more  satisfactory  intelligence. 

1  This  discourse  is  to  be  found  at  p.  237  and  fol.  of  the  "  Compendium 
Revelationum."  For  the  compilation  of  our  narrative  of  these  events 
(besides  using  the  documents  given  to  the  world  by  Desjardin  and  Guasti, 
we  have  relied  not  only  on  Nardi's  minute  account,  but  also  on  the  evi- 
dence of  Cerretani,  Parenti,  Rinuccini,  Gaddi,  Landucci,  and  Guicciardini, 
&c.  All  these  writers  agree  as  to  the  main  facts,  while  differing  as  to 
minute  and  insignificant  details. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  KBVOL7  OF  TIS2!.     THE  ENTRY  OF  CHAm.ES  VW. 

r&CTO  FLOT(ENCE;  HIS  'TREATY  WITH  THE  T(EPUBLlCt 

AZ\D  JUS  "DEPART  L'-JyE. 

(November,  1494.) 

WING  to  fresh  disasters,  Tuscan  affairs 
were  now  at  a  sad  pass.     On  the  very 
day  that  the  Medici  were  expelled  from 
Florence,  the  Pisans  rose  in  revolt  and 
regained  their   liberty  by  force.      Ever 
since  their  subjection  to  the  Florentine, 
or,  as  they  called  it,  the  foreign  yoke,  their  sole  aim  had 
been  to  cast  it  oft".     Loss  of  independence  had  been  almost 
immediately  followed  by  the  ruin  of  their  commerce  and 
industry.     They  had  seen  their  population  thinned,  every 
free  institution  destroyed,  and  accordingly  the  greater  part 
of  the  citizens  had  preferred  exile  to  slavery.     But,  at  the 
approach  of  the  French,  their  hopes    had  revived,    and 
Ludovico    the     Moor,    who    always    fished    in    troubled 
waters,   and  already  cherished  the    design    of  becoming 
master  of  Pisa,  continually  urged  them  to  revolt,  promising 
all  kinds  of  assistance  and  causing  secret  hopes  to  be  held 
out   to  them   by  persons  in  attendance    upon  the  king. 
Hence,  the  moment  Charles  VIII.  entered  the  city,  the 
populace  rose,  tore  down  the  Florentine  arms,  cast  into 


PISA  CASTS  OW  THE  FLORENTINE   YOKE.     ^ 

the  Arno  the  Marzocco1  thif-  cfnn^  ~-  .1     i_  •  1 

up  the  king's  statue  in  ks  place      Th,  £'    "^  Snd  SCt 

to  exhaust  the  strength  0Tbofh  Se  ITV^  5"  fated 

cost  the  lives  of  mfny  gallant  CtiZen^w?hoTb,1CS•  ""Z 
to  either  side.  S  "S  wlthout  *nY  P™^ 

The  king  was  a  spectator  of  these  revolutionarv  art,  ,^ 
at  first  seemed  inclined  to  encourage  them  hu7h  '  Ì 
changed  on  beholding  the   expulsion    IT  Ihìpt^ZÌ 

he  rri:h  ?  aPP,arentl7  eXP£Cted  the  P«™  to  - 
thar  liberty  without   ceasing  to  yield  obedience  to   the 
Florentines  !      But  the  people,  having   0„Ce   bclun     he 
revolt,  proceeded  to  accomplish  it  with  fhe  utmost  ity 
rhereupon  Charles  placed  a  French  garrison  in  the  for  ' 
ress,  and   dunking  that  this  was  all  that  was    el  red" 
resumed  his  journey,  scarcely  noticing  what  had  happened 
and  without  troubling  himself  as  J  the  consequent      of 
having  encouraged  the  Pisans.     Thus,  even  before  enter- 
ing Florence,  he  had  dealt  a  cruel  blow  to  the  Republic  by 
illowing  its  subjects  to  rise  in  rebellion  before  his  eyes  and 
M  the  French  army  within  their  walls.     It  was  trulv  a 
kngerous  example  for  the  whole  State,  and  one  that  was 
,x>n  followed  by  Arezzo,  Montepulciano,  and  other  cities 
Vleanwhde  he  continued  his  march,  with  a  few  days'  halt 
*  bigna   in  order  to  give  time  for  the  tumults  in  Florence 
«subside,  and  for  suitable  preparations  to  be  made  for  his 
ntry.     Another  embassy  was  sent  to  implore  him  to  settle 
he  terms  of  the  treaty  before  he  proceeded  farther  ;  but 

;'hTle/l0rent'n?  Marzocco  is  lhe  figure  of  a  lion  seated  on  its  haunches 
th  one  paw  restmg  on  a  shield  bearing  the  emblematica iy  of ,  "e  Ke 

oS ,s  unWrn-T^  '"«*  '"  PUWiC  ^    The  deri^  «** 


Un  AXP   TIMES. 

Core  :  «We  will  amnge  everything  wthia 

the  ville).    l  c 

ibed 'to  keen  the  eityma.t 

Medici  • 
,n;m,nt  overthrown,  and  the  new  at.ll  unor- 
2         ;  «he  king  about  to  arri  hout  having  be 

at  the  he  rerful  ara 

af  tained  with  Italian  blood  !      >  client 

i;  but  fortunatelv  citizen»  of  n«e4pm- 
dence  and  determination  came  to  the  Signory  s  aid.    An»,. 
o  hers  there  was  Piero  Capponi,  who  in  these  days  sceme 
to  le  the  right  hand  of  the   Republic,  even  as  Savonarola 
v as  its  hearfand  soul.     The  latter  preached  chanty,  peace, 
,id  un  o„,  while  the  former  flew   wherever  his  presence 
s eemed  needed,  providing  arms  and  collecting  men.     AH 
he  houses  were  stocked  with  war  material of  every ^k  nd, 
kes  and  planks  were  prepared  for  barricading  the  streets  , 
I  d  troop',  amounting,  ft  is  said,  to  the  «***«£ 
thousand   were  quartered  in  courtyards  and  in  cloisters, 
ready  to  sally  forth   in  defence  of  the  Repubhc  at  the  first 
sound  of  the  alarm  bell.2  , 

As  the  king's  intentions  were  still  unknown,  fresh  relays 
of  aniSsado°rs  were  sent  out  to  him.  _  But  meanwhile 
Pre  h  officers  and  men  passed  the  gates  in  lit le  bands  0 
fifteen  or  so  at  a  time,  and  were  seen  roving  about  the  town 
unarmed  iaunty,  and  gallant,  bearing  pieces  of  chalk  in 
their  hands  to  mark  the  houses  on  which  their  troops  were 
to  be  bSleted.  While  affecting  an  air  of  contemptuous 
ndSerence  they  were  unable  to  hide  their  amazement  at 
he  St  of  so  many  splendid  buildings,  and  atemy£™ 
were  confounded  by  the  novel  scenes  presented  to  their 

»    a-       i  :    n  «     See  also  the  other  historians  before  quoted,  and 


HOW  FLORENCE  IMPRESSES  THE  FRENCH.    231 

gaze.^  But  what  struck  them  most  of  all  was  the  grim 
seventy  of  the  palaces  which  appeared  to  be  impregnable 
strongholds,  and  the  towers  still  scarred  with  the  marks  of 
fierce  and  sanguinary  faction  fights.  Then,  on  the  icth 
of  November,  they  witnessed  a  sight  that  sent  a  thrill  of 
fear  to  their  souls.  Whether  by  accident  or  desio-n,  a 
rumour  suddenly  spread  through  the  town  that  Piero  de' 
Medici  was  nearing  the  gates.  Instantly  the  bell  of  the 
Signory  clanged  the  alarm;  the- streets  swarmed  with  a 
furious  mob  ;  armed  men  sprang,  as  by  magic,  from  the 
earth,  and  rushed  towards  the  Piazza  ;  palace  doors  were 
barred  ;  _  towers  bristled  with  defenders  ;  stockades  began 
to  be  built  across  the  streets,  and  on  that  day  the  French 
took  their  first  lesson  in  the  art  of  barricades.  It  was 
soon  ascertained  that  the  rumour  was  false,  and  the  tumult 
subsided  as  quickly  as  it  had  risen.  But  the  foreign 
soldiers  were  forced  to  acknowledge  that  their  tactics  and 
their  stout  battalions  would  be  almost  powerless,  hemmed 
in  those  streets,  against  this  new  and  unknown  mode  of 
warfare.  In  fact  the  Florentines  looked  on  the  Frenchmen 
with  a  certain  pert  assurance,  as  if  they  would  sav  :  "  We 
shall  see  !  *'  For  having  now  regained  its  liberty,  this 
people  thought  itself  master  of  the  world,  and  almost 
believed  that  there  was  nothing  left  for  it  to  fear.1 

Meanwhile  splendid  preparations  were  being  made  in 
the  Medici  palace2  for  the  reception  of  King  Charles  ;  his 
officers  were  to  be  lodged  in  the  houses  of  the  principal 
citizens,  and  the  streets  through  which  he  was  to  pass  were 
covered  with  awnings  and  draped  with  hangings  and 
tapestries.  On  the  17th  of  November  the  Signory 
assembled  on  a  platform  erected  by  the  San  Frediano 
Gate  ;  and  numbers  of  young  Florentine  nobles  went 
forth  to  meet  the  king,  who  made  his  state  entry  at  the 

1  Nardi,  Parenti,  Cerretani,  Rinuccini,  &c. 

2  Now  known  as  the  Riccardi  Palace  in  Via  Cavour. 


1 1 FE  AND  Til 
f   the   day.1     The   member*  of  the 

then  rose  ;md  advanced   towards  him  to  pay  their 

,  while  M esser  Luca  Corsini,  being  deputed  to  that 

d  i    rth  to  read  a  written  address.      But  just  at 

moment  rain   began  to  fall,  the  horses  grew   restless 

and  hustled  against  one  another,  and  the  whole  ceremony 

\vn    into     contusion.       Only    Messer   Francesco 

Gaddi,    one    of  the    officers  of  the   palace,   had   sufficient 

presence  of  mind  to  press  his  way  through  the  throng  and 

make  a  short   speech  suited  to   the   occasion   in   French  ; 

after  which  the  king  moved  forward  under  a  rich  canopy.3 

le  monarch's  appearance  was  in  strange  contrast 
with  that  of  the  numerous  and  powerful  army  behind 
him.  He  seemed  almost  a  monster,  with  his  enormous 
head,  long  nose,  wide,  gaping  mouth,  big,  white,  purblind 
eves,  very  diminutive  body,  extraordinarily  thin  legs,  and 
misshapen    feet.      He    was  clad  in   black   velvet,  and  a 

mtle  of  gold  brocade  ;  bestrode  a  tall  and  very  beautiful 
charger,  and  entered  the  city  riding  with  his  lance  levelled — ■ 
a  martial  attitude  then  considered  as  a  sign  of  conquest. 
All  this  rendered  the  meanness  of  his  person  the  more  gro- 
tesquely conspicuous.  By  his  side  rode  the  haughty  Cardinal 
of  St.  Piero  in  Vincoli,  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Malo,  and  a  few 
marshals.  At  their  heels  came  the  royal  body-guard  of 
ioo  bowmen,  composed  of  the  finest  young  men  in  France, 
and  then  200  French  knights  marching  on  foot  with 
splendid  dresses  and  equipments.  These  were  followed 
by  the  Swiss  vanguard,  resplendent  and  parti-coloured, 
bearing  halberds  of  burnished  steel,  and  with  rich  waving 
plumes  on  their  officers'  helmets.  The  faces  of  these 
m^n  expressed  the  mountaineer  spirit  of  daring  and  the 
proud  consciousness  of  being  the  first  infantry  in  Europe  ; 

1  I.e.,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

2  Gaddi,  "  Priorista,"  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  vol.  iv. partii. 

D.  42. 


CHARLES  ENTERS  FLORENCE  WITH  HIS  ARMY.  233 

while    the  greater  part  of  them    had    scornfully    thrown 
aside    the    cuirass,  preferring  to  fight  with    their    chests 
bared.     The  centre  consisted  of  Gascon   infantry,  small 
light,  agile  men,  whose  numbers   seemed   to  multiply  as 
the    army    advanced.     But    the    grandest    sight  was    the 
cavalry,  comprising  the  flower  of  the  French  aristocracy, 
and  displaying  finely-wrought  weapons,  mantles  of  gor- 
geous brocade,  velvet  banners  embroidered  with  gold,  chains 
of  gold,  and  other  precious  ornaments.     The  cuirassiers 
had  a  terrible  aspect,  for  their  horses  seemed  like  monsters 
with  their  cropped  tails  and  ears.     The  archers  were  men 
or   extraordinary  height,  armed  with    very  Ion?  wooden 
bows;    they    came    from    Scotland    and    other    northern 
countries,  and— in  the  words  of  a  contemporary  historian— 
seemed  to  be  beast-like  men  {parevano  nomini  bestiali)  i 

This  well-ordered  and  disciplined  army,  composed  of 
so  many  different  nationalities,  with  such  varied  attire  and 
strange  weapons,  was  as  new  and  amazing  a  sio-ht  to 
Florence  as  to  almost  all  Italy,  where  no  standing  armies 
were  as  yet  in  existence,  and  mercenaries  the  only^soldiery 
known.  It  is  impossible  to  give  the  number  of  the  forces 
accompanying  the  king  to  Florence  ;  for  his  artillery  were 
marching  towards  Rome  by  another  route,  he  had  left 
garrisons  in  many  strongholds,  and  sent  on  another  body 
of  men  by  Romagna.  Gaddi,*  who  witnessed  the  en- 
trance of  the  French,  says  that  their  numbers  amounted  to 

"  CTerrei??i,"«t2?:i?d.i  Firenz?>"at  sheet  201,  Parenti;  Caddi,  Nardi, 
bee  also  Alberi,  Relazioni  degli  Ambasciatori  Veneti,"  voi  iv  p.  16  In 
the  midst  or  the  terror  spread  by  this  army  it  was  the  theme  of  many 
satirical  remarks,  especially  from  the  Venetians,  whose  pride  was  always 
the  greatest.  Mann  Sanndo  tells  us— in  his  "  Spedizione  "  di  Carlo  VI  lì. 
in  Italia,"  p.  134— that  the  French  weapons  seemed  "better  suited  for 
splitting  doors  than  for  fighting."  And,  at  the  head  of  all  the  soldiers, 
he  adds,  there  marched  "  a  monster  of  a  man  {omaccione)  with  a  polished 
sword  like  a  spit  for  roast  pork,  and  then  four  big  drums  played  with  both 
hands,  and  accompanied  by  two  pipes,  making  an  infernal  noise,  such  as 
one  hears  at  a  fair." 

2  Gaddi,  "  Priorista." 


VD   TIMES. 
I2,OCO;    R'.nuccini,  wh  also  present. 

ore  ;  i  her.     In  an]  the 

•  crani;  them. 

d  marched  the   P  mte  Vecchio  (0 

.    I  j    dcC(  .  >,    and 

of  music,  won:  63  the  Piazza  amid  a  cr 

or   triumphal  and,  passing  the  Canto 

•   the   tour   of  the    Cathedral   Square, 
halt-  or  of  the  church.1      The  people 

i  the  name  or  France  with  cries  of  applause,  but 
the  king  only  smiled  inanely  and  stammered  some  in- 
appropriate words  in  Italian.  Entering  the  Duomo,  he 
was  met  by  the  Signory,  who,  to  avoid  the  pressure  of  the 
armed  host,  had  been  obliged  to  come  round  by  the  back 
:s.  After  joining  in  prayers  with  their  royal  guest, 
f  escorted  him  to  the  sumptuous  palace  of  the  Medici, 
and  the  soldiers  dispersed  to  their  quarters.  That  night 
and  the  next  the  whole  city  was  a  blaze  of  illuminations  ; 
the  intervening  day  was  devoted  to  feasting  and  amuse- 
ments, and  then  the  terms  of  the  treaty  began  to  be 
discussed. 

The  arbiters  or  syndics  chosen  by  the  Signory  for  this 
purpose  were  :  Messer  Guidantonio  Vespucci,  Messer 
Domenico  Bonsi,  Francesco  Valori,  and  Piero  Capponi — ■ 
all  citizens  of  the  highest  reputation.  Vespucci  was 
thoroughly  versed  in  law  and  the  management  of  State 
affairs  ;  Bonsi  had  won  honourable  distinction  in  many 
embassies  ;  Valori,  afterwards  entitled  the  Florentine  Catoy 
had  become,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 

1  This  narrative  is  mainly  derived  from  the  accounts  of  Gaddi  and 
Rinuccini,  who  were  spectators  of  the  king's  entrance.  Cerretani  sup« 
plies  a  very  minute  description  of  the  French  army  ;  and  Nardi,  Parenti. 
Guicciardini,  Sanudo,  and  Commines  all  give  many  particulars  of  it. 
Among  modern  writers  we  may  mention  Sismondi,  "  Hist,  des  Répub. 
I tal."  and  u  Histoire  des  Francais  "  ;  and  Michelet,  "  Renaissance."  De 
Cherrier's  work  is  more  recent,  but  contains  little  fresh  information. 


PIERO  CAPPONI.  235 

people  ;  and  Capponi,  to  whom  we  have  so  frequently 
referred,  was  in  truth  a  man  of  extraordinary  gifts.  He 
was  born  in  1447,  of  an  old  Florentine  stock  that  had 
always  been  friendly  to  freedom  and  distinguished  for 
many  noble  deeds.  His  father  had  trained  him  to  com* 
merce,  recommending  him  to  keep  out  of  politics,  now 
that  the  times  were  going  badly,  and  accordingly  Piero 
devoted  himself  so  energetically  to  trade,  that  many 
accused  him  of  being  over  greedy  of  gain.  When  about 
thirty  years  of  age,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  who  knew  how  to 
turn  capable  citizens  to  account,  offered  him  several  mis- 
sions, which  he  willingly  undertook  and  accomplished  with 
admirable  skill.  On  these  occasions  Capponi  showed 
himself  possessed  of  a  singular  insight  into  character,  and 
a  special  power  of  gaining  influence  over  the  potentates 
with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  and  more  especially  over  those 
who  prided  themselves  on  their  reticence  and  impenetra- 
bility. In  fact  Ferdinand  and  Alphonso  of  Naples 
frequently  trusted  to  his  advice  rather  than  to  that  of 
their  own  generals  and  ministers.  Capponi  had  done  well 
in  exchanging  commerce  for  diplomacy,  but  he  did  still 
better  in  forsaking  the  latter  for  the  business  of  war,  and 
then  realized  that  his  true  mission  was  neither  to  sit  in  a 
banking  office,  nor  negotiate  treaties,  but  rather  to  fight, 
sword  in  hand.  His  vocation  was  revealed  to  him  by 
chance.  He  was  acting  as  Commissary  of  the  Republic 
to  Alphonso  of  Aragon's  camp  when  this  monarch  was 
i  marching  to  the  assistance  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.  The 
Neapolitan  army  being  defeated  by  the  Papal  forces, 
t  Alphonso  was  so  deeply  discomfited  that  he  would  have 
certainly  ordered  a  retreat  had  not  Capponi  contrived 
to  infuse  fresh  courage  both  in  him  and  his  men.  And 
adding  deeds  to  his  words,  the  Florentine  led  the  men 
into  action  in  so  gallant  a  way  as  to  prove  to  himselr 
that    he    was  a  good    soldier,  and   not   only  capable  of 


'i6  IM  AND  TIMES. 

\  but  of  making  an  excellent  leader  to 
:  Mow  hint  '       From  that  clay  he 
n  in  the  thickest  of  the  and 

R     ublic,  delighted  to  possess  so  valiant  a  captain 

ttually  charged  him  with  the  most  difficult  enterprises' 
bid     the    harder    the    task,    the    more    readily    Capponi 
always    acting    both     as    soldier 'and    com- 
mander—a   ratal    readiness    that    afterwards    led    to    his 
th. 

He  had  always  been  one  of  the  most  powerful  men  in 
Florence,  and,  from  love  of  activity,  had  frequently  given 
his  services  to  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent.  But  when 
that  prince  was  dead,  and  Piero  reigning  in  his  place,  Cap- 
pom,  as  we  have  seen,  soon  lost  patience  with  the  Jatter's 
feeble,  vacillating,  and  undignified  rule,  and,  declaring 
himself  an  irreconcilable  foe  to  the  Medici,  was  one  of 
those  who  did  most  to  drive  them  from  Florence.  He 
was  accordingly  held  in  the  highest  estimation  by  the 
people,  and  the  safety  of  the  whole  Republic  was  now 
entrusted,  almost  exclusively,  to  him.  No  better  man 
could  have  been  found  to  deal  with  Charles,  and,  if 
necessary,  firmly  resist  him.  Having  been  sent  on  seveial 
missions  to  France,  he  had  learnt  to  understand  the 
national  character,  and  was  accustomed  to  say  :  "  When 
our  Italians  have  once  smelt  the  Fie  rich,  they  will  cease 
to  have  so  great  a  faj  of  them."  2  Hence  the  whole 
weight  of  these  grave  and  difficult  negotiations  naturally 
rell  upon  his  shoulders,  and  the  knowledge  that  the  fate 

x  This  circumstance,  while  doing  much  honour  to  Capponi,  is  an  addi- 
tional proof  of  the  miserable  state  to  which  the  art  of  war  in  Italy  had 
then  been  reduced.  Acciaioli,  "  Vita  di  Piero  Capponi,"  in  the  "  Archivio 
Storico  italiano,"  vol.  iv.  part  ii. 

3  Vide  Capponi's  Letters  given  in  the  appendix  to  the  "Vita  di  Capponi  " 
quoted  above,  p.  55.  See  also  the  fine  remarks  of  Marquis  Gino  Capponi 
on  the  same  subject  in  the  first  volume  of  the  "  Archivio  Storico  Italiano" 
p.  348  and  fol.  ■ 


CHARLES  EXASPERATES  THE  FLORENTINES. 


237 


of  the  entire  nation  was  in  his  hands,   only  swelled  his 
courage  and  raised  him,  as  it  were,  above  himself 

Meanwhile  the  mother  and  wife  of  Piero  de'  Medici  had 
gained  the  ear  of  the  king  and  his  advisers,  and,  in  the 
words  of  the  chronicler,  "gave,  and  promised,  and  offered 
that  if  Piero  could  succeed  in  returning,  he  would  share 
the  government  with  the  French."'     These  solicitations 
inclined  the  monarch  still  more  in  favour  of  the  Medici 
and  the  syndics  of  the  Republic  were  now  treated  with 
great    haughtiness.       Charles    gave    them    audience    sur- 
rounded by  his  generals,  advanced  new  and  more  exorbi- 
tant demands,  and  declared,  among  other  things,  that  he 
had  come  to  the  city  as  a  conqueror,  having  entered  with 
levelled  lance  !     These  speeches  only  served  to  exasperate 
the  people  against  him,  without  leading  to  any  conclusion, 
and  matters  dragged  on  from   bad  to  worse.     When  at 
last    the    king   ventured  to  say  a  few  words  in  Piero's 
favour  to  the  syndics,  the  faces  of  the  Republicans  grew 
very  stern,  and  there  was  a  speedy  change  in  the  aspect  of 
the  city.     The  Signory   instantly  met  in  council  at  the 
palace,  summoned  the  principal  citizens,  and  informing 
them  of  the  public  danger,  bade  them  make  ready  to  fly 
to  arms,  and   head  the  people  at  the  first  peal  of  the 
tower  bell.     Rumours  of  the  expected  crisis  were  already 
afloat  ;    consequently  Florentines  and  French    began   to 
exchange  defiant  giances  and  insulting  words,  and  even 
occasionally  came  to  blows. 

One  day  a  quarrel  of  this  kind  led  to  a  serious  disturb- 
ance. _  A  band  of  French  soldiers  were  seen  going  about 
the  city  dragging  some  Italian  prisoners  of  war°bound 
with  ropes,  whom  they  had  taken  in  Lunigiana,  forcing 
them  to  beg  money  in  the  streets  to  pay  their  ransom,  and 
threatening  to  kill  them  if  they  did  not  obtain  enough. 
Ihe  Florentines  were  so  enraged  by  this  barbarous  sight, 
■  Parenti,  "  Storia,"  MS.,  at  shest  203. 


»38  SAVONAROLA^  UFA  AMD 

le   of  the    more   daring  spirits    cut    the  C  Old 

allowed  the  -,  ipe.    ihc  French  v. 

and   vainly  tried   to  recapti  ncrini        A    fight 

citizens  their     ground,    and    rei 

I  in    from   ah  to   swell    tk  The  Swi 

.ring   or   the   riot,  thought   that   the   king's   safety    w. 
thn         id,  and  made  a  rush  towards  his  palace  ;  but  the 

KSage  was  barred   in    Borgo  Ognisanti,  and   on  trying  to 

torce  their  way  through,  they  were  assailed  by  such  a  hail- 
storm of  stones  from  the  windows  that  they  were  driven  to 
retreat.  The  strinale  went  on  for  an  hour,  but  then  some 
of  the  rovai  officers  and  many  of  the  principal  citizens 
came  to  quell  the  disturbance  by  the  Signory's  command. 
However,  this  was  a  severe  lesson  for  the  French  ;  their 
pride  was  lowered,  and  they  realized  that  Florence  was  not 
to  be  conquered  by  entering  it  chalk  in  hand  and  lance  to 
hip.1  A  city,  that  at  the  first  stroke  of  the  alarm  bell, 
could  be  converted  into  a  menacing  stronghold,  that  bar- 
ricaded its  streets,  and  rained  down  stones,  fire  and  all 
sorts  of  projectiles  from  its  windows,  was  a  place  of 
mystery  and  terror  even  for  the  haughty  Swiss  infantry, 
who  were  dismayed  by  seeing  how  easily  an  army  could 
be  destroyed  in  those  narrow  streets.2 

Thereupon  the  Signory  took  advantage  of  the  opportu- 
nity, and,  with  the  aid  of  many  of  the  foreign  ambassadors,  at 
last  succeeded  in  bringing  the  king  to  a  more  reasonable 
frame  of  mind.  Some  of  his  extravagant  pretensions  were 
abated  ;  he  said  nothing  more  of  Piero  or  the  conquered 
city,  and  almost  all  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were   fixed. 

1  It  was  in  these  terms  that  the  king  and  his  officers  boasted  that  they 
were  masters  of  Florence.  As  we  have  seen,  the  French  made  chalk 
marks  on  the  houses  they  intended  to  occupy. 

3  Vide  the  descriptions  of  this  riot  given  by  Cerretani  and  Parenti. 
Cerretani  (MS.,  loc.  cit.,  sheet  211)  concludes  his  narrative  of  the  event 
in  the  following  words  :  "  A  most  courageous  defence  was  made,  the 
which  inspired  no  little  fear  in  the  French  ;  for  the  greater  part  of  them, 
armed  soldiers  though  they  were,  gathered  together  trembling  like  women." 


THE   MEDICI   PALACE— NOW   PALAZZO    RICCARDI— WHERE  THE  TREATY    WIT1! 

FLORENXE  WAS  SIGNED. 


CHARLES  FORCED  TO  MAKE  TERMS. 


239 


The    king  was  to  receive   the   title  of  Protector  of  the 
liberty  of  Florence,  and  have  the  right  to  hold  the  for- 
tresses for  two  years,  on  condition  that  he  restored  them 
sooner,  should  the  war  be  ended  before  that  date.     The 
Florentines  also  agreed  to  pay  him  a  large  sum  of  money  ; 
but  fresh  dissensions  then  arose  as  to  its  amount.     Charles 
VIII.  having  been  much  impressed  by  the  lavish  promises 
of  Piero  de'  Medici  and  his  kindred,  demanded  a  far  larger 
sum  than  the  Republic  was  able  to  pay,  without  most  un- 
justly burdening  all  the  citizens.     Thus  there  was  again 
much  exasperation  on  either  side,  and  messengers  were  con- 
tinually sent  backwards  and  forwards  between  the  Signory 
and  the  king,  without   anything  being  settled.     Charles 
clung  obstinately  to  his  demands,  and  Capponi  found   it 
very  difficult  to  control  his  temper  and  restrain  his  indig- 
nation.    At  last  the  monarch  ordered  his  secretary  to  read 
his  ultimatum,  saying  that   he  would  yield  no  more  upon 
any  point.     Naturally  the  syndics  again  refused  to  accept 
it  ;  whereupon  the  king  turned  on  them  in  great  fury  and 
exclaimed,  in  a  threatening  tone  :   "  Then  we  will  sound 
our  trumpets."     At  this  Capponi  became  red  as  fire,  and, 
snatching  the  paper  from  the  secretary's  hand,  tore  it   in 
the  king's   face,   and   made  his  celebrated  reply:   "And 
we  will  ring  our  bells."  *     And  thanks  to  the  energy  of 
his  tone,  the  agreement  was  signed  and  sealed  in  a  few 
hours,  after  so  much  entreaty  and  so  many  days  of  nego- 
tiation had  been  devoted  to  it  in  vain.2 

1  The  historian,  Marquis  Gino  Capponi,  says,  in  reference  to  Capponi's 
reply  :  '  Fortune  enabled  him  to  seize  one  of  the  rare  moments  which 
only  come  once  in  a  lifetime  ("Archivio  Storico  Italiano, ';  vol.  i.  p  361  ) 
Vide  Cerretani,  Parenti,  Guicciardini,  Nardi,  Machiavelli  ;  and  the  before 
quoted  "Vita  di  P.  Capponi." 

2  Machiavelli^  "  Decennali  "  contains  some  well-known  lines  on  this 
theme  : — 

Lo  strepito  dell'  armi  e  de'  cavalli 
Non  potè  far  che  non  fosse  sentita 
La  voce  d'un  Cappon  fra  cento  Galli 

(Even  the  clash  of  arms  and  stamping  of  steeds  could  not  drown  the  crow 
of  a  Capon  among  a  hundred  cocks.) 


140  SAVONAROLA'S  AND  TIMES. 

1  he  terms  of  the  treaty  Stood  asfolloWl  : — That  there 

should   be   i   good  and  faithful  friendship  between  the 

I  the  k ii     ;  that  their  subjects  should  have 

n  ;  that  the  king  should  receive  the  title 

ot"  Restore  IP        tor  of  the  liberty  of   Florence; 

that  he  should   be   paid    120,000   florins    in    three   instal- 
ls ;   that  he  was  not   to   retain  the  fortresses  for  more 
than  two  years;  and  if  the  Neapolitan  expedition   finished 
<ie  that  date,  he   was  then   to  give  them   up   without 
delay  ;   that   the  Pisans  were   to   receive  pardon  as   soon  as 
they  should  resume   their  allegiance  to  Florence.      It  was 
also    stipulated  that  the  decree,   putting  a   price  on    the 
is  or  the  Medici,  should  be  revoked,  but  that  the  estates 
of  Giuliano  and  Cardinal  Giovanni  were  to  remain  confis- 
d  until  all  Piero's  debts  had  been  paid,  and  that  the 
said  Piero  was  to  remain  banished  to  a  distance  of  200 
miles,  and  his  brothers,  of  100  from  the  Tuscan  border. 
After  the  agreement  had  been  drawn  up  in  regular  official 
form,  the  contracting  parties  met  in  the  Duomo  to  sweai 
to  the  observance  of  all  its  clauses,  and  in  the  evening 
there  was  a  general  illumination  of  the  city,  although  the 
people  gave  no  signs  of  their  previous  goodwill  towards 
the  King.1 

But  no  sooner  was  one  difficulty  disposed  of,  than 
another  arose.  When  all  was  concluded  Charles  relapsed 
into  his  normal  state  of  inertia,  and  showed  no  disposition 
to  depart.  The  city  was  thronged  by  the  French  quar- 
tered in  the  houses,  and  the  Italian  soldiery  hidden  on  all 
sides;  the  shops  were  shut  up  and  all  traffic  suspended; 
everything  was  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  and  disorder,  and 
the  continual  quarrels  between  the  natives  and  the 
foreigner  might  at  any  moment  provoke  the  most  serious 

1  The  treaty  between  Charles  VIII.  and  the  Republic  was  published 
in  the  first  volume  of  the  "  Arch.  Stor.  I tal.,"  with  some  interesting 
remarks  by  Marquis  Gino  Capponi. 


CRITICAL  STATE  OF  FLORENCE, 


241 


complications.       There    were    perpetual    robberies    and 
murders    by  night— a    most  unusual  state  of  things  for 
Florence  ;   and  the  people    seemed  to    be  on    the  verge 
of  revolt  at  the  least  provocation.     Thus   matters  went 
on  frorn  day  to  day,  and  consequently  all  honest  citizens 
vainly  did  their  utmost  to   hasten  the  king's  departure. 
And  the  universal  suspense  was  heightened  by  the  impos- 
sibility of  finding  any  way  of  forcing  him  to  a  decision.  * 
At  last  another   appeal  was   made  to  Savonarola,  who 
was  exerting  all  his  influence  to  keep  the  people  quiet,  and 
whose  peaceful  admonitions  during  this  period  of  danger  and 
confusionhad  been  no  less  efficacious  than  the  heroic  defi- 
ance of  Piero  Capponi.     The  Friar's  sermons  at  this  time 
werealways  directed  to  the  general  welfare.     He  exhorted 
the  citizens  cc  to  lay  aside  their  animosities  and  ambitions  ; 
to  attend  the  councils  at  the  palace  in  a  righteous  spirit' 
and  with   a  view,  not  to  their  personal   interest,   but   to 
the  general  good,  and  with  the  firm  resolve  to  promote 
the  unity  and  concord  of  their  city.     Then,  indeed,  would 
they  be  acceptable  in  the  Lord's  sight." r     He  addressed 
himself  to  every  class  of  the  people  in  turn,  proving  to  all 
that  it  would  be  to  their  own  advantage,  both  in  this  life 
and  the  next,  to  labour  for  the  defence  of  liberty  and  the 
establishment  of  union  and  concord.     When  asked  to  seek 

1  "  Prediche  sopra  Aggeo,"  before  quoted.  Venice,  1544.  But,  as  in 
most  of  the  Venetian  editions  of  Savonarola's  works,  there  are  many- 
blunders  in  this  collection  of  sermons.  For  instance,  sermon  iv.  is  said 
to  have  been  delivered  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici,  and  sermon  v. 
after  the  Friar's  return  from  Pisa.  This  has  led  several  biographers  to 
believe  that  Savonarola's  journey  from  Florence  to  Pisa  was  made  after 
the  Medici  had  been  driven  out.  But  by  careful  perusal  and  by  noticing 
that  sermons  i.,  ii.,  and  iii.  were  preached  on  the  1st,  2nd,  and  6th 
November,  it  will  be  ascertained  that  No.  iv.  is  the  sermon  preached 
after  Savonarola's  return  from  Pisa,  and  that  he  was  not  in  Florence 
when  the  Medici  were  expelled.  This  too  is  clearly  proved  by  the 
chroniclers  who  give  us  the  dates  of  the  election  of  the  ambassadors  and 
of  the  day  of  their  departure.  And  there  are  official  documents  to  pi  ove 
the  accuracy  of  these  dates, 

17 


1 1 FE  AND  TIM 

the  k!  him  to         ,  he  ch< 

fully  undertook  the  task  and  hastened  to  rie. 

I  nee  were  at  first  inclined  t<> 

refuse  him  admittance.  Fearing  that  his  visit  might  de: 
their  pi  .    pillaging  tl  of  this  sumptuous 

Bat   remembering  the  veneration  in  which  the 

IT    was    held    by    the   king,  they    dared    not  refuse   his 

demand  and  allowed  him  to  pass.     Charles,  surroun< 

by  his  Barons,  received  him  very  graciouslv,  and  Savona- 
rola went  ;ht  to  the  point  by  saying  : — u  Most 
Christian  Prince,  thy  stay  here  is  causing  great  injury  both 
:  i  our  city  and  thine  own  enterprise.  Thou  losest  time, 
forgetful  of  the  duty  imposed  on  thee  by  Providence,  and 
to  the  serious  hurt  of  thy  spiritual  welfare  and  worldly 
ve.  Hearken  now  to  the  voice  of  God's  servant  ! 
Pursue  thy  journey  without  delay.  Seek  not  to  bring 
ruin  on  this  city  and  thereby  rouse  the  anger  of  the  Lord 
against  thee."  1 

So,  at  last,  on  the  28th  November,  at  the  twenty-second 
hour  of  the  day,  the  king  departed  with  his  army,  leaving 
the  people  of  Florence  very  badly  disposed  towrards  him. 
Among  their  many  just  causes  of  complaint  was  the  sack 
of  the  splendid  palace  in  which  he  had  been  so  liberally 
and  trustfully  entertained.  Nor  were  common  soldiers 
and  inferior  officers  alone  concerned  in  this  robbery  ;  the 
hands  of  generals  and  barons  were  equally  busy,  and  the 
king  himself  carried  off  objects  of  the  greatest  value  : 
among  other  things  a  precious  ini  aglio  representing  a 
unicorn,  estimated  by  Commines  to  be  worth  about  seven 
thousand  ducats.  With  such  an  example  set  them  by  their 
sovereign,  it  may  be  easily  imagined  how  the  others  be- 
haved ;  and  Commines  himself  tells  us  that  "  they  shamelessly 

x  These  facts  have  been  repeatedly  narrated  by  Savonarola  himself, 
as  well  as  by  his  biographers.  Vide  sermon  xxvi.,  sopra  Michea  (on 
Micah),  delivered  the  28th  October,  1496. 


ALL  FLORENCE  LEANS  ON  SAVONAROLA. 


243 


took  possession  of  everything  that  tempted  their  greed."* 

Thus  the  rich  and  marvellous  collections  formed  by  the 

Medici  were  all  lost,  excepting  what  had  been  placed  in 

safety  at  St.  Mark's,  for  the  few  things  left  behind  by  the 

French  were  so  much  damaged  that  they  had  to  be  sold.  2 

Nevertheless  the  inhabitants  were  so  rejoiced  to  be  finally 

rid  of  their  dangerous  guests,  that  no  one  mourned  over 

these  thefts.     On  the  contrary,  public  thanksgivings  were 

offered  up  in  the   churches,  the  people  went  about  the 

streets  with    their    old    gaiety  and  lightheartedness,   and 

the  authorities  began  to  take  measures  to  provide  for  the 

urgent  necessities  of  the  new  Republic. 

During  this  interval  the  aspect  of  Florentine  affairs  had 
entirely  changed.     The  partisans  of  the  Medici  had  dis- 
appeared from  the  city  as  if  by  magic  ;  the  popular  party 
ruled  over  everything,  and  Savonarola  ruled  the  will  of 
the  whole  population.     He  was  unanimously  declared  to 
have  been  a  true  prophet  of  all  that  had  occurred,  the 
only  man  who  had  succeeded   in  controlling  the  king's 
conduct  on  his  entry  into  Florence,  the  only  man  who 
had    induced  ^  him   to  depart  :    accordingly  all   huncr  on 
Savonarola's  lips  for  counsel,  aid,  and  direction  as  to  riieir 
future  proceedings.     And  as  though  the  men  of  the  old 
State  saw  the  need  of  effacing  themselves  to  make  way  for 
new  blood,  several  prominent  representatives  and  friends 
of  the  Medici  House  died  during  this  period.     Angelo 
Poliziano  had  passed  away  this  year,  on  the  24th  September, 
"  loaded  with  as  much  infamy  and  public  opprobrium  as  a 
man  could  well  bear."  3     He  was  accused  of  numberless 
vices  and  unlimited  profligacy  ;  but  the  chief  cause  of  all 
the  hatred  lavished  on  him  was  the  general  detestation 
already  felt  for  Piero  de'  Medici,  the  approach  of  his 

1  Commines,  "  Memoires,"  liv.  viii.  chap  ix. 

2  Ibid,  and  Sismondi,  "Hist,  des  Rép.  I  tal.,"  chap,  xciii. 

3  Parenti,  "  Storia  Fiorentina,"  MS.  cit.,  loc.  cit.,  sheet  479 


S  LIFE  AND   TIMES 
downfall    and    that    of   all    his   adherents.1       \   C   was    the 

Mied  by  the  knowledge  that  the 

utterances  of  the  illustrious   poet   and    learned    scholar 
had    been    the    v.  fl   penitent    Christian.      I  le    had 

that  his  body  should  be  clothed  in  the  Dominican 
habit  and  interred  in  the  church  of  St.  Mark,  and  there 
rei  K  bende  the  remains  of  Giovanni  Pico 
della  Mirandola,  who  expired  on  the  very  day  of  Charles 
VIII.'s  entry  into  Florence.3  Pico  had  long  entertained  a 
desire  to  join  the  fraternity  of  St.  Mark's,  but  delaying 
too  long  to  carry  out  his  intent,  was  surprised  by  death  at 
the  early  age  of  thirty-two  years.  3     On  his  death-bed  he, 

1  "  The  vituperation  poured  upon  him  (Poliziano)  was  caused  less  by 
his  vices  than  by  the  hatred  Piero  de'  Medici  had  excited  in  our  city  " 
(Parenti,  loc.  cit.). 

3  These  arc  the  inscriptions  to  be  found  in  the  Church  of  St.  Mark  : 

"D.M.S. 

Johannes  iacet  hie  Mirandula  cantera  norut 

Et  Tagus  et  Ganges  forsan  et  Antipodes 

Ob.  an.  Sal.  MCCCCLXXXXlin.  vix.  an.  xxxiL 

Hieronimus  Benivienius  ne  disiunctus  post 

Mortem  locus  ossa  separet  quor.  animas 

In  vita  coniunxit  amor  hac  humo 

Supposita  poni  curavit 

Ob.  an.  mdxxxxii.  vix.  an.  lxxxix.  Mens,  vi." 

Below  this  tablet  is  the  one  dedicated  to  Poliziano  :         . 

"  Politianus 
In  hoc  tumulo  iacet 

Angelus  unum 
Qui  caput  et  linguas 
Res  nova  tres  habuit 
Obiit  an.  mcccclxxxxiv. 
Sep.  xxiv. — Aetatis 
XL." 
3  Pico's  long  hesitation  led  Savonarola  to  doubt  for  a  moment  whethet 
his  friend  could  be  saved,  since  he  had  apparently  resisted  the  call  vouch- 
safed him  by  the  Lord.     But  the  Friar  afterwards  had  a  vision  in  which 
he  beheld  Pico  borne  up  to  heaven  by  angels.    Thereupon  he  felt  assured 
that  his  friend  was  in  Purgatory,  and  stated  his  belief  to  the  people  from 
the  pulpit.     Vide  the  conclusion  of  sermon  vi.  in  the  M  Prediche  sopra 
Aggeo." 


DEATH  OF  PICO  AND  POLIZIANO.  245 

too,  had  besought  Savonarola  to  allow  him  to  be  buried 
in  the  robe  he  had  yearned  to  wear. 

The  end  of  these  two  celebrated  Italians   recalled  to 
mind  the  last  hours  and  last  confession  of  Lorenzo  the 
Magnificent,  and  was  by  many  regarded  as  a  sign  that 
the  Medicean  adherents  had  been  unwilling  to  pass  away 
without    acknowledging    their    crimes,     without    asking 
pardon    from    the    people    whom    they    had    so    deeply 
oppressed,  and  from  the  Friar,  who  was,  as  it  were,  the 
people's  best  representative.     It  was  certainly  remarkable 
that  all  these  men  should  turn  to  the  Convent  of  St. 
Mark,  whence  had  issued  the  first  cry  of  liberty,  and  the 
first  sign  of  war  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Medici. 


CHAPTER   IV. 


•       UTICAL     CONDITION    OF    FLORENCE,     tfFTER    THE 
'      ^DEPARTURE   OF   THE  FRENCH,  SAVONA^OLoé    TRO- 
I   &CEW  FORM  OF  G0VERP&ÌEN7. 


(December,  1 494-) 


T>x 


&^^M£à 


\T  had  always  been  the  old  custom  in 
%  Florence  to  accomplish  changes  of 
<V  government  by  means  of  Parlamenti. 
When  the  great  bell  rang  the  summons 
to  Parlamento,  the  people  assembled, 
unarmed,  on  the  Piazza,  which  was 
guardedly  the"  armed  attendants  of  the  Signory.  Then 
the  members  of  the  Signory  appeared  on  the  balcony1 
(ringhiera)  in  front  of  the  palace,  and  asked  the  right 
of  Balìa  for  themselves  or  their  friends.  The  Balia  really 
signified  carte  blanche  to  do  as  they  chose,  for  it  was  a 
species  of  dictatorship,  conferred  either  for  months  or  for 
years  ;  it  might  be  frequently  renewed,  and  gave  its 
holders  the  power  of  electing  magistrates,  or  of  even 
changing  the  form  of  government.  In  the  latter  case 
the  population  was  again  summoned  to  Parlamento,  and 
deceived  by  this  false  show  of  liberty,  always  proved  a 

1  Th*»  ringhiera  was  on  the  platform  attached  to  the  facade  of  the 
palace, 'in  the  place  where  the  Marzocco  now  stands,  beside  the  outer 
steps. 


THE  PEOPLE  SUMMONED  TO  PARLAMENTO.  H7 

docile  instrument  in  the  hands  of  ambitious  and  powerful 
citizens,  and  was  always  eager  to  applaud  any  proposal  for 
Balia,  in  the  belief  that  it  was  thus  giving  a  proof  of  £ 
independence  at  the  very  moment  that  it  was  rivettine 

i?S'«.  ^     vWaS  £e  °riSin  0f  the  ancie«  Florentine 
proverb  :  «  Chi  disse  Parlamento,  disse  guastamene  "  (To 
speak  of  Parliament  was  to  speak  of  detriment).     It  was 
by  the  help  of  Balìe  and  Parlamenti  that  the  Albizzi  so 
long  dominated  Florence,  and  the  tyranny  of  the  Medici 
had  been  carried  on  by  the  same  means.     Nevertheless  s<7 
strong  was  the  force  of  custom,  that  on  December.  2nd 
1494.  a  few  days  after  the  French  had  gone,  the  great  beli 
or  the  palace  rang  forth  a  summons  to  Parlamento      The 
armed  servants  of  the  Signory  guarded  all  the  issues  of 
the  square,  and  the  people,  highly  satisfied  with  their  own 
importance,    assembled   in    the   old  way,  i.e.,  ranged   in 
different   Compagnie,  each    under  its   own   gonfaloniere  ■ 
1 hen  the  Signory  read  out  a  provvisione  (proposal),  in 
which    they   begged    for  authorization   to    name  twenty 
Accoppiatori  with  the    Balìa,   or   right    of  electing   the 
Signory  and  all  the  principal  magistrates  for  the  term  of 
one  year.      1  hese  Accoppiatori  were  authorized,  subject  to 
certain  rules  and  restrictions,  to  nominate  some  of  their 
own  number  to  all  the  offices  of  State,  including  that  of 
Gonfalonier  of  Justice.^     The  multitude,  almost  crazed 

•  Parenti,  "Storia  di  Firenze"  (Cod.  orig.  cit.),  sheet  209». 

in  „,  J11S«  tT'  ÌT  ?e£tmg  °f  Vhe  election  of  the  doppiatori,  goes  on 
to  say:  "The  which  Twenty  thus  elected,  shall  be  held  as,  and  to  be 
Accoppiatori  for  one  year  from  the  present  time.  And  during  the  said 
rear  they  shall  have  authority  to  elect  (imborsare)  the  Signory,  the  Gon 

KnSlS  -JUStpe'  a"d  th?Ir,No'.a,7;  •  •  ■"  Archivio  FiSientmo,  "  Co  - 
ugh  Maggior,   Provv,sion,,  Regnsti,"  vol.  clxxxvi.  at  sheet  I  and  Vol 

Kinuccini,  '•  R.cordi  Storici,"  p.  civ.,  says  :  "The  Signory  appeared  in 
he  Ringhiera,  and  there  had  a  petition  read  aloud,  asking,  among  other 
:  auses,  that  the Otto  di Balìa  should  be  elected  by  open  choice  (am  2) 
>nce  for  all  ;  and  that  the  election  to  the  three  chief  offices  should  aJsò 
>e  made  at  the  free  pleasure  of  the  Twenty  Accoppiatori  for  the  term  of 
■ne  year  ;  and  that  of  the  Dicci  di  libertà  e  face  for  the  term  of  six 


rht,  bunt   into   shouts   of  applause  ;   and  in  th.s 

rnment,  known  as  thai  oi   I  be  Twenty, 

«ce. 

[n  -lines  the         srnment  of  the  Florentine  Re- 

public   v.  ted    in   right    Priors   and   I   C  lonblonier  of 

-,    who     constituted     the    supreme     magistracy    or 

.    and    were    changed    every    two    months.      The 

nctiona  of  the  sixn-  n  Gonfaloniers  of  the  Company  , 

UD  hom,  at  one  time,  all   arm-bearing  citizens  were 

enrolled,  together  with  the  twelve  Buoni  Uomini  (IV or ihics), 

re   afterwards    reduced   to  acting  as  an   escort  for  the 

Si^nory  ;  the  whole  number  together  constituted  the  Col- 

lleges),  and  these  were  also  designated  the  Three 

Higher  Offices.     Then  came  the  Ten  of  War  (Dicci  di 

utrrd)%    elected    every   six    months,  and    the   Eight   of 

Guard  and  Custody  (Otto  di  guardia  e  balìa),  whose  chief 

duty  was  to  act   as  a  tribunal   for  criminal   and  political 

cases,  and  who  were  elected  every  four  months.     Lastly, 

there  were  the  two  Councils  or  Assemblies  of  the  People 

and  the  Commune,  dating  from  the  time  when  the  city 

was   divided    into    the   people   proper  and    the   powerful 

months  ;  and  that  the  Otto  di  guardia  e  balìa,  now  in  office,  should  be 
superseded." 

Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  60,  gives  almost  identical  details.  Here  it  may  be 
useful  to  explain  the  terms— imborsare*  te?iere  le  borse  serrate,  tenere  le 
borse  aperte,  &c— so  frequently  met  with  in  all  accounts  of  the  Florentine 
Republic.  Two  borse  or  purses  were  generally  provided  in  the  election 
of  the  principal  officers  of  the  State.  One  of  these  borse  was  used  by 
the  Greater  Guilds  {Arti  Maggiori),  the  other  by  the  Lesser  Guilds 
(Arti  Minori),  to  hold  the  names  of  the  different  candidates  proposed 
for  office  (a  sedere).  The  process  of  drawing  the  names  being  termed 
lo  squittitilo,  the  candidates  thus  drawn  were  called  squitttnati  or  im- 
borsati. The  election  might  be  for  six  months,  one  year,  or  even  for  a 
longer  period.  At  every  election  of  magistrates  the  names  of  the  candi- 
dates were  drawn  by  lot  from  the  purses,  and  this  was  termed  an  election 
by  closed  purses  {tenere  le  borse  serrate)  ;  but  if  it  was  decided  that  the 
Accoppiatori  were  to  have  the  right  of  choosing  at  their  own  pleasure  any 
of  the  names  contained  in  the  purses,  instead  of  choosing  them  by  lot, 
this  was  called  an  election  by  open  purses,  or  by  purses  in  hand  {tenere  le 
borse  aperte,  le  borse  a  mano). 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TWENTY.  349 

citizens  (potenti),  who  claimed  for  themselves  the  specia) 
right  of  constituting  the  Commune.  These  Councils  wen* 
charged  with  the  enactment  of  laws  and  the  election  of 
magistrates,  and  the  latter  duty  was  considered  to  be  the 
highest  function  of  government  and  chief  safeguard  of 
liberty.1  When  the  Medici  began  to  take  the*  lead  in 
Florence  they  levelled  all  distinctions  between  the  dif- 
ferent orders  of  citizens,  subjecting  all  alike  to  their 
tyranny.  Thus  the  two  Councils  of  the  People  and  the 
Commune  lost  all  their  special  functions,  but  nevertheless 
still  continued  to  hold  meetings,  both  as  a  matter  of  form 
and  because  their  new  masters  recognized  that  the  people 
were  more  tenacious  of  nominal  rights  than  of  real  liberty. 
Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  adhered  to  the  same  policy  and 
sanctioned  both  the  Assemblies  ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
created  another  Council,  known  as  the  Seventy,  solely 
composed  of  his  own  partizans.  By  transferring  to  this 
body  the  chief  functions  of  the  old  Councils,  especially 
the  election  of  the  magistrates,  he  thus  succeeded  in 
becoming  master  of  the  Republic.2 

But  now,  when  the  general  Parliament  was  convoked, 
all  the  old  institutions  were  left  intact,  the  Council  of 
Seventy  alone  being  abolished,  and  its  functions  transferred 
to  the  Twenty  Accoppiatori  ;  so  that  although  persons 
and  names  were  altered,  there  was  little  real  change  in  the 
form  of  government.  The  magistrates'  duties  were  then 
so  imperfectly  defined  that  each  one  of  them  believed  him- 
self  omnipotent.     The  real  administration  of  the  State 

1  Vide  Giannotti,  "  Della  Repubblica  Fiorentina"  ;  Guicciardini,  u  Del 
Reggimento  di  Firenze,"  vol.  ii.  of  the  "  Opere  inedite"  ;  our  own  articles 
on  the  same  subject  in  the  "Politecnico"  of  Milan  (March,  1866,  and 
following  numbers),  and  the  "Nuova  Antologia"  July,  1869)  ;  and  par- 
ticularly the  original  Statuti  and  Provvisioni,  which  alone  can  give  the 
reader  an  exact  idea  of  these  imperfectly  investigated  details. 

2  The  Marquis  Gino  Capponi  published  the  law  by  which  Lorenzo 
called  this  Council  into  existence,  with  an  explanation  of  the  full  import- 
ance of  this  tyrannical  institution.     Vide  "Arch.  Stor.  It.,"  vol.  i. 


•So  XROl  A         PE  AND  TIM 

in  the  hand  They  prr 

fre- 
quenti;. |   tribunal 

nd   confiscati'  n.     Besides,  in  addition 
to   the  ferred  them    In*   their 

aid  al  v.  •<  i  fin  I  special  means  of  extend 

tS.1  Bur  some  check  was  put  upon  their  arbi- 
trary p  by  their  term  of  office  being  limited  to  two 
nths  ;  and  accordingly  the  members  of  the  Signory  had 
illy  less  authority  than  their  electors,  since,  whereas 
they  were  displaced  at  the  end  of  this  short  period,  the 
latter  preserved  the  direction  of  State  affairs,  if  not  per- 
manently, at  least  for  many  years.2  Lorenzo  had  skilfully 
carried  out  this  plan  by  means  of  his  Council  of  Seventy, 
and  every  one  expected  that  the  people  would  be  equally 
successful  with  the  help  of  the  Twenty. 

But,  as  was  soon  perceived,  the  course  of  events  by  no 
means  fulfilled  these  expectations.  The  Republic  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Accoppiatori,  but  the  wheels  of  the  State 
stood  still,  and  although  the  Accoppiatori  had  nominal 
authority  over  all  things,  they  were  practically  masters  of 
none.  The  Medici,  Albizzi,  and  other  powerful  families, 
surrounded  by  friends  of  great  wealth  and  enormous 
prestige,  had  found  it  possible  to  rule  the  city  on  this 
plan  ;  but  what  could  be  done  by  twenty  citizens  of 
various  conditions,  views,  and  modes  of  thought,  many 
of  whom  moreover  were  quite  inexperienced  in  State 
affairs  ?  So,  notwithstanding  their  legal  authority,  they 
soon  found  that  they  had  neither  the  capacity  nor  the 
strength  to  govern,  and  their  chief  source  of  weakness 
was  the  want  of  harmony  among  themselves.     The  first 

1  Guicciardini,  in  his  u  Reggimento  di  Firenze  "  (p.  282  and  fol.), 
makes  admirable  remark  on  this  subject  ;  so,  too,  Giannotti  in  his 
"Della  Repubblica  Fiorentina." 

8  Guicciardini,  z'^zV/./  Giannotti,  ibid. 


NEW  AND  UNEXPECTED  OBSTACLES.  251 

instance  of  this  was  given  when  they  had  to  elect  the 
Gonfalonier.  None  of  their  candidates  obtained  more 
than  three  votes,  so  that  at  last,  to  their  great  disgrace, 
the  Accoppiator^  decided  to  choose  the  first  who  obtained 
a  majority,  even  if  less  than  the  number  prescribed  by  law.1 
Thus  the  old  custom  of  Parlamenti  quickly  gave  birth 
to  the^  old  disturbances,  and  before  the  new  Government 
had  fairly  begun,  all  were  proposing  to  change  it.  Every 
one  recognized  the  folly  of  hoping  to  resuscitate  the 
Republic  by  means  of  old  institutions  which  had  been 
reduced  by  the  Medici  to  mere  phantoms.  It  was  clear 
that  only  a  corpse  had  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Accoppiatori,  and  accordingly  they  could  not  be  expected 
to  breathe  fresh  life  into  it.  Therefore  the  Florentines 
began  to  cogitate  some  radical  change  and  reconstruction 
of  the  Government  ;  but  on  setting  to  work  they  found 
that  the  stringency  of  their  need  greatly  increased  the 
difficulties  of  the  task.  For  they  were  harassed  on  all  sides 
by  new  and  unexpected  obstacles. 

The  rebellion  of  Pisa  was  daily  assuming  graver  pro- 
portions. In  that  city  the  pressure  of  danger  had  pro- 
duced concord  :  a  Government  had  been  speedily  consti- 
tuted ;  men,  arms,  and  money  collected  ;  and  all  the 
citizens  were  inspired  by  an  ardent  zeal  for  liberty  and 
independence.  The  rest  of  the  Florentine  territory  was 
in  a  very  tottering  condition.  Arezzo  and  Montepul- 
ciano, encouraged  by  the  example  of  Pisa  and  by  money 
and  advice  from  Siena,  had  already  risen  in  revolt,  and 
other  cities  and  towns  were  preparing  to  do  the  same. 
Thus  Florence  was  hard-pressed  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
three  wars,  and  fulfil  its  engagements  to  the  French  kino-, 
who  was  already  clamouring  to  be  paid  in  advance. 
Soldiers  had  to  be  hired,  recruits  levied,  captains  enoao-ed, 
and  new  and  heavier  taxes  imposed  on  the  already  over- 

x  Nardi,  M  Istorie  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  82. 


!  UT.  AND  TIMES, 

I     x\  i    •:   ••  |  and  united  Government 
md  ir  •     meet  all  these  demai 

i  m  •  was  bo  wreak  and  di  limited  that  » 
imperatively  requin 

1     •     '    •  it  rs  which  had  clap 

turn  of  Cosimo  de1  Medici,  the  Florentine 

entirely  lost  their  former  marvellous  political 

r.ew  laws  and  institutions,  so  that  now, 

when   suddenly   emancipated  and   their  own  masters,  they 

ned  only  confused  and  bewildered  by  their  independence. 
There  was  no  longer,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Albizzi,  a 
patrician  class  fitted  to  take  the  lead  in  public  affairs. 
Under  the    Medici,   the    only    privilege    allowed    to    the 

Ithier  citizens  had  been  that  of  enjoying  their  riches  ; 
so  that  they  had  been  content  to  live  at  ease,  filling  what 
public  offices  were  to  be  obtained  by  favour,  and  going 
through  life  without  any  experience  of,  or  liking  for, 
business  of  the  State.  As  for  the  lower  classes,  they  were 
thoroughly  disorganized.  The  ancient  trade  associations, 
or  guilds,  once  the  centres  of  industrial  and  political  life, 
whose  workshops  had  supplied  the  enormous  wealth  ex- 
pended on  long  and  difficult  wars,  and  which  had  formed 
the  arena  wherein  artizans  had  been  trained  in  politics  by 
their  struggles  among  themselves,  and  learnt  the  art  of 
giving  good  counsel  and  brave  service  to  the  State — all  these 
ancient  associations  now  existed  only  in  name.  The  multi- 
tude had  no  longer  a  corporate  existence,  nor  any  confi- 
dence in  itself.  Therefore  the  organization  of  a  new 
Government  was  a  task  of  exceeding  difficulty,  not  only 
because  the  city  was  burdened  with  wars,  the  old  insti- 
tutions devoid  of  vitality,  and  the  people  of  political 
framing  ;  but  likewise  because  none  of  the  ancient 
Republican  forms  was  at  all  suited  to  the  new  state  of 
things. 
And,  besides  lacking  the  necessary  aptitude,  the  people 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT  253 

had  no  leaders  to  guide  it  in  the  hard  and  important  enter- 
prise of  framing  a  new  constitution.  We  have  seen  that 
Francesco  Valori  was  able  to  sway  the  mob  and  lead  it  on 
to  expel  the  Medici  ;  but  although  incomparably  well 
fitted  for  a  street  orator,  he  was  disqualified  for  any  high 
position  in  the  State  by  his  impetuous  temper  and  want  of 
pelf-control.  We  have  seen  how  Piero  Capponi  won 
immortality  by  his  defiance  of  the  sovereign  and  captains 
of  France,  but  he  also  lacked  statesmanlike  patience  in 
debate.  At  moments  when  it  was  best  to  cut  short  dis- 
cussion by  grasping  the  sword,  Piero  Capponi  was  in  his 
true  element,  but  to  sit  quietly  in  cloak  and  hood,  through 
lengthy,  hair-splitting  debates,  was  simply  unendurable  to 
him.  ^  He  was  far  more  at  ease  in  his  armour,  exposed  to 
sunshine  or  storm  or  the  enemy's  shots.  In  fact  his  most 
earnest  desire  was  to  be  sent  to  the  camp  before  Pisa,  and 
to  open  the  campaign  without  delay. 

in  this  dire  emergency  Florence  knew  not  in  whom  to 
trust,  nor  was  it  easy  to  hope  that  new  men  might  be 
found  to  meet  the  occasion.     For,  as  we  have  already 
shown,  there  had  been  sixty  years  of  tyranny,  and  durino- 
two  generations  men  had  lost  all  familiarity  with  public 
affairs.     Nevertheless,  as  there  is  always  some  compen- 
sation for  every  ill,  a  school  of   Italian  politicians  was 
already  rising    up    in    Florence,  destined    to    give    good 
fruit  in  Niccolò  Machiavelli,  Francesco  Guicciardini,  and 
Donato  Giannotti,  and  these  men  were  all  in   their  first 
youth   at  the  moment  when  their   country  regained   its 
freedom.     So  great  was  the  inborn  love  of  liberty  distin- 
guishing the  Florentines,  that  from  the  moment  Republican 
institutions  were  destroyed,  they  began  to  discuss  Govern- 
ment affairs,  and  created  the  science    of   statesmanship. 
On  opening  their  works  we  find  that  they  always  begin  by 
stating  that  man's  greatest  happiness  on  earth  consists  in 
having  a  share  in  the  government  of  his  country,  and  that 


JZA'S  VD  TIMES. 

■   ranny,  ;,i  to 

in  intellectual   ;  I    for  .1 

tini,  tperience  tor  the  b 

But   thia  buddil  IOUS 

••  the  load  of  ills  then  burdening  the  city.     As 

;   the   new   school  of  think  lined 

suffii  •  •  |  the 

rther,  the  youths  of  most   talent,   ha. 

ly  all  led  a  lonely  student  life,  had  no  practical  kr. 

:   politics,  were  unknown  to  the  crowd,  and  had  no 

attracting   notice  in  times  of  disturbance  when 

the  world  is  to  the  strong.      Nevertheless,  it  was  duriti  r 

this  revolution   that   their  minds  were  trained  and  their 

►ries  shaped.     And  as  their  ideas  then  began  to  spread 

and  prevail,  it  is  important  for  us  to  examine  their  ground- 

"k  and  substance. 

Modern  political  science  is  based  upon  general  prin- 
ciples ;  while  the  modern  art  of  government  consists  in 
an  endeavour  to  obtain  the  most  equal  division  of  power, 
the  soundest  administration  of  justice,  the  greatest  official 
independence,  and  the  widest  extension  of  individual 
liberty.  But  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  Italian 
political  science  was  little  more  than  a  studious  analysis 
of  the  passions  of  mankind.  Starting  from  the  sole  pre- 
mise that  to  govern  was  the  greatest  happiness  and  highest 
ambition  of  man,  it  was  naturally  concluded  that  all  men 
must  be  ambitious  of  power,  and  every  one  aspire  to  grasp 
the  reins  of  government  in  his  own  country,  to  the  ex- 
clusion and  injury  of  his  fellow-citizens.  This  state  of 
things  necessarily  led  to  continual  danger  of  tyranny  ; 
and,  in  fact,  almost  all  the  Italian  States  had  fallen  a  prey 
to  despotism.  In  those  days,  when  Italian  politicians  were 
asked  to  define  a  perfect  form  of  government,  they  invari- 
ably replied,  fC  That  in  which  tyranny  is  impossible." 
But  what  is  the  form  of  government  under  which  tyranny 


NE  W  PLANS  OF  GO  VERNMENT.  ,5S 

is  impossible  ?  That  which  is  so  ordered  as  to  satisfy  the 
aspirations  of  all  classes  of  citizens  at  one  and  the  same  time 
In  every  city,  they  said,  there  will  always  be  a  few  men 
eager  to  hold  command  over  the  rest  ;  patricians  (ottimati) 
who  will  always  strive  for  honours,  and  people  for  freedom  i 
Hence,  all  endeavoured  to  find  some  mixed  form  of 
government,  an  amalgamation  of  the  monarchical,  aris- 
tocratic, and  democratic  elements,  fitted  to  satisfy  alike 
the  cravings  of  ambitious  leaders,  patricians,  and  people. 
This,  they  judged,  was  the  only  means  by  which  liberty 
could  be  firmly  established. 

On  passing  from  theory  to  practice,  Florentine  politicians 
always  took  Venice  as  their  model.     This  was  the  only 
Government  in  Italy  that  had  survived  the  general  ruin  ; 
the  only  Government  that  had  increased  its  power  and 
prestige    without    falling    under   the    sway  of  a    despot 
Consequently  Florence,  like  the  other  extinguished  Italian 
Republics,    longed   to    be   revived   in   the   form    of  the 
Venetian  commonwealth,  that  seemed  to  them  the  per- 
fection of  government.     And,  in  fact,  on  comparino-  the 
interminable  vicissitudes  of  the  Florentine  State  with  the 
strict  and  lasting  repose  of  the  Venetian  lagoons,  the  same 
impression  was  produced  that  is   felt   by  ourselves  when 
comparing  the  political  state  of  France  with  that  of  Eng- 
land.    But  in  planning  to  bestow  the  Venetian  form  of 
government  upon  Florence,  the  citizens  were  met  by  the 
same  difficulties  which  the  French  would   have  to  face  if 
they  attempted   to  adopt  the  English  constitution.     From 
the    remotest  times  Venice    had   possessed  a  strong  and 
powerful    aristocracy;    but  this  order   having   long    dis- 

1  Giannotti  gives  a  minute  exposition  of  this  theory  as  the  basis  of  his 
own  political  creed  It  is  also  repeated  in  Machiavelli  and  Guicciardini, 
although  presented  by  these  authors  in  a  new  and  original  shape  It 
frequently  occurs  in  the  writings  and  speeches  of  Savonarola's  contem- 
poraries, and  was  afterwards  lucidly  formulated  by  Savonarola  in  his 

irattato  circa  il  Reggimento  e  Governo  della  città  di  Firenze  " 


,56  S  I  I  VS  LIFE  ASP   TIM. 

:\  in    Ho:  'here    now  seemed    to    be    DO   lltCT- 

reeo  absolute  tyranny  or  equally  absolute 
\  i  there  w.i  neral  de       to  intro- 

nile modified  form  of  the  Venetian  government; 

ie  wished  to  establish  it  on  a  wider,  some  on  a  narro wer 

,  ;  but  every  one  agreed  that  of  all  models  this  was  the 
•  and  most  practicable.      And   wherever   men    gathered 
ether  in  Florence,  in  the  streets,  or   under  the   arcades, 
this  was  the  main  theme  of  discourse  and  argument. 

But  while  the  scheme  remained  in  the  abstract,  and  as  a 
mere  topic  of  street  talk,   it  was  as  fruitless  as  steering  a 

el  without  a  compass.  Some  one  was  needed  to  stand 
forth  in  the  councils  of  the  State  to  guide  and  persuade 
his  colleagues,  and  above  all  to  win  the  favour  of  the 
Twenty  Accoppiatori,  without  whose  consent  no  change 
could  well  be  effected.  In  this  condition  of  affairs,  when 
men  of  learning  had  little  practical  experience,  and  men  of 
action  little  prudence  or  ability,  another  order  of  citizens 
began  to  rise  into  notice.  This  was  the  legal  class,  in 
whose  hands  fortune  often  places  the  helm  of  the  State 
during  a  nation's  passage  from  servitude  to  freedom. 
Owing  to  their  professional  training  and  knowledge  of 
legal  matters,  lawyers  are  commonly  credited  with  all  the 
doctrine  and  practice  required  to  cope  with  similar  emer- 
gencies ;  nor  have  the  painful  results  of  past  experience 
availed  'to  teach  the  world  that  no  nation  has  ever  been 
enabled  to  found  a  stable  constitution  by  the  help  of  that 

class. 

Accordingly,  after  long  hesitation  in  the  palace  councils, 
the  measures  proposed  by  Messer  Guidantonio  Vespucci 
and  Messer  Paolo  Antonio  Soderini,  both  doctors  of  law, 
finally  carried  the  day.  Soderini  belonged  to  the  popular 
party,  and  having  long  been  ambassador  to  Venice,  had 
enjoyed  special  opportunities  of  gaining  a  thorough 
acquaintance     with     its     method    of    government.       He 


SODERINPS  PROPOSAL.  l$1 

proposed,  therefore,  to  replace  the  two  Councils  of  the 
People  and  the  Commune  by  one  greater  General  Council 
or  the  People,  similar  to  the  Grand  Council  of  Venice,  for 
the  purpose  of  electing  magistrates  and  passing  laws  ;  'and 
one  Lesser  Council,  composed  of  ottimati,  or  men  of  greater 
weight  and  experience  on   the  pattern   of  the  Council  of 
the  Pregati,  for  the  discussion  of  delicate  affairs  best  settled 
by  a  few.     He  also  proposed  to  abolish  the  Twenty  with- 
out  delay,  but  to   maintain   the  Signory,  the  Council  of 
Eight,  the   Council  of  Ten,  and  the   Gonfaloniers  of  the 
Companies.     No  opposition  was  made  to  the  latter  clauses 
of  his    proposal  ;     but  there    was    great    divergence    of 
opinion  regarding  the  formation  of  the  councils,  especi- 
ally of  the  Greater.     The  ottimati  were  strongly  opposed 
to  this  measure,  and  Vespucci  threw  his  weight  on  their 
side.     He  dilated  at  length  on  the  incapacity  and  excesses 
of  the  multitude,  recalled  all  the  worst  episodes  of  Flo- 
rentine history,  and   added  that  the  Greater  Council   of 
Venice  was  composed  of  gentlefolk,  not   of  the  people, 
although   the  lower    classes  of   that  city   were    far  more 
serious,  quiet,  and  sober-minded  than  those  of  Florence, 
where  men  had  keener  wit?,  quicker  imaginations,  and  less 
controlled  passions.     But  his  adversaries  declared  in  return 
that  a  Venetian  gentleman  was  no  more  than  a  Florentine 
citizen,  since  the  populace  held  no  rights  of  citizenship  in 
Florence,  that    as   no  patrician    order  existed,  a   limited 
government  would  always  lead  to  the  tyranny  of  the  few  ; 
and,  finally  :  that  inasmuch  as  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici 
was  owed  to  the  people,   it  would  be  unjust  to  exclude 
from  all  share  in  the  government  the  very  class  by  whose 
means  the  restoration  of  liberty  had   been  accomplished.1 
Not  only  the  people  at  large,  but  all  the  wiser  heads  in  the 
city  were  in  favour  of  Soderini's  views  ;  but  Vespucci  had 

•"  The  speeches  of  Soderini  and  Vespucci  are  well  known,  and  oj<» 
given  in  Guicciardini^  "Storia  d'Italia." 

18 


I58  AM)  TIMES. 

them.  councils  at  the  pala         There  were 

ina  of  the  Medici  in  their  ranks,  and  the 
1  ri,  while  aware  that  they  were  about  to 

be  'II  hoped  that  the  new   constitution    might 

\  in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  all  real  power  in 
their  hands.  But  all  were  forced  to  recognize  that  no  one 
D  favour  of  a  limited  government,  Bave  those  who 
would  have  a  share  in  it  ;  and  that  it  would  probably  give 
rise  to  new  disturbances,  which  might  result  in  anarchy, 
followed  by  the  forcible  restoration  of  the  banished 
Medici.1 

The    palace   continued    to   be   the    scene    of  vehement 
debate,  and  the  councils  prolonged  their  sittings  far  into 
the  night.2     As  the  discussion   was   mainly  carried  on  by 
two  advocates,  who  were  proud  of  their  suddenly  acquired 
importance,   there  was  little   chance   of  bringing  it  to  a 
speedy  termination.     Time  was  wasted  in  talking,  wrang- 
ling,  and    chattering,    when   the   moment   for   action   had 
come.      For    there   was   pressing  danger  of   war  ;    many 
cities  subject  to  Florence  were  on  the   point  of  revolt,  the 
people  were  wearying  of  prolonged  suspense  as  to   their 
future  fate,  and  might  at  any  moment  fly  to  arms  and 
commit   some  sanguinary  excess.     Many  of  the  citizens, 
therefore,  were  so  confused  and  terrified  that  they  could 
neither  speak  nor  act.     As  the  scholars  were  not  men  of 
action  the  people  gained  no  help  from    them  ;    men  of 
action  could  give  none,  for  want  of  practical  experience 
of  liberty  ;  but  most  incompetent  of  all  were  the  legal 
men,  who,  as  usual,  had  only  one-sided  views  and  false 


1  All  the  historians  of  the  time  concurred  in  this  view,  and  it  is  em- 
phatically expressed  by  Guicciardini  in  his  "  Reggimento  di  Firenze  "  and 
his  "  Storia  Fiorentina." 

2  '*  They  carried  on  very  long  disputes  among  themselves,  and  some- 
times remained  in  council  to  the  fifth  or  sixth  hour  of  the  night"  (Bur- 
famacchi,  p.  67). 


HOW  SAVONAROLA  BECAME  A  POLITICIAN,  259 

theories  of  State  affairs.  Nothing  but  good  sense,  ardent 
devotion  to  the  public  welfare,  and  a  strong  determination 
to  achieve  it,  could  avail  to  save  the  people  in  the  midst 
of  all  this  confusion.  Undoubtedly  the  grandest  lesson 
taught  us  by  history  is  that  of  seeing  how  in  terrible 
moments  such  as  these,  when  the  world  seems  to  be  at  the 
mercy  of  brute  force,  and  the  earth  threatened  with  chaos  ; 
when  rank  and  power,  science  and  wealth  are  alike  im- 
potent ;  when  courage  itself  is  vanquished  by  the  un- 
bridled audacity  of  the  mob— help  is  only  to  be  obtained 
from  virtue,  generous  resolve,  and  unselfish  love  of  good- 
ness. Thus  Friar  Girolamo  Savonarola  was  fated  to  be  the 
saviour  of  Florence.  The  hour  had  struck  for  his  appear- 
ance in  the  arena  of  politics  ;  and  notwithstanding  the 
firm  determination  with  which  he  had  hitherto  held  aloof 
from  it,  he  was  now  compelled  to  obey  the  summons  by 
the  pressure  of  events. 

The  history  of  the  Florentine  Republic  records  nume- 
rous instances  of  ecclesiastical  intervention  in  the  business 
of  the  State — more  than  one  of  the  intervention  of  saints 
—notably  that  of  St.  Catherine  of  Siena.  Savonarola, 
however,  absorbed  in  his  Biblical  studies,  in  his  sermons 
md  his  convent,  had  been  unwilling  to  turn  his  attention 
:o  other  things.  Even  now,  when  his  human  will  was 
sending  to  the  irresistible  force  of  events,  when  he  saw 
:he  people  languishing  in  idleness  and  misery  in  the  midst 
)f  the  general  suspense,  and  his  heart  was  admonishing 
11m  that  charity  knows  no  law,  he  still  struggled  against 
lis  fate.  But  although  he  continued  to  preach  on  his 
iccustomed  themes,  new  ideas  were  forced  upon  his  mind 
>y  the  altered  aspect  of  his  surroundings.  "Forsake 
>omps  and  vanities,"  he  cried,  "  sell  all  superfluous  things, 
md  bestow  the  money  on  the  poor.  Citizens  !  let 
IS  collect  a^is  in  every  church,  for  the  poor  in  the 
:ity   and    outside   the    walls.     Devote    to    the   poor   for 


•    i  \SD  TI.):. 

onc  the  funds  of  the  Pisan  Univa        ,  '  if 

the  church  plate  and 

I  wUI  be  the  first  l  pic 

all,  pass   a  l.iw  that  shops  may  be  opened 

|  work  }  -1  for  the  populace  now  idling  in  the 

i    Afterwards,  in  treating  of  the  state   of  the 

Church,    he   declared    that   the   Lord    would   renovate    all 
.ve   a   sermon   in    which    he  continually  re- 

|    the    text:    "Let   us   sing   a    new   song   unto    the 
1 .,  ad  expounded  it  to  the  Florentines  in  the  folio . 

ing  manner  : "  It  is  the  Lord's  will  that  ye  should  renew 

alf  things,  that   ye  should   wipe   away   the   past  ;  so  that 

nought  may  be  left  of  the  old  evil  customs,  evil  laws,  and 

il  government."     But,  then,  as  though  fearing  to  touch 

too  nearly  upon  politics,  he  again  spoke  of  the  Church, 

:  :  "This  is  the  time  for  words  to  give  place  to  deeds, 
vain  ceremonies  to  real  feelings.  The  Lord  said  :  '  I  was 
a  hundred,  and  ye  gave  Me  no  meat  ;  I  was  naked,  and  ye 
clothed  Me  not.'  He  did  not  say  :  Ye  built  Me  not  fine 
churches,  nor  fine  convents.  He  did  but  exhort  ye  to 
works  of  charity  ;  therefore  by  charity  shall  all  things  be 
renewed."  3  Thus,  his  first  sermons  on  Haggai  show  that 
he  was  still  hesitating  and  doubtful  whether  or  no  to 
plunge  into  politics. 

But  as  public  agitation  increased,  these  sermons  made 
less  effect  on  his  flood  of  hearers,  and  the  Friar  was 
almost  driven  by  force  to  act  as  a  citizen.  He  beheld  a 
whole  people  bewildered,  desolate,  in  need  of  help,  and 
with  no  confidence  in  any  one  save  himself.     He  saw  the 

1  The  University  re-established  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  was  now  closed 
in  consequence  of  the  revolt  of  Pisa,  and  a  few  only  of  its  chairs  had 
been  transferred  to  Prato.  Consequently  its  revenues  were  available  for 
other  purposes,  and  it  was  certainly  best  to  apply  them  to  the  relief  of  the 

poor. 
*  Sermon  vii.,  sopra  Aggeo  (on  Haggai). 
»  Sermon  viii.,  ibid. 


BIS  FIRST  POLITICAL  DISCOURSE.  261 

vanity  of  learning,  the  incapacity  of  prudent  men,  the 
wickedness  of  others,  while  his  own  common  sense,  strong 
determination,  and  sincere  love  of  goodness  left  him  in  no 
doubt  as  to  the  path  to  be  pursued.  He  rose  above  him- 
self, was  conscious  of  having  the  power  to  soothe  discord 
and  direct  men's  wills  towards  religion  and  liberty  ;  he  felt 
able  to  infuse  his  own  devotion  and  his  own  soul  into  the 
whole  people.  It  was  then  that  he  cried,  u  O  Florence  ! 
I  cannot  express  to  thee  all  that  I  feel.  .  .  .  Could  I  but 
tell  thee  all,  thou  wouldst  behold  a  new  vessel,  a  sealed 
vessel,  full  of  boiling  must,  that  vainly  seeks  to  force  an 
issue.    l 

He  uttered  these  words  on  December  12th,  the  third 
Sunday  in  Advent,  and  the  same  day  made  more  decided 
allusions  to  politics.  He  began  by  explaining  a  theory 
already  much  diffused  in  the  schools,  namely,  that  an 
absolute  monarchy  is  the  best  of  all  governments  under  a 
good  prince,  but  the  worst  under  a  bad  one,  inasmuch  as 
it  is  the  strongest  and  most  united  both  for  good  and  for 
evil,  and  is  typical  of  God's  empire  over  nature,  which 
seeks  unity  in  all  things.2  Such  was  the  language  of  the 
school,  and  such  the  text  of  Savonarola's  first  political 
discourse.  But  as  he  went  on  his  good  sense  came  to  the 
rescue,  and  he  left  the  old  formulas  behind.  "  These 
principles,"  he  added,  "  should  be  modified  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  people  to  whom  they  are  applied. 
Among  northern  nations,  where  there  is  great  strength 
and  little  intellect,  and  among  southern  nations,  where, 
on   the    other   hand,    there    is   great    intellect    and  little 

1  Sermon  xiii.,  sopra  Aggeo  (on  Haggai). 

2  These  ideas  are  fully  expounded  in  the  treatise,  "  De  Regimine 
principium,"  attributed  to  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  were  stili  very 
generally  diffused  among  Florentine  politicians  in  Savonarola's  day. 
They  had  been  adopted  by  Ficino  ;  certain  traces  of  them  are  visible  in 
Guicciardini^  "  Reggimento  di  Firenze,"  and  Savonarola  treated  them  at 
greater  length  in  his  ''Trattato  circa  il  Reggimento  e  governo  della  città 
di  Firenze." 


262  S  UtOlJtS  UFE  AND  TIMES, 

-,    the     rule    of    a    single    ii  may     sometimes 

bethel  mnents.     But  in  Italy»  and  above  all  in 

th  strength  and  intellect  abound,  where 

men  have  keen  wits  and  n  spirits,  the  government  of 

:i  or.lv  result  in  tyrani         The  sole  form»'  m- 

ment  suited  to  our  needs  is  a  civil  and  general  government. 

I  ice,  if  thou  choosest  a  head  to  dominare 

and    oppress    all    the    rest!       From    heads   come    all    the 
evils    by    which  are    ruined.        The   word    '  tyrant  ' 

tics  a  man  of"  evil  lite,  of  greater  wickedness  than 
other  men,  an  usurper  of  others'  rights,  a  destroyer  of  his 
own  soul  and  the  soul  of  the  people.  Wherefore  let 
this  be  the  first  of  thy  laws,  that  henceforth  no  man  shall 
be  head  of  thy  city,  for  otherwise  thou  wilt  have  built  on 
the  sand.  Those  who  would  fain  rise  above  other  men, 
and  cannot  tolerate  civil  equality,  are  always  desperately 
wicked,  destroyers  of  souls  and  of  States. 

"  O  my  people  !  thou  knowest  that  I  have  always 
refrained  from  touching  on  the  affairs  of  the  State  ; 
thinkest  thou  that  I  would  enter  on  them  at  this  moment, 
did  I  not  deem  it  necessary  for  the  salvation  of  souls? 
Thou  wouldst  not  believe  me,  but  now  thou  hast  seen  how 
all  my  words  have  been  fulfilled  ;  that  they  are  not  uttered 
of  my  own  will,  but  proceed  from  the  Lord.  Hearken 
ye,  then,  unto  Him  that  desireth  nought  but  your  sal- 
vation. Purify  the  spirit,  give  heed  to  the  common  good, 
forget  private  interests,  and  if  ye  reform  the  city  to  this 
intent,  it  will  have  greater  glory  than  in  all  past  times.  In 
this  wise,  O  people  of  Florence,  shalt  thou  begin  the 
reformation  of  all  Italy,  and  spread  thy  wings  over  the 
earth  to  bear  reform  to  all  nations.  Remember  that  the 
Lord  hath  given  plain  tokens  that  it  is  His  purpose  to 
renew  all  things,  and  that  thou  art  the  people  chosen  to 
begin  this  great  enterprise,  provided  thou  dost  follow  the 
Commands  of  Him  who  calleth  and  inviteth  thee  to  return 


HE  SUGGESTS  A  GRAND  COUNCIL  263 

to  the  spiritual  life.  Open,  O  Lord,  the  heart  of  this 
people,  so  that  it  may  comprehend  the  things  which  are 
in  me,  and  which  Thou  hast  revealed  to  me  and  commanded. 

"  Your  reform  must  begin  with  spiritual  things,  for 
these  are  higher  than  material  things,  of  which  they*are  the 
rule  and  the  life  ;  and  likewise  all  temporal  good  must  be 
subordinate  to  the  moral  and  religious  good,  from  which 
it  depends.  If  perchance  ye  have  heard  it  said  <  that 
States  cannot  be  governed  by  Paternosters/  l  remember  that 
this  is  the  maxim  of  tyrants,  of  men  hostile  to  God  and 
the  common  welfare,  a  rule  for  the  oppression,  not  for  the 
relief  and  liberation  of  the  city.  For  if,  on  the  contrary, 
ye  desire  a  good  government,  ye  must  submit  it  to  God! 
Certainly  I  would  take  no  concern  for  a  State  that  should 
not  be  subject  to  Him. 

"  Hence,  when  ye  shall  have  purified  your  hearts, 
rectified  your  aims,  condemned  gambling,  sensuality, 
and  blasphemy,  then  set  to  work  to  frame  your  govern- 
ment, first  making  a  rough  draft  of  it,  afterwards  pro- 
ceeding to  details  and  amendments.  And  let  your  first 
draft,  or  rather  model  and  basis  of  government,  be  con- 
ceived in  such  wise  :  that  no  man  may  receive  any  benefit 
save  by  the  will  of  the  whole  people,  who  must  have  the  sole 
right  of  creating  magistrates  and  enacting  laws.  The  form 
of  government  best  adapted  to  this  city  would  be  that  of 
a  Grand  Council  on  the  Venetian  plan.  Therefore,  I 
would  have  ye  assemble  all  the  people  under  the  sixteen 
Gonfaloniers,  and  let  each  of  the  companies  propose  a 
form  ;  from  the  sixteen  forms  thus  obtained  let  the  Gon- 
falonier select  four,  and  present  them  to  the  Signory,  who, 
after  first  engaging  earnestly  in  prayer,  will  choose  the 
best  of  the  four  forms.     And  whichever  shall  be  chosen 

1  This  was  a  well-known  saying  of  Cosimo  the  Elder,  who  was  also 
accustomed  to  declare  that  with  two  ells  of  red  cloth  one  could  ?nake  <t 
good  citizen  ("  Con  due  canne  di  panno  rosato  si  fa  un  uomo  dabbene  "). 


S  ///•/:  4M)  TIMI K£ 

pie  in  this  manner,  yc  may  be  assured  that  it 
GoA      I  Nclicvc  that  the  Venetian  m< 
will  be  the  one  chosen,  and  yt  need  hold  it  no  shame  to 

imitate  the  Venetians,  because   they,  too,  received    it  from 

the    1.   rd,    whence  all  good    things  come.      Ye    have  seen 
nee  that  government  has  been  established  in  Venice, 

not  dissensions   of  any   sort  have  arisen,  there- 

WC  must  needs  believe  that  it  exists  by  God's  will."  ■ 

After  the  sermon  he  added  a  tew  words  regarding  certain 
:al  measures  that  were  no  less  urgently  required.  One 
<>t  the  a  revision  of  the  taxes,  which,  while  weighing 

on  the  lower  classes  with  incredible  injustice,  gave  such 
scanty  returns,  that,  although  all  complained  of  being  too 
heavily  taxed,  the  city  was  always  hard  pressed  for  money. 
He  also  suggested  that  all  important  posts  should  be  filled 
by  chosen  nominees,  leaving  only  minor  offices  to  be  drawn 
by  lot  ;  in  this  way  every  citizen  might  hope  to  obtain  a 
share  in  the  government.  He  then  concluded  by  recom- 
mending public  prayers,  and  a  general  reconciliation  of  all 
the  citizens  both  of  the  old  and  the  new  State.2 

In  his  preceding  sermons,3  Savonarola  had  touched 
lightly  on  some  of  these  ideas  ;  but  from  this  day 
(December  12th)  he  devoted  himself  to  their  exposition, 
and  with  so  much  acumen  as  to  excite  the  marvel  of  all 
hearers.  Considering  what  his  life  and  his  studies  had 
been,  no  one  would  have  believed  him  capable  of  this 
minute  discussion  of  State  affairs.  And  the  measures  he 
proposed  were  deemed  so  wise  and  prudent,  that  the 
Signory  frequently  asked  his  advice  at  St.  Mark's,  and  even 
sent  for  him  to  the  palace,  where  he  occasionally  consented 
to  deliver  a  sermon.4     At  last  the  day   came  when  he 

x  See  the  whole  of  Sermon  xiii.,  sopra  Aggeo  (on  Haggai). 

2  Sermon  xiii.  3  Especially  in  Sermon  viii. 

*  Violi,  as  quoted  by  Barsanti  (p.  86),  says  in  his  M  Giornata,"  xi. 
fCod.  cit.,  sheet  157')  :  "When  the  form  of  the  new  Government  was 
under  consideration,  he  (Savonarola),  together  with  several  other  monks, 


HIS  EXHORTATIONS.  265 

gathered    all    the    magistrates    and    people— women    and 
children  excepted— in  the  Duomo  and  exhorted  them  to 
turn  their  minds  chiefly  to  the  following  points  :  first,  to 
the  fear  of  God  and  reformation  of  manners  ;   secondly 
to  zeal  for  the  popular  government  and  public  welfare,  in 
preference  to  all  private  interests  ;    thirdly,  to  a  general 
reconciliation,  whereby  the  friends  of  the  past  Government 
should   be   absolved   of  all  their  crimes,  even  their  fines 
remitted,  and  indulgence  be  shown  towards  all  debtors  of 
the  State  ;   fourthly,  to  a  form  of  universal  government 
comprising  all  citizens  who,  in  virtue  of  the  city's  ancient 
statutes,  were  entitled  to  a  share  in  the  State.*     And  the 
preacher  suggested,  as  the  best  model,  a  Government  on 
the  pattern  of  the  Grand  Council  of  Venice,  with  certain 
modifications    suited    to    the    temper    of    the    Florentine 
people.2 

These  proposals,  made  from  the  pulpit  of  Sta  Maria  del 

was  asked  to  discuss  and  consider  what  form  would  be  best  and  most 
adapted  to  the  city,  m  order  to  preserve  their  recently  recovered  libertv  ■ 
and  it  was  agreed  to  accept  the  opinion  of  Fra  Hieronimo,  that  an  uni- 
versal government  shared  by  all  the  citizens  was  better  fitted  than  a 
government  of  few,  or  under  a  single  head,  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the 
city  ;  and  accordingly  that  government  was  chosen  as  the  best  "  The 
biographers  frequently  allude  to  Savonarola's  visits  to  the  palace.  See 
'  Vita  Latina,  sheet  18  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  69.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
marginal  notes  to  the  Bible  preserved  in  the  National  Library  of  Florence 
and  also  in  other  of  Savonarola's  holographs,  there  are  some  memoranda 
ot  ^sermons  given  in  Palatio,  ad  Dominos,  and  so  on. 

■  We  shall  see  that  their  number  was  by  no  means  too  large,  but  on 
the  contrary  too  small.  ' 

2  This  sermon  is  unpublished,  but  Savonarola  gives  a  minute  account 
of  it  in  his  Sermon  xxix.  upon  Job  {sopra  Giobbe).  Nardi  also  speaks 
of  it  in  detail  (vol.  1 .  pp.  58-59),  and  adds  the  following  remarks  :  "  At  that 
time  it  was  believed  that  this  man  knew  little  of  active  life,  and  could 
only  speak  of  morals  in  general  and  with  special  reference  to  true 
Christian  philosophy.  As  to  his  doctrines,  had  they  been  listened  to  in 
a  right  spirit,  they  would  have  undoubtedly  disposed  the  minds  of  our 
citizens  to  accept  some  good  and  holy  form  of  government.  And  when 
he  had  preached  the  said  things,  and  repeatedly  impressed  them  on 
ms  hearers,  the  greater  part  of  them  ware  finally  carried  and  deci- lai 
upon  after  much  difficulty  and  opposition  "  (Ibid.  p.  60). 


%66 

v  the  Friar  proph  ^11 

i  fulfill  tment  of  general  i  .  had 

ith  the  public,  and  produced  t.i- 

nary   i  (ndeed,   all   the    best  iana   and 

lui   of  Florence  unani         [y  agree  that,  but  for 

these  sermons,  Vespucci's  i  ild  have  been  carried 

the  pali        ad  led  to  fresh  tumults  and  revolutions.1 

rhen  the  Friar         ice  was  r  in  the  cause  of 

.  no    further    resistance    was    possible.      Up  to  this 
time  the  people  had  been  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  Without 

«ring  what  to  decide,  but  now  all  doubt  disappeared, 

their  w  i  clear  ;  nothing  would  content  them  but  a 

Grand  Council  on  the  Venetian  plan  {Il  Consiglio  Grande 
al  modo  l'iniziano),  and  they  shouted  their  decision  aloud 
in  the  streets. 

The  element  of  Divine  authority  introduced  by 
Savonarola  into  politics  was  particularly  effectual  in 
Florence,  inasmuch  as  the  Republic  had  always  been  under 
the  special  protection  of  some  saint,  and  on  many  occa- 
sions religion  had  joined  with  the  State  in  the  defence  of 
liberty.  And,  if  the  spectacle  of  a  Friar  preaching  politics 
from  the  pulpit  excited  some  amazement,  this  very  amaze- 

1  u  In  the  councils,  which  were  composed  of  no  great  number  of 
citizens,  the  proposal  for  a  somewhat  limited  form  of  government  would 
certainly  have  prevailed,  had  not  the  Divine  authority  mingled  in  the 
counsels  of  men  through  the  mouth  of  Girolamo  Savonarola  of  Ferrara, 
a  friar  of  the  preaching  order.  He  ...  in  these  days  publicly  ex- 
pressing his  detestation  of  the  form  of  government  proposed  in  Par- 
liament, declared  it  to  be  the  will  of  God  that  an  absolutely  popular 
government  should  be  chosen,  and  in  such  a  way  that  it  should  be  out  of 
the  power  of  a  few  citizens  to  infringe  the  security  or  liberty  of  the  rest  ; 
and  thus,  reverence  for  so  great  a  name  according  with  the  desires  of 
the  majority,  even  those  who  felt  differently  were  unable  to  resist  the 
general  inclination"  (Guicciardini,  "Storia  d'Italia,"  chap.  ii.  pp.  164-165). 
In  his  "Storia  Fiorentina,"  Guicciardini  wrote  that  Savonarola  did  not 
treat  politics  from  the  sole  standpoint  of  general  principles,  but  in  full 
detail,  so  that  one  might  have  supposed  him  born  and  trained  to  the 
government  of  States.  See  the  note  at  the  close  of  the  next  chapter, 
and  Nardi's  remarks  in  the  "Discorso"  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  doc.  xviii. 


THE  STATE  SA  VED  BY  HIS  WISDOM.  267 

ment  helped  to  exalt  his  authority.  Indeed,  on  studying  not 
only  the  historians  of  the  period,  but  the  statements  for- 
wards made  m  the  political  writings  of  men  such  as 
Giannotti,  Gu.cciardmi,  and   Machiavelli,    regarding  the 

fem^Vr  *  T   ^  .COnstituted,  we    are  ahnost 
tempted  to  believe  that  a  miracle  had  been  wrought   in 
Florence,  when  a  Friar,  totally  unversed  in  worldly  matters 
could  succeed    in  confounding  the    wise,    redeeming   h  s 
country,  and  establishing  a  new  Republic.     But,  on  the 
other  hand.this  seemed  to  confirm  the  old  experience  tha* 
in  great  social  emergencies  one  force  alone  is  powerful  to 
save  ;  the  pure  and  unselfish  moral  force  of  reailv  great 
men     namely:    fervid   earnestness   for   truth,    firm    and 
steadfast  asp.rat.ons   after  goodness.      In  Savonarola  all 
these  elements  were  combined,  and  formed,  indeed,  the  verv 
essence  of  his  noble  character.     In  moments  of  trial  what 
learning   could    compare   with    wisdom    such    as    this? 
what  prudence    boast   the   victories  and   conquests  such 
devotion  could  achieve  ?  H 

Is   any   excuse    then,    required  to  justify   the  Friar's 
entrance  into  politics  ?     Is  it  necessary  to  repeat  that  he 
sought  to  establish   liberty,  and   assure  the  triumph  of 
faith  Ì     Must  we  cite  the  example  and  authority  of  other 
churchmen   and  monks  who  pursued  the  same  course  ? 
We  need  only  dwell  on  the  fact  that  Savonarola  did  not 
enter  into  politics  of  his  own  choice,  but  only,  as  we  have 
seen,  when  impelled  by  the  irresistible  force  of  events 
It  may  also  be  added  that  no  profession,  no  vows,  no  laws 
are  binding   against   the   laws  of  nature,  or  against  the 
vow   that    every   honest  man  has  sworn  to  himself— to 
strive  to  do  good  in  every  way  and  in  all  times  and 
conditions. 

But  these  hypotheses  may  be  left  aside  ;  the  step  was 
taken  and  led  to  many  and    unavoidable    consequences 
bavonarola    suddenly    found    himself    the    head    of    all 


S  ri /■  E  A\n  TIMES. 

Florence,  and  had  to  hasten  the  organization  oi  the  ne* 
ment  in  order   to  checkmate  its  many  assailai 
Medici  had  aire  I       French  camp 

near  Naples,  and  been  favourably  received  by  the  monarch 

thily   justified    his  title   of    Protector  of 

.      At   the  first   turn  of  fortune  there  was 

.  rant  ready  to  pounce  upon  Florence.     I  [enee  the  n 

, us  labour   was   required    to   complete   the   COnStitU- 

I  r"  the  popular  government,  and  give  it  unity,  power, 
and   prestige,  to  save   the  republic   from   again    fallii 
prev    to    oppression.       We    shall    now    see   the    masterly 
prudence   and   wisdom   shown    by    Savonarola   in    all    the 

lamentai  laws  he  proposed  for  the  new  State,  and  how 
the  whole  people  became  so  inspired  and  penetrated  by 
his  influence,  that  every  one  seemed  suddenly  to  share  his 
ideas  a\id  echo  his  speech. 


CHAPTER  V. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT  THROUGH 
SAVONAROLA'S  EFF0\TS-THE  GREATER  COUNCIL 
AND  THE  COUNCIL  OF  EIGHTY-A  NEW  SCHEIE 
OF  TAXATION,  ABASED  ON  THE  «  'DECIMA  "OR  TAX 
OF  TEN  TER  CENT.  ON  REAL  PROPERTY -DISCUS 
SION  ON  THE  LAW  FOR  A  GENERAL  PACIFICATION 
AND  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  LAW  "  DALLE  SEI  FAVE  >> 
THE  WHICH  REPEAL  IS  CARRIED-THE  ESTABLISH- 
MENT  OF  THE  TRIBUNAL  OF  MERCHANDISE  OR 
COMMERCE-RESIGNATION  OF  THE  ACCOPPIATORI 
-THE  ABOLITION  OF  «  PARLAMENTI  "-FOUf^DA. 
TION  OF  THE  MONTE  DI  PIETÀ  -  VERDICT  OF 
ITALIAN  POLITICIANS  ON  THE  REFORMS  INTRO- 
OUCED    BY   SAVONAROLA.  "who    i^iRU- 


(1494-I495.) 

OR  the  full  comprehension  of  Savonarola's 

importance  as  a  statesman,  it  is  requisite 

to  follow  step  by  step  the  formation  of 

the  new  Government,   and  also  to  read 

the   sermons    he    delivered   during  that 

period.     When  we  see  that  every  new 

was  preceded  by  one  or  more  discourses  settino-  forth 

subject  with  explanatory  advice  to  the  people — when 

attend  the  debates  of  the  Signory  I  in  the  Palace,  and 

1  When  the  Signory,  together  with  the  colleges,  and  other  magistrates 
and  a  few  specially  invited  citizens  (designated,  therefore,  as  the  Richiesti), 
met  in  Council  for  the  purpose  of  discussion,  they  were  said  to  hold  a 
Pratica.  After  1494  this  term  was  likewise  applied  to  any  meeting  held 
by  the  Signory  conjointly  with  other  magistrates  and  with  the  Council 
of  Eighty.  In  the  Libri  di  Pratiche  of  the  period  there  are  summaries 
of  the  speeches  made  on  these  occasions. 


lav/ 
the 
we 


:  :  .W.-IAì'/.-l'.v  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

hear  .ill  the  on  their  discussions  in  the 

ah  Ian         \  and  propounding  his  arguments  in 

his  v.  that  we    might  almost  believe   their 

m  his  sermons,  and  the  law  under 

n  quoted  from  one  of  his  epistles,  we.  shall 

then  he  able  to  realize  how  this  man  had  become  the 
leading  spirit  of  the  entire  people.1  And  when,  this 
examination  ended,  we  shall  have  gathered  all  the  various 
law  ether,    and    reconstructed    the    government  as  a 

whole,  we  shall  find  it  admirable  in  all  its  parts,  and  com- 
pletely   harmonious    in    its    entirety  ;    and    hearing    the 

surances  of  all  the  greatest  historians  and  politicians  of 
Italy  that  this  was  the  best,  or  indeed  the  only  good 
government  ever  possessed  by  Florence  in  the  whole 
course  of  its  long  and  turbulent  history,  then  at  last  we 
shall  be  qualified  to  form  an  accurate  judgment  of 
Savonarola. 

His  sermons  in  the  Duomo,  while  the  new  constitution 
of  the  Republic  was  being  organized  at  the  Palace,  were 
the  Advent  series  on  Haggai,  to  which  must  be  added 
eight  others  on  the  Psalms,  delivered  on  the  Sundays  after 
Advent.  They  are  chiefly  important  from  a  politica, 
point  of  view,  but  always  retain  their  religious  character, 
since  political  reform  was  only  one  item  of  Savonarola's 
scheme  of  universal  reformation  ;  and  the  new  Govern- 
ment merely  the  first  step  towards  the  regeneration  of 
morals  and  of  the  Church.  Hence  he  never  suspended 
his  discourses  on  good  morals  and  true  religion  :  on  the 
contrary,  political  questions  afforded  continual  opportunities 
for  recurring  to  those  themes.  These  sermons  are  not 
distinguished  from  the  others  by  any  surpassing  eloquence, 
Vut  are   undoubtedly  the  most  valuable  of  all  with  regard 

1  This  is  also  confirmed  by  all  the  historians  of  the  time.  Sec,  too 
the  "Discorso  "  of  Jacopo  Nardi,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xviii. 


THE  BASIS  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT. 


271 


tothchtttoryof  thetmics  and  the  story  of  Savonarola's 
life  While  the  other  sermons  enable  us  to  appreciate  his 
goodness  and  vast  theological  learning,  these  reveal  his  im- 
mense force  of  character  and  another  side  of  his  intellect 
For  they  contain  a  complete  exposition  of  the  new  scheme 
of  government,  and,  by  showing  the  vicissitudes  attendine 
its  birth,  almost  enable  us  to  reconstruct  the  whole 
political  history  of  the  Florentine  Republic  during  that 
time.  & 

We  have  already  noted  how,  on  the  12th  December 
Savonarola  resolutely  entered  on  his  new  career,  and  what 
principles  of  government  he  recommended.  We  see  that  by 
the  22nd  and  23rd  of  the  same  month,  a  law  of  the  highest 
importance  was  already  drawn  up  in  complete  conformity 
with  the  Friar's  views,  and  that  it  was  passed  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  in  the  Councils  of  the  People  and  of 
the  Commune.1     This  law  or  provision,  as  it  was  then 
called,    fixed    the    basis    of   the    new    government,     and 
therefore    demands    our    minute    examination.2      For   it 
established  a    Great    Council    (Consiglio    Maggiore)    em- 
powered to  create   all  the  chief  magistrates,  and  approve 
all    the    laws  :  thus,    in  other    words,    rendering    it    the 
sovereign  power  in   the  State.     All   citizens  were  eligible 
as  members  of  this  Council,  provided   they  had  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-nine  years,  and  were  netti  di  specchio, 
i.e.,  had  paid  their  taxes  ;  and  were  beneficiati^  which,  by 
I  the  terms  of  an  ancient  law,  signified  those  who  had  been 

■  It  was  carried  in  the  former  by  229  black  beans  against  35  while,  and 
in  the  latter  by  195  against  16.  Archivio  Fiorentino,  "Provvisioni 
Registri,  No.  186,  sheet  1  and  fol.,  second  numbering.  It  is  well  known 
that  it  was  the  Florentine  custom  for  the  opposition  to  vote  with  white 
beans  ;  hence  the  expression  to  whiten  a  law  meant  to  reject  it 

2  It  is  designated  by  contemporary  historians  as  the  Great  or  General 
Council  ;  but  in  official  documents  it  is  called  the  Greater  Council 
{Consiglio  Maggiore). 

u  a   ^Pitti;  P;  227  Pf  his  "Apologia  dei  Cappucci  "  (published  in  the 
Arch.  Stor.  It.,"  vol.  iv.  part  li.). 


»|i  VONAà 

Uni    o  )'    in    i  A    the   higher 

.  or  had  fed  this  I       i  the 

indfather,  or  great-gr  her. 

to    inquire   into    the    I  and    purport   of 

at    l.i w  :    we   are   only   concerned    here   with   the 

tt  inste  all   the   citizens    being  eligible  tor  the 

Iter  Council  (as  was  asserted  by  those  who  objected  to 

the    new    government    on    the    score    of    its    being    too 

democratic),  only  the  beneficiati  could  sit  in  it.     And  the 

new   Jaw    further   provided    that  whenever    the  beneficiati 

ed  the  number  of   1,500,  they  were  to    be   sterzati, 

i.e.,  divided  into  three  parts,  each  of  the  which  parts  was 

to  constitute  the  Council  for  the  term  of  six  months.     At 

the  first  election  it  was  found  that  in  all  the  population  of 

Florence,  amounting  to  about   90,000  souls,2  there  were 

only  3,200  3  beneficiati  of  the  required  age,  so  that  for 

eighteen  months  the  Council  had  to  be   formed  of  little 

more  than   a  thousand  members  in  turn.4     No  meeting 

was  valid   unless  two-thirds  of  the  members  called  were 

present.     Another  provision   of  the   new   law   was,   that 

"  to  encourage  the   younger  and  incite   the   elder  men  to 

virtue,"  every  three  years  sixty  non-beneficiati  citizens,  and 

twenty-four  youths  aged   twenty-four   years,  were   to  be 

1  Giannotti,"  Della  Republica  Fiorentina,"  bk.  ii.  chap.  vii.  pp.  113- 114. 

■  Zuccagni  Orlandini  derives  this  number  from  the  number  of  births 
rcgistered&in  San  Giovanni,  and  the  same  figure  is  also  given  by  other 
writers.  Marin  Sanudo  ("La  Spedizione  di  Carlo  Vili.,"  p.  133)  says  that 
Florence  "counts  128,000  souls,  and  15,000  foreigners."  We  do  not 
know  on  what  grounds  the  Venetian  chronicler  based  this  assertion,  and 
it  is  known  that  all  calculations  were  made  very  loosely  in  those  days. 
Pagnini  ("  Della  Decima,"  vol.  i.  p.  35)  does  not  believe  that  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  amounted  to  90,000. _ 

3  Rinuccini,  "  Ricordi  Storici,"  p.  clvi. 

4  Pitti  contradicts  the  charge  of  excessive  democracy  brought  against 
the  new  Government  in  his  "Apologia  dei  Cappucci"  (p.  277  and  fol.)  ;  it 
is  also  treated  at  length  in  Guicciardini's  "Reggimento  di  Firenze," 
"  Storia  Fiorentina,"  and  "Storia  d'Italia  '*  ;  also  in  the  "Storia,"  and 

lscorsi"  of  Jacopo  Nardi. 


HOW  LAWS   WERE  PASSED  IN  THE  COUNCILS     2;3 

chosen  to  sit  in  the  Greater  Councils  And,  from  the 
15th  January  next  ensuing,  the  Council  was  authorized  to 
elect  eighty  citizens  of  forty  years  and  above  to  form  the 
Council  of  Eighty,  which  was  to  change  its  members 
every  six  months.  This  Council  was  always  in  attend- 
ance on  the  Signory,  who  were  obliged  to  consult  with  it 
at  least  once  a  week  ;  and  conjointly  with  the  colleges 
and  other  magistrates,  it  nominated  ambassadors  and  com- 
missaries of  war,  engaged  mercenaries,  and  arranged  other 
important  affairs,  such  as  could  not  be  decided  in  public 

In    this    way  the  basis    of  the    new  Government  was 
formed  of  a  Grand  Council   and    a  Council  of   Eighty 
answering  to  an   assembly  of  the  people  and  a    Senate 
When  a  law  was  to  be  passed,  whichever  member  of  the 
Signory  was  on  duty  as  Proposto,  rose  and  proposed  it  to 
that  body  ;  and  if  a  measure  of  special  importance,  after 
being  approved  by  the  Signory  and  the  Colleges,  it  was 
further  discussed  by  a   Pratica  of  experienced  citizens  ;  if 
not,  it  was  brought  at  once  before  the  Eighty,  and  then 
before  the  Grand  Council,   by  whom   it  was  finally  sanc- 
tioned.    The   Councils  were   not   empowered  to  discuss 
laws,  but  only  to  vote  them  ;  and  no  member  had   the 
right  to  speak  save  by  the  express  request  of  the  Signory, 
and  then  only  in   favour  of  the  proposed  law.     But  on 
every  occasion  when  the  Signory  asked  the  opinion  of  the 
citizens  assembled  in  Pratica,  the  latter  took  their  places 
on  their  respective  benches  {nelle  pancate)  according  to  the 
offices  they  filled  or  the  order  in  which  they  had  been 
elected,  and,  after  consulting  together,  deputed  one  of  their 
number  to  collect  their  votes   and  report  their  different 
opinions  ;  but  if  a  new  law  was  in  question,  even  then  no 

f  Thus  the  number  of  those  eligible  to  the  Council  went  on  increasing 
By  an  old  MS.  bequeathed  to  the  National  Library  of  Florence  by 
passerini  (  I  ibro  della  riforma  del  governo  fatta  del  Savonarola  ")  we  find 
mat  in  15 10  they  already  amounted  to  4,501. 

19 


VS  lli-'E  AND  TIMES. 

umst    it.      All    this  was    in 

th   the  nt  customs   ol   a    state,   that 

hai  ned   the   doors  of  government  to  the 

Ought  tO  keep  them  in   check  by  incftcctu.il 
or  injurious  expedients.1      In  ;uiv  case  the  above  regulation 

.:  with  th.  I  :    "  Forasmuch  as  the  laws  of 

the  city  are  in  great  confusion,  and  no  magistrate,  either 
within  or  without  the  walls,  knows  his  precise  duty,  it 
is  decreed  that  a  number  of  citizens  should  be  appointed 
tier  all  the  laws  together  in  one  volume."  The 
utility  of  this  decree  can  only  be  appreciated  by  th< 
acquainted  with  the  ancient  statutes  of  Florence,  and  the 
terrible  disorder  they  were  in.  For  new  laws  and  old 
were  jumbled  together,  and  under  the  Medicean  rule  all 
the  laws  and  institutions  of  the  Republic  had  been  thrown 
into  the  wildest  confusion. 

During  the  two  days  when  the  establishment  of  the 
Greater  Council  was  under  discussion,  another  decree  was 
passed,2  for  the  nomination  of  a  committee  of  ten  citizens, 
to  decide  on  the  whole  or  partial  remittance  of  unpaid 
taxes,  of  fines  incurred  for  non-payment  of  the  same,  and 
to  make  a  general  revision  of  the  taxes,  levying  them 
upon  all  real  property,  even  including  that  of  ecclesiastics, 
provided  the  requisite  permission  could  be  obtained  from 
Rome. 

Thus  all  the  measures   proposed    by  Savonarola  were 

1  "They  were  deprived  of  the  right  (to  speak)  in  order  that  the 
Councils  might  be  driven  by  weariness  to  approve  the  provisions  (of  the 
law),  whether  reasonable  or  not  ;  and  might  pronounce  judgment  after 
only  hearing  one  side  of  the  question"  (Guicciardini,  "  Opere  Inedite," 
vol.  ii.  p.  296).  Every  means  was  tried  to  enable  the  Signory  to  carryall 
measures  proposed  by  them  :  in  fact  they  were  authorized  to  bring  forward 
the  same  laws  repeatedly  during  the  same  day.  Even  the  law  by  which 
the  Great  Council  was  established  empowered  the  Signory  to  bring  for- 
ward the  same  proposal  eighteen  times,  i.e.,  at  the  rate  of  six  times  a  day. 

a  Archivio  Fiorentino,  "  Registro  di  Provvisioni  "  (before  quoted),  shep' 
5  and  fol. 


THE  REVISION  OE  THE  TAXES.  2?5 

carried  into  effect,  and  the  Jaws  drawn  up  almost  in  his 
own  words.     The  new  government  was  established  ;  the 

^°PPT1  W7f/0rCed,  t0  **»  their  now  useless 
office,  and  the  old  Councils  of  the  People  and  the  Com- 
mune were  both  to  be  speedily  abolished.  The  last  law 
of  any  importance  voted  by  these  Councils  had  been  that 
of  the  28th  December,  repealing  for  a  certain  period  the 
duty  on  weapons  brought  into  the  city,  in  order  that  all 
might  have  facilities  for  obtaining  arms.'  Under  the 
bignory  in  office  during  January  and  February,  i49r,  laws 
were  passed  by  the  Council  of  Eighty,*  and  the  Greater 
Council,  who  were  now  charged  to  complete  the  new 
government  and  bring  it  to  perfection. 

The  first  matter  demanding  attention  was  the  revision  of 
the  taxes.3     Savonarola  continually  urged  this  in  his  ser- 
mons.     »  Levy   taxes  on    real   property   alone,    abolish 
continual  loans,  abolish  arbitrary  imposts  :  "  such  was  his 
advice  to  the  authorities.     But  to  the  people  he  said. 
Citizens  !  I  would  have  ye  steadfast  in  devotion  and 
help  to  your  Commune.     The  son  owes  so  much  to  his 
father  that  he  can  never  do  enough  for  him.     Wherefore 
I  say  unto  ye— your  Commune  is  your  father,  and  thus  each 
one  of  you  is  bound  to  give  it  assistance.     And  if  thou 
wouldst  say,  I  get  no  good  from  it,  know  that  thou  mayest 
not  say  this,   inasmuch  as  the  Commune    protects    thy 
property,  thy  household,  and  thy  children.     Rather  thou 
shouldst  step  forth  and  say  :  Behold,  here  are  fifty  florins, 
a  hundred,  a  thousand.     Thus  do  good  citizens  who  love 
their  country."  4     And  while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  whole 

ho'Jf  w  C?"nC!1  °{  lhe  Pe°P,e  this  ,aw  was  carried  by  203  black 

.66atSo  «°ply-2,Whjteo;  and  .in.the  Council  of   «he  Commune  by 
'«&  against  9  (    Registro  di  Provvisioni"  (before  quoted),  sheet  10). 

46  an7foTnVh.  r  °rfd!'    P-  C'ViL-  and  "  ReSistro  "  <abwe  <laoied<  she« 

3  "t  ,h    c         first„law  was  that  voted  the  29th  and  31st  of  January. 

4  uu    J*  ?ermons     S0Pra  Aggeo,"  among  others,  No.  .xiii. 

Easte   TI     S°Pra  Amos'"  and  specially  the   sermon  delivered  on 


&  ■Lvn  Ti  ' 

most  unjust,  and  in 

:-  than  can  well  "  thc  (,thl 

:  in  the  fil 

i  now  reached  so  a        re  ■  pitch,  that  many 

the    new  government  to   relieve  them  Ol   all  bur- 

In  the  davs  of  the  first  Florentine  Republic  men  Uved 

[ythat   the   revenues  of  the  customs   sufficed   for 

the  ir  mce  of  the  State.      Afterwards  voluntary  loans 

5d  to   carry  on   wars,  but   as   these   loans  became 
more  and  more  frequent,  and  were  scarcely  ever  repaid,  the 
credit  of  the  State  was  so  much  depreciated  that  forced 
contributions  had  to  be  levied  instead.    Then,  in  all  public 
encies  the  Signorv  began  to   tax  every  citizen  ad 
arbitrio,   namely,   according  to  their   own  estimation    of 
his   means  ;  and  as  powerful   men  always  tried  to  evade 
these  calls,  the  chief  burden  consequently  fell  upon  the 
lower  classes  and  caused  general  discontent.     In  1427  the 
Medici,  in  order  to  win  favour  with  the  people  and^  keep 
down  the  great  families,  decreed  a  Catasto,  or  valuation  or 
the  property  of  all  the  citizens,  so  that  every  one  might 
be  justly  taxed  according  to  his  means.     But,  despite  its 
apparent  fairness,  this  Catasto  proved  most  unjust  and  cruel 
in  practice  ;  for  even  the  fluctuating  incomes  derived  from 
industry  and  commerce  were  assessed  at  a  fixed  rate  and  this 
innovation  roused  such  tremendous  discontent  in  Florence, 
that  many  citizens  entirely  withdrew  from  trade.      1  nus 
the  Catasto  dealt  the   last  blow  to  Florentine  commerce 
fold   while  causing   all   this  positive   injury  it  remedied 
none  of  the    existing    abuses,   for    the  system    of   loans 
was  continued,  the  amount  always  fixed  {ad  arbitrio)  at 
the  discretion  of  the  authorities,  and  the  State  was  very 
seldom  in  a  position  to  repay  its  creditors.     Besides,  the 
assessment    of   fortunes  derived  from    trade   was  so  un- 
certain   that  it  always  afforded  the  Medici  a  convenient 


HIS  SCHEME  OF  TAXATION  IS  CARRIED.      2l) 

means  of  favouring  their  friends  and  oppressing  their 
enemies.1  This  state  of  things  was  still  in  force  when  the 
new  law  of  taxation  was  brought  before  the  Greater 
Council  on  February  5,  1495.  It  had  been  drawn  up 
according  to  Savonarola's  ideas,  and  on  such  prudent, 
sound,  and  sagacious  principles,  that  almost  to  our  own 
day  the  taxation  of  Florence  has  been  regulated  on  the 
system  introduced  by  the  Friar.  For  the  first  time,  not 
only  in  Florence  but  in  Italy,  the  new  law  established  a 
general  and  regular  tax  upon  property,  abolishing  all  loans 
and  arbitrary  assessments,  and  obliging  all  citizens  to  pay 
ten  per  cent,  on  all  income  from  real  property,  without 
any  right  to  repayment.  This  was  called  the  Decima,  and 
a  new  office  was  created  for  the  just  valuation  of  property 
and  yearly  receipt  of  taxes.2 

After  this  weighty  undertaking,  in  which  Savonarola 
played  the  part  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  political  reformers, 
had  been  thus  prudently  and  wisely  concluded,  two  other 
measures  of  no  less  importance  had  to  be  taken  under  con- 
sideration. The  first  of  these  was  the  proposal  for  a 
general  pacification  and  pardon,  and,  thanks  to  Savona- 
rola's continual  exhortations  from  the  pulpit,  all  seemed 
unanimous  in  its  favour.  Not  so  with  the  second,  known 
as  the  law  of  the  six  beans,  of  which  a  few  words  must  be 
said,  since  it  led  to  lengthy  discussions  in  the  "  Pratica," 
and  was  afterwards  the  cause  of  great  danger  and  disturbance 
to  the  Republic,  and  of  serious  and  unjust  charges  against 
the  memory  of  Savonarola.     According  to  the  statutes  all 

1  Machiavelli,  "  Opere,"  Italia,  1S13,  vol.  i.  p.  221. 

•  The  subject  was  fully  treated  by  Pagnini,  "  Della  Decima,"  4  vols. 
Lisbon  and  Lucca  (Florence),  1765-66.  This  work  also  contains  the 
provisions  of  the  law  for  the  new  tax.  The  office  of  the  Decima  lasted 
down  to  our  own  day  ;  and  the  "  Libri  della  Decima,"  dating  from  1494, 
are  now  in  the  Florence  Archives.  Some  time  passed,  however,  before 
the  law  could  be  brought  into  effective  working  order,  and  permission 
to  impose  a  permanent  tax  on  ecclesiastical  property  was  only  granted 
by  Rome  in  the  year  15 16. 


m   TIMES. 

minai  «  to  be  trie!  by  the 

I  by  the  :v.   The 

1    ;ht  could  |         entences  of  imprisonment, 
.  and  death,  by  means         \  votes  (sei 
.  uid  the  b  ma|  :ing  so  frequently  chang 

v  hatreds  so  rite  in  Florence,  cruelly  unjust  and 

rices  were  constantly  pronounced.      Ac- 
v  all  iegal  men  agreed  in  the  necessity  of  creating 
some    C    ~r:   of    appeal    which,    by   curbing    the    excessive 
aut  .  of  the  Si  us,  should  put  a  stop  to  these  acts 

of  tyranny  ;  and  the  proposal  was  seconded  by  Savona- 
rola.1 

I  raving  concluded  his  course  of  sermons  on  Haggai  in 
January  and  February,  1495,  tne  Friar  gave  a  few  upon 
the  Psalms,2  in  which  he  continually  urged  the  necessity 
of  a  general  reconciliation,  and  of  appealing  from  the 
decisions  of  the  Sei  Fave.  Almost  every  day  he  said 
from  the  pulpit  :  "  Florence,  forgive,  and  make  peace, 
and  cry  not  again  :  flesh,  and  more  flesh,  blood,  and  more 
Mood  !" 3  And  he  went  on  to  say:  "Some  check  must 
be  applied  to  the  authority  of  the  Six  Beans,  by  means  of 
appeal  to  a  council  of  eighty  or  a  hundred,  chosen  from  the 
members  of  the  Grand  Council.  Thou  sayest  that  this 
would  diminish  the  power  of  the  Signory  ;  but  I  tell  thee 
it  would  rather  increase  it.      Either  the  Signory  seeks  to 


1  This   opinion  was  shared  by  the  most  distinguished  politicians 
Florence.    Vide  Giannotti,  "Della  Republica  Fiorentina,"  and  Guicci; 


of 
car- 
dini, "  Del  Reggimento  di  Firenze." 

2  "Prediche  sui  Salmi."  It  should  be  noted  that  Savonarola  began 
these  sermons  on  the  6th  January,  1495  (new  style),  and  gave  eight  of 
them  ;  but  preached  on  Job  during  Lent.  Afterwards,  on  the  1st  May, 
he  resumed  the  course  on  the  Psalms,  and  continued  it  to  the  28th  July, 
and  then  gave  three  more  in  October.  The  first  series  of  eight  are 
regarded  as  a  sequel  to  the  Advent  sermons  on  Haggai.  Vide  doc.  xvi. 
(already  quoted)  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 

3  "  Predica  I.  sui  Salmi." 


HE  URGES  THE  NEED  OF  A  COURT  OF  APPEAL.    279 

do  ill,  and  should  be  deprived  of  all  power  ;   or  strives 
to  do  well,  and  merits  the  help  of  a  council   of  honest 
citizens.*'  i       On    another    occasion    he    pressingly  urged 
reform  in  the  administration  of  justice;  inveighed  against 
the  prevalent  use  of  torture  ;  exhorted  men  to  peace*,  and 
again  wound  up  by  saying  :  «  I  said  to  thee  concerning 
the  Court  of  the  Six  Beans,  that  it  was  needful  to  give  it 
a  staff  to  lean  upon,  in  the  shape  of  a  Council  of  Appeal"  * 
And   he    continued  to  insist   upon  this  point,  until  the 
Signory  was  induced  to  frame  a  decree,  which,  after  being 
repeatedly  discussed,  was  at  last,  on  the  15th  March,  1495, 
brought  before  an  unusually  numerous  Pratica,  which,  in 
consequent  of  the  special  importance  of  the  case,  3  all  the 
principal  citizens  and  magistrates  had  been  summoned  to 
attend.     Custom  forbade  that  laws  should  be  in  any  way 
made  public  before    being  presented  ;    but  in  this  case, 
although  all  were  acquainted  with  the  new  provision,  the 
reading  of  it  was  heard  with  the  utmost  attention. 

The  first  portion  was  in  complete  accordance  with 
Savonarola's  views  ;  might,  indeed,  have  proceeded  from 
his  pen,  and  ran  to  the  following  effect  :  "  Considering  the 
weighty  need  for  union  and  concord  in  a  well-constituted 
republic,  and  in  order  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  our 
Lord,  who,  in  all  that  He  did,  whether  journeying, 
preaching,  or  resting,  always  enjoined  peace  ;  and  con- 
sidering that  the  same  is  to  be  seen  in  natural  things, 
which  ever  seek  for  unity,  according  to  their  kind,  where- 
fore it  was  said  by  the  philosopher  :  the  strongest  virtue 
is  united  virtue  ;  and  finally,  being  admonished  by  the 
supernatural  events  we  have  witnessed  this  year,  in  the 
establishment   of  our   new   government,  and   the   mercy 

1  Sermon  i.  "  sui  Salmi/' 

9  "  Un  certo  bastoncello,  cioè  quel  Consiglio  dello  appello:'     Sermon  ii. 
sui  Salmi." 

3  It  was  brought  forward  on  the  6th,  8th,  9th,  and  finally  on  the  15th 

March.  }  ? 


SAVONAROLA^  UFÈ  AXP  TIMES, 

by  the  Lord,  the  which  mercy  it  behovei 
e  — 
M  I  be   magnificent   Signor?  and   Gonfaloniers   herein- 
.  th.it  a  general  peace  Ik-  made,  that  all  offences  be 

ned  and  all  penalties  remitted  unto  the  supporters  oj 
the  late  government."  ■ 

1    te    second    part,    consisting    of   an    entirely    distinct 
law,  was   less  in  accordance  with  Savonarola's   advice,  and 
was  to  the  effect  :    4k  That  everv  citizen  eligible  to  public 
office  who,  for  any  political   offence,  should  be  sentenced 
by  the  Signory  or  the  Eight  either  to  death,  to  corporal 
punishment,  or  to  any  fine  above  the  sum  of  three  hundred 
florins,  or  to  reprimand,  imprisonment,  &c,  should  have 
the  right  of  appeal,   for  the  term  of  eight   days,  to  the 
Greater    Council.      That,    in    case    of  such    appeal,   the 
Signory  should  be  bound   to  allow  any  one  to  speak   in 
defence  of  the  accused  ;  and  within  the  term  of  fifteen 
days  to  bring  the  case  before  the  said  Council  as  many  as 
six  times  in  the  space  of  two  days,  and,  furthermore,  to 
acquit  the  accused  if  two-thirds  of  the  assembly  voted   in 
his  favour."  2 

The  point  on  which  this  law  differed  from  that  pre 
posed  by  Savonarola  was  one  of  very  decided  importance. 
For  instead  of  establishing,  as  he  had  proposed,  a  right 
of  appeal  to  a  limited  Court  composed  of  wise  experts  in 
legal  matters,  appeal  was  to  be  made  to  the  Greater 
Council,  whose  decisions  would  be  influenced  by  party 
spirit  rather  than  justice,  and  where  the  ignorance  of  the 
many  would  prevail  against  the  wisdom  of  the  few.  The 
Ottimati  had  been  opposed  from  the  first  to  any  right 
of  appeal,  since,  being  accustomed  to  have  the  office  of  the 
Eight  almost  always  in  their  own  hands,  they  could  not 

1  Archivio  Fiorentino,  "Registro  di  Provvisioni"  (before  quoted),  sheet 
82r  and  fol. 

2  Same,  "  Registro  di  Provvisioni,"  sheet  83'. 


OPINIONS  ON  THE  RIGHT  OF  APPEAL.         »8i 

tolerate  the  idea  of  any  infringement  of  its  absolute 
authority.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  people  regarded 
the  Greater  Council  as  the  highest  power  in  Florence,  on 
which  all  authority  legally  devolved.  Party  spirit  had 
been  rekindled  by  the  conflict  in  the  palace,  and  the 
popular  side,  aware  of  its  superior  strength,  went  to 
the  length  of  demanding  that  the  mob  should  pass  judg- 
ment on  the  gravest  political  offences.  And  the  law 
being  already  drawn  up  and  brought  forward,  there 
was  great  difficulty  in  modifying  it.  As  no  one  was 
allowed  to  speak  in  opposition,  it  had  either  to  be  rejected 
or  accepted.  Yet,  to  reject  it  was  impossible,  since  its 
promoters  had  purposely  tacked  it  on  to  the  law  for  a 
general  reconciliation  which  was  deemed  imperative  by  all, 
and  also  because  some  right  of  appeal  from  the  Tribuna! 
of  the  Six  Beans  was  considered  equally  expedient. 

Nevertheless  it  is  evident,  from  the  debates  in  the 
Pratica,  that  all  honest  citizens  were  aware  of  the  abuses 
to  which  the  bill  would  lead,  and  did  their  best  to  prevent 
them.  And  they  might  have  succeeded  but  for  the 
artful  and  almost  diabolic  devices  of  the  enemies  of  the 
new  government.  For  when  the  latter  perceived  that  not 
only  the  people,  but  men  of  wisdom  and  Savonarola  him- 
self, alike  demanded  an  appeal  from  the  Six  Beans,  they 
were  convinced  that  nothing  could  serve  their  designs 
better  than  the  new  law,  which,  being  an  excessive 
measure,  would  give  rise  to  disturbances  at  the  first 
opportunity  ;  and  only  in  times  of  disturbance  could  they 
hope  to  change  the  government  and  vest  all  power  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  of  their  own  party.  Therefore,  after  strenu- 
ously combating  the  right  of  appeal  to  a  limited  council  of 
wise  and  prudent  citizens,  they  all  joined  in  energetic  and 
almost  furious  efforts  in  favour  of  appeal  to  the  Greater 
Council.  In  the  Pratica,  accordingly,  it  was  seen  with 
much  surprise  that,  whereas  the  men  of  the  people  mode- 


ito  UFF.  AND  TIMES. 

ral  i  ]  Av 

ventured  .  ■  ;  the  law  propo 

of  the  new  government 
he  Medic :,  en  i  lo)  ed  their  1  k  itience 

.  OUT.      In  a  volume  ol    fragments  of  the  Pratiche  ' 

the  good  fbrtunt         nd  reporta  of  these  speeches 

■  by  the  government  notary,  and  are  thus  enabled   to 

ilize  one  of  the  chief  and  most  animated  debates  of  the 
period.     The  question  was  one  of  high  importance,  and 

the  speakers  were  men  of  authority  who  brought  all  their 
mental  powers  to  bear  on  its  discussion.  Their  speeches 
not  only  serve  to  show  us  how  Jaws  were  discussed  and 
voted  on  those  exceptional  occasions,  but  also  throw  new 
light  on  a  little  understood  event,  and  exonerate  Savonarola 
from  one  of  the  heaviest  charges  ever  brought  against 
him. 

The  law  being  duly  presented  and  the  opinion  of  the 
meeting  asked  by  the  Signory,  the  citizens  withdrew  to 
their  respective  benches,  and,  after  holding  noisy  consulta- 
tion, Messcr  Domenico  Bonsi,  one  of  the  Accoppiatori,  a 
friend  of  Savonarola,  was  the  first  to  speak.  Reporting 
the  verdict  of  his  bench,  he  recommended  peace,  proving 
its  expedience  and  necessity  by  many  quotations  from  the 
Gospel  and  St.  Paul,  and  by  others  from  Demosthenes 
and  Aristotle.  Proceeding  to  the  question  of  appeal,  he 
acknowledged  that  the  measure  would  be  useful,  but 
reported  that  his  colleagues  were  very  divided  in  their 
\  iews  ;  and  then,  as  though  hardly  daring  to  speak  against 
a  law  proposed  by  the  Signory,  he  suddenly  came  to  a 
stop.  Thereupon  Messer  Francesco  Gualterotti  rose  and, 
after  extolling  the  plan  of  a  general  reconciliation,  spoke 

1  Archivio  Fiorentino,  "  Consulte  e  Pratiche,"  Registro  62.  These 
Pratiche  sometimes  serve  as  valuable  historical  documents.  Some  of 
the  Miscellanies  preserved  in  the  Archives  contain  fragments  of  debates 
and  other  important  documents  illustrating  obscure  or  ill- understood 
points  of  history. 


I  LUCA  CORSINI'S  SPEEC/f.  2g 

of  the  necessity  of  sanctioning  appeal  from  the  tyrannical 
Tribunal  of  the  Eight,  who  had  always  oppressed  he  è  tv 
with  sentences  of  exile  and  confiscation^  Yet  even  he 
found  the  new  law  to  be  so  excessive  in  its  tendency  that 
he  ventured  to  propose  that  it  should  not  be  pernanentìv 
sanctioned,  but  only  for  a  time  {a  tempo)  peraanently 

The  discussion  now  became  lively   and  on*  nf  ,u 
who,  on  the  first  day  of  the  revol/t  on    had  closed  tt 

(palace  door  m  Piero  de'  Medici's  face,  now  rose  to  Sne  k 
This  was  Messer  Luca  Corsini,  a  very  infonda Tand 
eloquent  man,  and  one  of  the  most  fervent  advocates  ol 
the  popular  party  He  gave  a  vivid  description  of  the 
miserable  state  of  the  country,  sayine  •  «  We  beholH  ,11 
Italy  stirred  by  new  and  terrible  dafg'ers 7 J I  w  ou ' 
selves,  being  in  the  centre  of  the  land,  are  exposed  to 
even  worse  suffering  than  the  rest.  Wherefore  uni  v 
and  concord  are  the  only  remedies  which  will  avai  to  II 
serve  us  from  the  attacks  of  neighbouring  potentates  who 
are  already  preparing  to  fall  upon  us  at  the  first  s  ™ of 

^^J^'  hrng  "0W  *™  - ""  therig  t°o 
sit  in  our  councils,  unless  we  are  careful  to  conciliate 
some  at  least  of  the  friends  of  the  old  State,  they  w  H 
oppose  us,  both  by  the  beans  and  in  secret.  For  if  no 
other  reason  avail  to  persuade  you,"  he  added,  in  louder 
and  more  impressive  tones,  «  the  example  of  our  Lord 

ins"  e  Se  hat  hlnCe'  tn  "**"*  US  A  HÌS  ™d* 
£ if'  S  t  merafu%  verted  it  from  our  heads  and 
vouchsafed  us  His  pardon.    Let  us,  then,  also  be  merciful 

deem  th  ,  \  ^T*  ^^  '     And  shouId   a"y  °nè 

deem  th,s  an  extraordinary  remedy,  let  him  remember  that 

in  extraordinary  cases  the  wisest  rule  is  to  follow  none  " 

J"  com'ng  to   the  question  of  the  "Six   Beans,"  he 

spoke   with  still    greater  warmth,  asserting  the   absolute 

necessity    of   some    new    measure.     And   moved    by  the 

democratic  spirit  which  so  easily  runs  to  exaggeration,  he 


1*4  SAVONAROLA fS  111!    AND  TIMES, 

;  :  «    1    tC  Republi  ta  of  one  body  alone,  and  this 

. .  if  •       whole  people,  which,  unable  itself  to  attend 

to  every  branch  of  the   adtl  «1,  therefore  appoints 

ma  But  when  doubts,  disorders,  or  db  na 

e  to  be  or"  daily  occurrence,  there  is  no 

ini:  in  recurring  to  the  Greater  Council  which  repre- 

ts  the  people  and  has  con;"  •  >fn*ce  on  the  magistrates  ; 

nor  can  the  authority  of  the  Signory  be  diminished  by  an 
appeal  to  the  people  to  whom  the  whole  of  the  Republic 
belongs.  For  if  we  consider  what  things  have  come  to 
pass  in  these  latter  days,  we  shall  say  that  it  is  the  highest 
wisdom  and  prudence  to  desire  that  these   laws  should  be 

carried." 

When  Corsini  had  finished  this  animated  address,  all 
eyes  were  turned  towards  Messer  Guidantonio  Vespucci, 
who  was  noted  for  his  eloquence  and  experience,  and  one 
of  the  most  powerful  members  of  the  Ottimati  party.  It 
was  he  who,  during  the  preceding  December,  had  alleged 
so  many  reasons  in  the  palace  for  opposing  the  new  form 
of  popular  government.  His  learning  gave  added  weight 
to  his  opinions  ;  and,  conscious  of  this,  he  spoke  with 
much  emphasis,  and  displayed  his  well-known  oratorical 
gifts.  He  began  by  carefully  praising  the  discourses  of  the 
pr. ceding  speakers  ;  v/ho,  as  he  said,  "were  all  labouring 
in  different  ways  towards  the  same  end — the  consolidation 
of  liberty.  Also  I  am  well  content  to  see  that  many  have 
frankly  expressed  opinions  opposed  to  that  of  the  Signory, 
for  this  is  the  only  way  to  arrive  at  truth.1  For  my  own 
part,"  he  went  on,  entering  at  once  into  the  question  of 
the  rt  Six  Beans,"  "  the  only  plan  seems  to  be  to  seek  a  mode 
of  establishing  perfect  equality  among  the  citizens  ;  if  the 
old  road  will  lead  us  to  that  goal,  let  us  follow  it  ;  if  not, 

*  He  intended  this  as  an  ironical  reproof  to  those  who,  in  violation  of 
the  statutes,  had  ventured  to  express  views  somewhat  inimical  to  the 
measure  proposed  by  the  Signory. 


VESPUCCrS  SPEECH. 


285 


we  must  choose   another  path.     I  certainly  deem  the  old 
law  to  be  very  perilous,  and  if  carefully  considered,  it  will 
be  seen  to  be  neither  well-ordered,   nor   practically'  good  ; 
nor,  indeed,  does  it  appear  just  to  give  so  much  power- 
to    the    Signory,  without    also  granting  right    of  appeal 
against  their  decisions.      In  France  appeal    can  be  made 
to  the  Council  of  Paris  against  the  verdict  of  the  Kino-  ; 
imperial    decisions    can    be    reversed    by   the    Pope,   ana! 
the   sentence  of  the   Papal   Chair  itself   can    likewise    be 
appealed   against.1     Hence  no  one  should  be  angered  if 
others  correct  errors  into  which  he  has  been  betrayed  by  haste 
or  inadvertence.     And  if  princes,  who   are   bound   by  no 
law,  are  wiliing  to  allow  right  of  appeal,  why  should  it  be 
refused  by  magistrates  whose  authority  is  wholly  derived 
from  the  people  ?     By  granting  this  power  of  appeal  we 
shall    only  restore    to  the  people  its  own  right,  and  re- 
press the  immoderate  pretensions  of  the  over-ambitious. 
It  will  certainly  act  as  a  great   check  upon  tribunals  to 
know  that  their  sentences  are  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  Greater  Council.     Accordingly,  I  see  not  what  harm 
can  be  caused  by  destroying  the  pernicious  authority  of 
the  s  Six  Beans.' 

" Regarding  the  peace,  unanimously  desired  by  the  citizens, 
nothing  need  be  said,  save  that  the  speedier  and  the  more 
general  it  be  the  greater  the  good.  But,"  he  said,  finally, 
"  the  most  useful  peace  that  can  be  concluded  will  be  to 
deprive  the  '  Six  Beans  '  of  the  accursed  power  that  has 
been  the  source  of  all  discord."  2 

1  At  this  time  the  Council  of  Trent  had  not  yet  taken  place,  and  that 
of  Constance  was  still  fresh  in  men's  minds  ;  accordingly  the  doctrine  of 
the  right  of  appeal  from  the  Pope  to  the  Council  was  still  uncondemned 
by  the  Church  of  Rome. 

3  These  speeches  are  all  given  in  the  "  Frammenti  di  Pratiche,"  above 
quoted.  We  have  endeavoured  to  reproduce  their  exact  sense  and  almost 
their  exact  words  in  translating  them  back  from  the  Notary's  Latin 
reports  into  the  Italian  in  which  they  were  delivered. 


AROUPS  li         ■  VD  TIME, 

\  sement  in  the  assembly  on   hearing 

Vi  so  vigorously  defend  the  rights  of  the  people 

opposed  them  with  equal  torce  in  the  previous 
Dt  r.     Nevertheless  his  speech  turned  the  scale, 

on  the  i  8th  of  March  the  new  law  was  passed  in  the  Council 
v,  by  So  votes  against  38  ;  and  on  the  19th  in 
the  Greater  Council  by  543  votes  against  163.1  Such  is 
the  true  history  of  a  discussion  on  which  all  writers 
have  be  n  silent,  while  charging  Savonarola  with  the 
authorship  of  an  extreme  measure.  The  accusation  is 
most  unjust,  for  whereas  his  sermons  testify  that  he  was  in 
favour  of  a  far  more  temperate  law,  the  orator's  speeches 
show  that  the  Friar's  adherents  almost  violated  the  old 
parliamentary  usages  of  the  Republic  in  their  endeavours 
to  check  the  excesses  of  both  secret  and  declared  oppo- 
nents.    The  latter,  however,  were  triumphant.2 

1  Florence  Archives,  "  Registro  di  Provvisioni  "  (before  quoted),  sheet 
S41.  The  Signory,  Colleges,  &c,  sat  in  the  Council  of  Eighty  (and  in 
the  Greater  Council  also)  ;  so  that  its  members  exceeded  the  number  indi- 
cated by  its  name. 

3  It  should  be  noted  that  many  contemporary  writers  either  refrained 
from  repeating  this  charge  against  Savonarola,  or  merely  spoke  of  it  as 
an  unfounded  rumour.  But  in  the  sixteenth  century,  his  adversaries 
maintained  the  charge,  and  brought  many  worshippers  of  his  memory  to 
believe  in  its  truth.  Thus,  Guicciardini  ("  Reggimento  di  Firenze," 
p.  165)  makes  Del  Nero,  when  speaking  of  the  Eight  di  guardia  a  ùalìa, 
say  these  words  :  u  And  I  would  add  that  which  I  understand  is  pro- 
posed by  this  Friar,  namely,  that  whenever  a  citizen  is  condemned  for 
political  offences — but  for  no  other  reason — right  of  appeal  should  be 
allowed  ;  not  however  as  he  proposes,  to  the  Greater  Council,  but  to  the 
Senate  "  [here  the  author  added  in  a  marginal  note  to  the  MS.]  :  u  It  might 
perhaps  be  better  for  this  appeal  to  be  made  to  the  Quaranlia  (Forty),  so 
that  the  magistrate  who  had  given  sentence  could  appear  in  defence  of  his 
verdict."  Thus,  without  being  aware  of  it,  Guicciardini  maintained  the 
same  opinion  held  by  Savonarola,  and  that  is  so  decidedly  expressed  in 
the  latter's  sermons.  Machiavelli,  who  still  more  explicitly  charges  Savon- 
arola with  the  authorship  of  this  law,  also  says:  "After  the  year  1494, 
when  the  government  of  Florence  had  been  reconstituted  by  the  aid  of 
Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,  whose  writings  demonstrated  the  learning, 
wisdom,  and  goodness  of  his  mind  :  and  when,  among  other  institutions 
to  insure  the  safety  of  the  citizens,  he  had  caused  a  law  to  be  passed,  for 
making  appeal  to  the   people  against  all   condemnations  for  political 


I  THE  PASSING  OF  THE  LA  W  OF  APPEAL.      j8? 

_  This  law  may  indeed  be  considered  the  first  step  and  first 
victory  of  the  party  whose  aim  it  was   to   destroy   the 
Republic.     We  shall  presently  witness  the  untiring  efforts 
of  this  faction   to  compass  the  Friar's  downfall,  and    its 
readme»  to  resort  to  arts  of  dissimulation  and  double- 
dealing  w.th  a  refinement  of  political  skill  surpassing  that 
of  the  best  diplomatists  of  our  own  times.     It  is  true  that 
Savonarola  made  no  spoken  protest  after  the  law  was  once 
carried  ;  for  it  would  have  been  useless  to  excite  dissensions 
and  rancour  between  the  Signory  and  the  people.     It  may 
also  be,  that  neither  he  nor  others  could  then  foresee  the 
sinister  and  dangerous  consequences  of  this  intemperate 
enactment  of  a  law,  that,  after  all,  was  based  on  a  just  prin- 
ciple inculcated  by  himself.     Yet  none  of  the  evils  to  be 
feared  in  the  future  was  so  great  as  the  patent  evil  that  had 
just  been  accomplished  ;  when,  at  the  very  moment  that  by 
the  will  of  the  people  a  general  peace  and  amnesty  was  de- 
clared, the  enemies  of  the  new  government  banded  toeethe- 
to  effect  the  rum  of  the  Republic  by  which  they  had  been 
so  magnanimously  treated.     Certainly,  great  exasperation 
was  felt  that  day,  and  Savonarola's  frank  sincerity  must 
have  been  singularly  chafed  by  the  spectacle  of  all  this  in- 
gratitude   and    craft.      For   although    maintaining    strict 
silence    at    the    time,  the  sermons   he  gave  shortly  after 
were  marked  by  an  unprecedented  irritation  and  violence  of 
tone     So  true  is  the  old  saying  that  :  One  drop  of  vinezar 
spoils  a  whole  cask  of  honey  ! 

The  passing  of  this  law  of  appeal  against  the  sentences 

offences  pronounced  by  the  Eight  and  the  Signory  ;  the  which  law  after 
tong  Persuasion  and  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  he'successfully  clrHea 
wriii*  n( w    J"    u  '•  °hap-  95)-  •  This  opinion  of  Machiavelli,  and  other 
Jrari?^V'me  bCCame  Ve,ry  W,dely  diffused'  for  aIth0"Sh  '«'••'"y  con- 

rnla  ini^f  CTen,ary,eVldenCe'theleading  Part  PIay?d  by  Savona- 
rola  in  the  formation  of  the  new  government  caused  people  to  regard 
him  as  the  author  of  all  the  new  laws  passed,  including  those  that  he 


|S|  '  YD    TIMES. 

thc   «  v.  t,  the   beginning  of 
i,    for  in  ail  his  sermons  Savonarola  con- 
st on  the  due  adminii  fcice.1     In 
this         in   ev<                        h   of    public   affairs,  there 

disorder  ;    an    indescribable    contusion 
of  ] .  tribun  This  sUte  of  thing!  had  been 

jH:;  I  b    1    :■  Medici,  who  in  order 

to  hold   the   lite  and   property  of  the   citizens  at   his  own 
disposal,    threw    old    and    new    laws,   old    and   new    insti- 
tutions into  SO  strange   a  jumble,  that   it  was  almost   mi- 
tie  to  disentangle  them.      In  earlier  times  the  supreme 
jurisdiction  in  nearly  all  criminal  and    civil   cases  had  been 
igned  to  two  foreign   magistrates,  the  Podestà  and   the 
:n  of  the  People,  who  passed   sentence  on  all  impor- 
!  and  heard  appeals  2  from  the  decisions  of  petty 
magistrates  presiding  over  civil  tribunals  in  different  quar- 
ters'of  the  town.      But   in    1477  the  office  of  Captain  of 
the  People  3  was  abolished,  and  that  of  the   Podestà  near 
its  end  ;  and  as  the   greater  part  of  their  functions   now 
devolved  on  the  Signory  and  the  Eight,  the  power  of  these 
bodies   became  greatly   increased.      In  the   same  year  the 
tribunal  of  commerce,  known  as  the   Casa   della  Merca- 
tanzia,  situated   next   to  the   Palace   of   the   Priors,  also 
began  to  decline.    It  had  been  a  very  important  institution 
in  the  Republic  as  the  nucleus   and  chief  meeting-place 
of  the   Florentine    guilds.      And   no   steps    having    been 
taken    with    regard    to    these    tribunals,    suitors    scarcely 
knew   to  which  to   apply,  and  justice  was  very  badly  ad- 
ministered.     Accordingly  Savonarola  urged   the   necessity 
of  a   general   reform  ;    recommending   the  creation   of    a 
Ruota,  or  tribunal  of  citizens  who  were  to  be  wise,  wealthy, 

«  Vide  the  «  Prediche  sopra  Aggeo  "  and  the  "  Prediche  sui  Salmi." 
»   Vide  the  "Statuti  Fiorentini"  (3 vols.),  published  in  1778,  and  dated 

"  Florence  Archives.  "  Provvisioni,  Registro,"  No.  190,  sheet  Sl« 


THE  CASA  DELLA  MERCATANZIA. 

Tì  7?"P,!,ìdJn  u°rder  t0  ensure  their  incorruptibility, 

But  should  this  be  too  great  an  expense  for  the  moment'" 
he  said  «  hasten,  at  least,  to  appoint  a  good  and  competent 
judge  of  appeal  ;i  and  likewise  see  to  the  re-establishment 
of  the  Mercatanzia  with  a  foreign  judge,  elected  accordine* 
to  the  ancient  statutes."  *  The  institution  of  the  RuQt* 
was  so  novel  an  idea  for  Florence,  that  it  was  only  decided 
upon  some  years  later,3  but  measures  were  instantly  taken 
to  restore  the  Mercatanzia  to  its  original  importance 

On  the    20th    and    21st    May,    1495,    both    Councils 
passed  a  new  law  to  the  following  effect  :   Considering  that 
there  is  nothing  more  important  than  the  administration 
of  justice,  and  seeing  how  the  reputation  of  the  Casa  della 
Mercatanzia  has  been  lowered  by  the  confused  laws  intro- 
duced subsequently  to  the  ancient  statutes,4  the  Magni- 
ficent Signory  and  Gonfalonier  are  resolved  to  remedy  "the 
said  confusion  by  following  the  example  of  ancient  and 
well-digested    laws,    and    restoring  the   said  Casa  to    its 
former  high  reputation,  and  hereby  provide  and  ordain  :— 
"That    the    Signory    of  the    Mercatanzia    shall    elect 
thirty-eight  sagacious  citizens,  aged  thirty-five  years,   to 
be  drawn  by  ballot  {squit tinto)   from  the  members  of  the 
Greater  Council  ;  and  that  the  thirteen  having  the  largest 
number  of  votes,  shall   be  appointed  Statutari!  e  Rifor- 
matori della  Casa  e  Corti  della  Mercatanzia  ed  Università 
dei  Mercatanti,  with  the  same  authority  held  by  the  statu- 
taru  down  to  the  year  1477,  '.'.,  that  of  changing,  enlarg- 

t,\f^"Puredlche  sopra  Aggeo,»  and  "Prediche  sui  Salmi."    See  also   ' 
the     Prediche  sopra  Rut  e  Michea,"  given  on  Sundays  and  other  festivals 
during  1496,  and  particularly  the  sermon  of  the  3rd  Tulv 
*  Ibid.  J    * 

■  On  the  20th  April,  1498,  it  was  decided  to  re-establish  the  office  of 
I/"?  T  ° M  e  Pe0ple'  and  t0  strengthen  the  authority  of  the  Podestà. 
Vide  the  •Provvisioni  "  to  that  effect  in  the  "  Registro  "  (before  quoted), 

1  1?°' s  eet-5  '     In  1502  the  advice  give*  by  Savonarola  was  followed 
and  the  Ruota  instituted. 
4  I.e.,  the  statute  that  was  thoroughly  reformed  in  1393. 


t9o  w-lKO/.l.  8  AND  TJMà 

irely  reforming  the  statutes,  which,  afta-  being 
.  by  the  Signory  md  their  Colleges,  will  be  fully 

enforced*'1 1  ^ 

l  was  re-established  the  ohi  and  illustrious  Lasa 
bl  .-,   and    the   new   commercial    code    of 

Fl  compiled,  known  to  merchants  as  "the  Statute 

'  l       This  document  is  another  proof  of  the  revival 

of  m  unong  the  Florentines,  and  proved  ot 

j  to  the  people,  the  guilds,  and  the  cause 

of  justi  .    . 

While  the  machinery  of  the  Republic  was  thus  being 
rapidly  brought  to  perfection,  it  became  necessary  for  the 
AC  .tori  to  resign  their   functions,  which,  unless    re- 

duced to  mere  sinecures,  would  inevitably  clash  with  the 
duties  of  the  new  magistrates.    Savonarola  gave  much  help 
in     overcoming    the    difficulty,    and     his    friend,    Messer 
Domenico  Bonsi,  was  one  of  the  first  Accoppiatori  to  spon- 
taneously resign  his  post.     The  others  seemed  willing  to 
follow  his  example  ;  and  on  the  8th  and  ioth  of  June  a 
provvisione  was  carried  giving  the  Accoppiatori  "  authority, 
power,  and  charge  to  renounce  and  transfer  to  the  Greater 
Council  every  privilege  and  power  conferred  on  them  by 
the  Parliament."  3      The  same    law  established  the  new 
rules  and  mode  of  procedure  to  be  observed  in  all  future 
elections  of  the  Signory.4 

1  Florence  Archives,  "  Provvisioni,  Registro,0  187,  sheet  42. 

*  In  the  National  Library  of  Florence,  class  xxix.  cod.  143,  there  is  an 
old  copy  of  the  "  New  Statute,"  prefaced  by  the  above-mentioned  pro- 

'  3  "  Provvisioni,  Registro  "  (above  quoted),  sheet  44 l  and  fol. 

*  Accordine  to  this  Provvisione  the  Signory  was  to  be  elected  in  tne 
following  manner  :  First,  the  Greater  Council  was  assembled,  and  ninety- 
six  electors  chosen  by  lot  ;  i.e.,  twenty-four  for  each  quarter  of  the  town 
Each  of  the  ninety-six  nominated  some  individual  of  his  own  quarter,  ana 
the  ninety-six  thus  chosen  were  the  candidates  for  the  Signory  *  rom 
those  obtaining  most  votes  (provided  they  had  more  than  half  of  the 
total   number)  eight  candidates  were  then    selected  (*.*.,  two  for  each 


^HE  NECESSITY  OF  ABOLISHING  PARLAMENTI.  ,91 

The  dismissal  of  the  Accoppiatori  having  been  thus 
successfully  and  peacefully  accomplished,  another  verv 
important  measure  had  to  be  carrir-H      tw  l       ,y 

abolition  «Parlamenti  wh£x  hTbtugnf so"  manT  dt 
turbances  changes  and  tyrannies  on  Florence      Now  that 
he  Greater  Counc,    could  make  and  unmake  every  insti 
tut.on  at  w.ll,  Parliaments  were  no  longer  required     and 
henceforth  there  could  be  no  object  in  fummonint  t'hem 
save  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic.     Besid  s.lf  Pie™ 
ti  M«i>ct-who  7as  kno™  to  be  busily  intriguing  and 
had  already  gamed  some  support  from  the  French  and 
among  Itahan  potentates-were  to  succeed  in  returning  to 
Florence    the    only  mode    in  which    he  could  gain  "he 
suffrage  of  the  mob  would  be  by  means  of  a  Parliament 

shSid  thi'l   fnds'  neidler  fcw  nor  feeble>  »*5£ 

should  think  of  rousing  the  c.ty  in  his  favour,  they  too 
would  infallibly  resort  to  a  Parlamento,  which  had  always 
been  found  the  best  engine  of  tyranny  in  Florence,  and  the 
easiest  means  of  effecting  a  change  in  the  government 

of  being  the  first  Pr^TAì^ZfZdZ^FA 
*gnory,  somenmes  for  one  day,  and  sometimes\nly  for  J?  of  one* 

n/,Z  'fi  e  ?^CS  °i  Gonfalonier  twenty  electors  were  drawn  bv  lot     Eirh 
of    he  first  ten  of  these  elected  two  candidates  one  Z  <%;, r     r 

°he'Lrcohnd  ^heri,aS  a  ~**  °r  Pr-P-'iveaGo'n?aTonaeSr  1  tf  eCa?  tf 

ndSv      Tm    tW,°  °ther  candldates  for  the  offices  Of  Gonfilo  ier 

anaiNotary.     The  twenty  names  thus  obtained  were  then  balloted   L 

numb"  t^TeLTr  V°m'  ^^f  ^*  -needed  half  o°te'tou      ' 
thè  number  of  ,hX    Gonfa  on,'er  ^  the  two  coming  next  according  to 

l4"rnb^;thèhsTmeV"Prvisionee,'rank'   **  *""•*  <*"*+£  * 


29m  NAROl  is  I  \ND  TIM. 

emblies  and  1  «nities  sanctioned  by  them  ;  ■ 

:  at  this  moment  the  question  touched  the  citizei 
the  quick,  l  .  |  all  knew  that  the  banished  Medici 
plotting  :  urn  ;  they  had  discovered  by  the  dc  on 
the  law  of  the  "Six  Beans"  that  there  were  enemies  of 
liberty  in  their  midst  ;  therefore  all  minds  were  in  a  very 
Ed  state,  and  even  Savonarola  was  moved  to  speak 
from  the  pulpit  in  terms  which  were  not  only  unusual  but 
most  unsi:  i  the  lips  of  a  minister  of  peace. 

«  I  have  taken  thought  of  this  Parliament  of  thine,  and 
I   hold  it  to  be  nought  but  a  means  of  destruction,  where- 
fore  it   were   best   to   be   rid  of  it.      Come   forward,   my 
people  !     Art  thou  not  sole  master  now  ?— Yes  '.—See  then 
that  no  Parliament  be  called,  unless  thou  would'st  lose  thy 
government.      Know,  that  the  only  purpose  of  Parliament 
is  to  snatch  the   sovereign   power  from  the   hands  of  the 
people.     Keep  ye  this  in  mind,  and  teach  it  to  your  chil- 
dren.    And  thou  people,  at  the  stroke  of  the  bell  calling 
thee  to   Parliament,  rise  and  draw  thy  sword  and  ask— 
'What   would'st   thou?     Cannot   the   Council    decide   all 
things  ?       What   law   would'st  thou   make  ?      Hath   this 
Council  no  power  to  make  it  ?  '     And  therefore  I  would 
have  ye  frame  a  provision  to  the  effect,  that  the  Signory, 
on  taking  office,  should  swear  to  summon  no  Parliament  ; 
and  that  Should  any  one  scheme  to  call  a  Parliament,  let 
him    that   denounces    that    man    receive    thirty  thousand 
ducats,  if  he  be  a  member  of  the  Signory;  if  not  of  it, 
one  thousand.     And  if  he  that  would  summon  a  Parlia- 
ment be  of  the  Signory,  let  his  head  be  cut  off  ;  if  he  be 

'For  example,  this  is  what  Guicciardini  says  of  the  matter  in  his 
"Discorsi,"  "Opere  inedite,"  vol.  ii.  p.  299)  :"  To  firmly  maintain  this  form 
of  governmental  is  requisite  to  firmly  observe  the  law  agains parlia- 
ments, which  only  serve  to  destroy  the  popular  life,  .  .  .  *°™s™u(*  " 
by  terror  and  force  of  arms,  they  compel  the  people  to  consent  to  all  that 
they  propose  ;  and  make  them  believe  that  all  that  is  done,  is  done  by 
the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  whole  population.  ' 


SA  VONAROLA  DENOUNCES  PARLAMENTI,      2g3 

not  of  it   let  him  be>  proclaimed  a  rebel  and  all  his  eoods 
confiscated.      Likewise    let    all    Gonfaloniers,    on    taking 
office,  swear  that  on  hearing  the  bell  ring  to  Parliament 
they  will  at  once  hasten  to  put  the  abodes  of  the  Sio-nory' 
to  the  sack  ;  and  let  the  Gonfalonier  who  doth  sack  o°ne  of 
the  houses  of  the  Signory  receive  one-fourth  of  the  spoil  ■ 
and  the  remainder  be   distributed   among  his  comrades! 
Item,  that  should  the  Signory  seek  to  call  a  Parliament 
the  instant  they  set  foot  on  the  ringhiera,  they  shall   no 
longer  be    considered  the  Signory,  and  all  may  cut  them 
to  pieces  without  sin."  I 

m  This  was  a  momentary  licence  of  speech  ;  and  it  is  only 
just  to  add  that  confiscation,  pillage,  and  capital  punish- 
ment were  the  usual  penalties  at  that  time  for  political 
offences  Nevertheless  in  spite  of  the  general  usage,  and 
although  Piero  de  Medici  and  his  adherents  were  already 
plotting  against  the  Republic,  and  already,  as  we  shall 
presently  see,  nearing  the  gates  of  Florence,  it  was  inex- 
cusable for  Savonarola  to  indulge  in  so  virulent  an  out- 
burst. 

Anyhow,  this  sermon  was  delivered  on  the  28  th  of  July 
1495» .and  by  the  13th  of  August  a  law  was  passed  to  the 
following  effect  :  Seeing  that  the  reform  of  the  present 
State  was  made  to  secure  the  liberty  of  this  most  flourish- 
ing people  ;  and  it  being  desired  to  maintain  this  govern- 
ment for  ever,  so  that  not  ourselves  only,  but  also  our 
children  may  enjoy  this  sacred  liberty,  and  no  one  dare  to 
raise  his  head  as  a  tyrant  and  subjugate  the  free  citizens 
also  knowing  that  in  no  way  can  our  liberty  be  so  easily 
subverted  and  this  new  and  good  rule  and  government 
overthrown  as  by  means  of  Parliaments  ;  and  finally,  see- 
ing that  no  circumstance  could  arise  in  which  a  Parliament 
would  be  necessary,  inasmuch  as  the  government  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  people,  which  is  the  true  and  lawful  master 

1  *  Prediche  sui  Salmi."      Sermon  xxvi.,  given  on  the  28th  July. 


294  VS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

■    to    pa»    new    laws,  without   need  of 

ular  com  ns,  8cc. — 

l    -    M.  nificent  Signory  .        Gon&lonicr  do  hen 
pr,  rdain,  that  no  Parliament  be  held  in  future  ; 

that  henceforth  the  Signory  shall  swear  never  again  eo  con- 

;   and   that  whoever  mav  plot   to  do  so,  shall   be 
pm  i,  and  3,000  florins  awarded  to  his  denouncer.' 

But  alter  this  hurst  of  furv  Savonarola  calmly  resumeu 
his  work  of  peace  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Monte  di  Pietà.  "  I  recommend  this  Mvite  di 
Pietà  to  vour  care,  that  all  may  come  to  its  aid;  all 
women  especially  should  devote  to  it  their  every  super- 
Buity.  Let  all  contribute,  and  let  them  give  ducats  not 
farthings.2  He  frequently  preached  in  favour  of  this 
institution,  and  exhorted  his  female  hearers,  the  wealthy, 
and  all  the  citizens  in  general,  to  bestow  their  charity  on 

the  poor. 

In  fact,  a  Monte  di  Pietà  was  the  best  possible  means 
for    relieving    the    people's   distress.     In  those    days  the 

«  «  Registro  di  Provvisioni  "  (before  quoted),  sheet  8V  and  foL  Shortly 
afterwards  Savonarola  had  the  following  lines  inscribed  in  capital  letters 
in  the  hall  of  the  Greater  Council.  They  cannot  be  said  to  possess  any 
poetic  merit — 

44  Se  questo  popolar  consiglio  e  certo 
Governo,  popol,  della  tua  cittate 
Conservi,  che  da  Dio  t'  è  stato  offerto, 
In  pace  starai  sempre  e  'n  libertate. 
Tien,  dunque  l'occhio  della  mente  aperto, 
Che  molte  insidie  ognor  ti  ficn  parate  ; 
E  sappi  che  chi  vuol  far  parlamento 
Vuol  torti  dalle  mani  il  reggimento." 

Of  which  the  literal  translation  is  as  follows  :  "O  people  ;  if  thou  dost 
preserve  this  popular  Council,  this  sure  Government  of  thy  city,  which 
£od  has  vouchsafed  to  thee,  in  peace  and  in  liberty  snalt  thou  dwell 
for  evermore.  Keep  open,  then,  thy  mind's  eye  ;  for  many  snares 
will  be  laid  for  thee.  And  be  assured  that  he  who  would  dia  Parlia- 
ment would  fain  take  the  government  from  thine  hands.  Vide  Varchi, 
"  Storia  Fiorentina  "  (Arbib  edition),  vol.  11.  p.  202. 
•  «  Prediche  sopra  Amos."     The  Sermon  preached  on  Easter  Tuesday. 


THE  INSTITUTION  OF  A  MONTE  DI  PIETÀ.    295 

Jews  of  Florence  lent  money  at  32J  per  cent.,  and  with 
compound  interest,  so  that  a  loan  of  100  florins  was  found 
to  increase  in  fifty  years  to  the  sum  of  49,792,556  florins 
7  grossi^  and  7  denari  (and  several  fractions),1  consequently 
they  were  held  in  the  utmost  detestation  by  the  populace 
and  many  attempts  had  been  made  to  check  their  extor- 
tions. In  past  years  Fra  Barnaba  da  Terni  had  urged 
from  the  pulpit  the  necessity  of  founding  a  Monte  di  Pietà 
and  established  one  at  Perugia  in  1462.  Later  Fra  Bernar- 
dino da  Feltre  endeavoured  to  diffuse  the  system  throughout 
Italy,  and  preached  upon  it  in  Florence  during  the  reign 
of  Lorenzo  de  Medici.  On  the  27th  March,  1473,  a 
decree  for  its  institution  was  already  drawn  up  when  a 
Jew  contrived  to  corrupt  the  magistrates,  and  even 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  with  a  bribe  of  100,000  florins,  and 
the  scheme  fell  to  the  ground.  In  the  days  of  Piero  de' 
Medici  the  Minorite  Friars  again  excited  the  populace 
against  the  Jews,  although  more  prudent  citizens  blamed 
the  attempt,  and  when  Fra  Bernardino  resumed  his  propa- 
ganda in  favour  of  the  Montey  so  many  riots  took  place 
that  the  preacher  was  finally  banished  from  Florence.2 

Savonarola  had  never  taken  part  in  these  idle  contro- 
versies, nor  uttered  a  word  against  the  Jews  ;  and  when 
questioned  on  the  subject  by  the  Lucchese  in  May,  1493, 
had  urged  the  duty  of  tolerance,  saying  that  he  sought 
not  to  persecute  but  to  convert  the  Jews  ;  3  but  after  the 

1  This  is  no  exaggerated  calculation  made  by  historians,  but  is  recorded 
in  the  decree  for  the  establishment  of  the  Morite  di  Pietà. 

2  Parenti  ("Storia  di  Firenze,"  cod.  cit.,  sheet  141  and  fol.),  gives  an 
account  of  these  events,  adding  that  the  more  cultivated  classes  were  in 
favour  of  the  Jews,  and  that  Piero  de'  Medici  was  very  foolish  to  second 
the  Minorites  and  oppose  the  views  of  the  magistrates. 

3  Letter  of  Savonarola,  dated  18th  May,  1493,  published  by  Signor 
Bonzi  in  the  "Giornale  Storico  degli  Archivi  Toscani,"  April— June, 
1859.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  this  letter  Savonarola  says  that 
usury  could  not  be  permitted  by  the  Pope,  thus  already  formulating  the 
opinion  that  no  one  should  have  a  recognized  authority  to  permit  evil. 


i9é  TIMES 

ti  noi   the  ex  \à  his  voice  in  favour  of 

the  M  i  and  its  establishment  in  Florence  was 

solely  owed  to  him.     On  the  28th   December,   1495,  a 

i.iw  was  passed  beginning  with  these  words  :    "  B  I    be 

that  cneriaheth  the  poor  and  needy:  in  the  day  of  ad- 
the  Lord  shall  give  him  freedom."     It  then  went 

o\\  to    speak  of  <(  the   pestiferous  gulf  and   gnawing  worm 

of  usury,  already  endured  for  some  sixtv  years  in  Florence 
through  that  perfidious  sect  of  the  Hebrews,  the  foes  of 
God/1  It  wound  up  with  a  decree  for  the  election  of 
eight  unsalaried  citizens,  who  were  to  frame  the  statutes 
Of  the  Monte;  after  which  all  contracts  with  Jewish 
money-lenders  were  to  be  considered  void,  and  the  said 
lenders  were  to  leave  the  city  within  the  space  of  one  year.1 
By  the  15th  April,  1496,  the  statute  was  drawn  up,  and 
was  passed  by  the  Greater  Council  on  the  21st.  It  was 
planned  entirely  to  the  advantage  of  the  people  :  the 
expenses  of  its  administration  were  restricted  to  600 
florins  annually  ;  the  interest  exacted  from  borrowers 
pledging  their  effects  was  to  vary  between  5  and  7 £  per 
cent.,  the  said  borrowers,  however,  being  obliged  to  swear 
not  to  gamble  with  the  money  received  from  the  Monte.2 
Savonarola's  object  in  promoting  this  righteous  institution 
being  solely  the  good  of  the  people,  he  had  first  proposed 
that  the  officials  employed  at  the  Monte  should  be  paid 
by  the  State  and  no  interest  taken  on  loans. 3     This  proved 

1  "  Provvisioni,  Registro"  (before  quoted),  sheets  167-68. 

3  "  Provvisioni,  Registro,"  188,  sheet  5l,  and  fol.  See  also  Passerini, 
"Storia  degli  Stabilimenti  di  Beneficenza,"  Florence,  Le  Monnier,  1853. 
The  author  is  however  mistaken  in  saying  that  Savonarola  never  favoured 
the  Monte  di  Pietà,  which  was  promoted  by  his  enemies,  the  Minorites. 
This  statement  is  not  only  contradicted  by  the  unanimous  verdict  of  the 
historians  and  biographers  of  Savonarola,  but  likewise  by  all  the  Friar's 
public  utterances  from  the  pulpit.  Nor  is  Passerini  quite  right  in  his 
other  assertion  that  all  the  Jews  were  driven  out,  since  only  Jew  money- 
lenders or  usurers  were  in  question.  It  must,  however,  be  allowed  that 
nearly  all  the  Jews  in  Florence  belonged  to  that  class. 

3  "  Prediche  sopra  Amos,"  Sermon  xxi. 


THE  LIBERTY  OF  FLORENCE.  297 

to  be  impracticable,  but  the  new  statutes  of  the  Monte 
afforded  great  relief  to  the  lower  classes,  and  rendered  it 
needless  to  persecute  the  Jews  or  drive  them  all  from 
Florence,  as  the  Minorites  had  suggested  ;  for,  despite 
the  fervent  zeal  of  Savonarola  and  his  followers,  they  were 
never  betrayed  into  intolerance. 

Such  were  the  laws  by  which  the  liberty  of  Florence 
was  consolidated  and  a  new  constitution  framed.  Many 
others  may  of  course  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  Pro- 
visions passed  during  these  years,  but  being  of  no  general 
importance  we  have  left  them  aside.  One  of  them,  how- 
ever, dated  June,  1495,  is  deserving  of  mention.  It  runs 
thus  :  The  Magnificent  Signory  and  Gonfalonier,  "  con- 
sidering that  Messer  Dante  Alighieri,  great-grandson  of 
Dante  the  poet,  cannot  return  to  the  city,  owing  to  his 
inability  to  pay  the  tax  levied  on  him  by  the  Signory  in 
November  and  December  last  ;  and  deeming  it  were  well 
to  give  some  proof  of  gratitude  to  the  descendants  of  the 
poet,  who  is  so  great  an  ornament  to  this  city  ;  do  hereby 
provide  that  the  said  Messer  Dante  be  held  exempt  from 
every  fine  or  penalty,  &c."  l  This  was  a  tardy  proof  of 
pardon  to  the  memory  of  the  great  Ghibelline,  a  very 
slight  act  of  justice  to  the  name  of  the  "  divine  poet;"  yet 
such  as  it  was,  it  is  a  title  of  honour  to  the  new-born 
Republic. 

Thus,  in  the  space  of  one  year,  the  liberty  of  Florence 
was  established,  the  people  authorized  to  carry  arms,  the 
system  of  taxation  revised,  usury  extinguished  by  the 
Monte  di  Pietà,  a  general  peace  made,  justice  re-organized, 
Tar  lamenti    were    abolished    for    ever,    and    the    Greater 

1  It  was  discussed  by  the  Signory  on  the  3rd  June,  approved  by  the 
Eighty  on  the  8th,  and  passed  by  the  Greater  Council  on  the  10th. 
"  Registro  di  Provvisioni,"  187,  sheets  49/-50.  It  had  been  previously  de- 
bated by  the  Signory,  the  31st  December,  1494.  These  documents  have 
been  made  public  by  Professor  Del  Lungo  in  his  work  "  Del  'Esilio  di 
Dante,"  Florence,  Succ  Le  Monnicr,  1881,  pp.  180 -181. 


toj 

I  was  o  i  which  the  Fiorenti] 

as  they  i  to  any 

r    of   their    political    institutions.       It     was    then    that 

ilo's  noble  group  of  Judith  and   Holifernei  i 
id  on  the  platform  {ringhiera)  in  front  of  the  palace 

mbol  to  the  people  of  the  triumph  of    freedom  over 

tyranny,  and  with  the  following  inscription:  Exemplum 

sal  :  pub  :  posucrc,  IfCCCCXCV.1 

And  all  this  had  been  accomplished  in  a  short  time, 
without  a  sword  being  drawn,  a  drop  of  blood  spilt,  with- 
out anv  internal  dissensions  ;  and  this  in  Florence,  the  city 
of  riots  !  But  the  crowning  marvel  was  to  see  how  one 
man,  a  simple  Friar,  swayed  all  Florence  from  the  pulpit, 
and  always  swayed  it  for  good  ;  an  example  without  pre- 
cedent in  history  of  the  might  of  human  utterances  and 
the  human  will.  This  Friar  made  no  harangues  in  the 
streets,  had  no  seat  in  the  Councils  of  the  State,  yet  he 
was  the  soul  of  the  whole  people,  and  the  chief  author  of 
every  law  of  the  new  government.2     In  all  the  laws  sub- 

1  This  statue  originally  belonged  to  the  Medici,  and  after  their  expul- 
sion was  placed  on  the  ringhiera,  where  Michael  Angelo's  David  after- 
wards stood.  Later  it  was  removed  to  its  present  position  under  the 
Loggia  de*  Lanzi,  with  the  same  republican  inscription.  Some  writers 
assert  that  Cellini's  masterpiece  of  Perseus  with  the  head  of  Medusa  was 
placed  beside  the  former  work  by  the  Medici  in  reply,  and  as  a  symbol, 
as  it  were,  of  the  slaying  of  the  Republic  by  tyranny  restored.  Some 
learned  adulators  alleged  that  the  Medici  could  trace  their  descent  from 
Perseus. 

3  On  the  1st  April,  1495,  Savonarola  spoke  of  the  changes  in  the  new 
government  and  of  the  principal  laws  ordained  by  himself  in  the  following 
terms  :  "  Seeing  that  a  change  of  government  was  at  hand,  and  consider- 
ing that  it  might  lead  to  much  scandal  and  shedding  of  blood  ;  ...  I 
decided,  being  thereto  inspired  by  God,  to  begin  to  preach  and  exhort 
the  people  to  repentance,  in  order  that  He  might  show  mercy.  And  on 
the  Feast  of  St.  Matthew  the  Apostle,  i.e.,  the  2 1  st  day  of  September,  1494, 
I  began,  and  with  what  strength  was  vouchsafed  me  by  God,  did  exhort 
the  people  to  confession  and  fasting  and  prayer  ;  and  whereas  these 
things  were  done  willingly,  by  the  goodness  of  God  justice  was  changed 
to  mercy,  and  on  the  nth  November  the  State  and  the  government 
were  miraculously  changed  in  your  city,  without  bloodshed,  or  any  other 


ALL  FLORENCE  RULED  BY  HIS  WORDS. 


299 


sequent  to  the  revolution  of  1494,  the  influence  of  the 
democratic  monk  is  clearly  to  be  traced  in  every  word  and 
detail.  They  were  now  drawn  up  in  Italian  instead  of 
Latin  ;  *  in  a  new  form,  a  new  style,  and  animated  by  a 
new  spirit.  They  often  seem  the  echo  of  Savonarola's 
own  accents,  and  are  frequently  composed  of  fragments  of 
the  sermon  in  which  he  had  urged  their  adoption.  If  we 
enter  the  Council  Hall  we  find  the  citizens  maintaining 
his  ideas  and  speaking  in  his  very  words  ;  and,  on  looking 
back  at  the  close  of  this  year  1495,  we  snaU  find  that 
never  before  had  Florence  been  so  wisely  and  prudently 
ruled,  and  that  the  form  of  government  then  constituted 
was  the  best  and  most  stable  that  in  all  its  years  of  turbulent 
life  its  people  had  ever  been  able  to  create.  Can  we,  then, 
be  astonished  to  see  that  the  greatest  of  Florentine  poli- 
ticians thought  it  worthy  of  examination,  and  could  not 
refrain  from  extolling  it  to  the  skies  ?  2 

Machiavelli,  Guicciardini,  and  Giannotti,  whose  works 
were  composed  after  the  liberties  of  Florence  were  crushed 

scandal.  Then,  O  people  of  Florence,  since  thou  hadst  to  form  a  new 
government,  I  did  summon  ye  all,  excepting  the  women,  to  your  cathe- 
dral, in  the  presence  of  the  Magnificent  Signory  and  all  the  other  magis- 
trates of  the  City;  and  after  speaking  many  things  concerning  the  good 
government  of  the  city  conformably  with  the  doctrines  of  philosophers 
and  the  holy  fathers,  I  instructed  thee  as  to  the  natural  governments  of 
the  Florentine  people  ;  and  then,  continuing  my  sermon,  went  on  to  pro- 
pose four  things  which  it  behoved  thee  to  do.  Firstly,  to  fear  God  ; 
secondly,  to  love  the  general  welfare  of  the  city,  and  prefer  it  to  private 
interest  ;  thirdly,  to  make  a  general  reconciliation  between  thee  and  those 
who  had  ruled  thee  in  the  past  ;  and  added  to  this  the  right  of  appeal 
from  the  'Six  Beans!'"  Sermon  29,  "  Sopra  Giobbe."  It  should  be 
noted  that  this  sermon  was  delivered  after  the  new  law  of  appeal  was 
passed,  and  that  both  now  and  on  other  occasions  Savonarola  always 
states  that  he  counselled  the  appeal  from  the  "  Six  Beans"  but  never  the 
appeal  to  the  Greater  Council. 

1  In  fact,  all  Provvisioni  previous  to  1494  are  in  Latin  ;  those  following 
the  expulsion  of  the  Medici  began  to  be  written  in  Italian.  In  the  same 
way,  in  the  second  half  of  1495  even  the  reports  of  speeches  made  at  the 
Pratiche  were  in  Italian,  but  later  were  again  transcribed  in  the  Latin 
tongue. 

3  Vide  the  note  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


3oo  AND  TIME 

the   !  of  pal  tinguiahed,  ransacked  the 

Rome,  Florau  irch  of 

the  I  I  of  government  for  their  native  city,  in  case 

Of    lORie    fortunate    turn   of    events;    and    they   all    three 

arrived   at   the  I    certain    modifications 

to  the  alteration   of  the  times,  no  better  form  of 

,    uld    be   (bund    than    that    of   the   Greater 

Council  and  the  Republic  of  1494.   And  it  is  truly  amazing 

to  see  that  even  the  modifications  proposed  by  these  great 

'.  lects  were  in   harmony  with  the  Friar's  conceptions. 

They  suggested  that  the  post  of  Gonfalonier  should  be  a 

permanent  appointment,  and  Savonarola  frequently  advised 

the  same  before  his  death  ;  they  demanded  a  new  tribunal 

for  criminal  offences,  and  he  had  propounded  the  same 

1    in    his   sermons  ;    they   proposed   allowing   freedom 

of  discussion  in  the  Councils,  and  he  had  urged  this  more 

constantly  than  anything  else. 

It  is  true  that  some  writers  endeavour  to  prove  that 
Savonarola  could  not  have  originated  the  idea  of  the 
Greater  Council,  because  Soderini  had  borrowed  the 
scheme  from  Venice  ;  nor  invented  the  Monte  di  Pietà, 
because  it  had  been  previously  suggested  by  others,  and 
so  on.  But  this  is  labour  lost  ;  Savonarola  did  not  invent 
any  of  the  institutions  he  persuaded  Florence  to  adopt, 
and  this  really  constituted  his  chief  merit.  Institutions 
are  neither  created  nor  conceived  ;  they  come  into  exist- 
ence as  the  result  of  the  times  and  condition  of  the  people. 
He  re-discovered  them,  as  it  were  ;  and  recognizing  their 
value  succeeded  in  persuading  the  nation  to  adopt  them  ; 
and  what  higher  meed  of  praise  can  be  given  to  his 
political    sagacity  !  l      We    repeat    that    Savonarola    was 

■  Later,  when  the  persecutions  against  Savonarola  began,  the  Republic 
abolished  a  law  of  the  13th  of  August,  1495,  concerning  the  mode  of 
electing  and  proclaiming  the  Signory,  and  stated  that  this  law  had  been 
passed  opera  et  ordine  fratris  Ieronomi  Savo7iarolce.     Signor  Gherardi 


HIS  VALUE  AS  A  STATESMAN.  301 

more  clear-sighted  than  other  men,  simply  because  his 
eyes  were  sharpened  by  natural  good  sense  and  earnest 
benevolence,  and  his  mind  was  unperplexed  by  theories, 
his  heart  undisturbed  by  party  spirit.  He  therefore 
deserves  to  be  ranked  among  the  greatest  founders  of 
republican  states. 

For,  if  the  evidence   of  historical  events,  the   written 

testimony  of  the  laws  we  have  almost  literally  transcribed, 

and  the  opinion  of  the  greatest  of  Italian  political  thinkers,' 

do  not  suffice  to  enforce  our  verdict,  we  are  at  a  loss  for 

fresh  arguments.     We  are  aware  that  many  are  now  of 

opinion  that  Savonarola  should  be  mainly  judged  in  the 

light  of  a  mystic   and  seer  of  strange  visions.     But,  it 

should  be  remembered,  that  during  the  first  year  of  his 

political  life,   all  his   visionary   ideas  were    kept    in   the 

background,   and  although   at    a    later    period,   they  are 

too   often   intruded  in    his  religious,  scientific,  and  even 

political  discourses,  many  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  time 

were  guilty  of  the  same  error.     Yet  no  one  thought  of 

denying  the  competence  of  these  men  in  science,  letters, 

or  public  affairs,  because  they  chanced    to    be    mystics. 

Why,  then,  should  Savonarola  be  robbed  of  his  fame  as 

a  statesman  and  held  up  to  ridicule,  when  we  behold  a 

people  called  back  to  life,  as  it  were,  by  his  breath,  and 

see    that    the  government    he  framed    is  the  admiration 

of  all  writers,  both  in  old  times  and  new  ?     And,  should 

the  strange  shadow  of  Savonarola  the  mystic  obscure  the 

reader's  mind,  and  prevent  him  from  forming  a  clear  and 

accurate  judgment  of  Savonarola  the  man,  we  will  beg 

him   to  patiently  follow  this   narrative,  assured  that   on 

coming  to  a  closer  and  more  detailed  view  of  the  Friar'* 

visions  and  prophecies,  they  will  appear  in  a  very  different 

light  from  that  in  which  other  biographers  have  placed  them. 

("Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  214-25)  justly  remarks,  that  this  is  an  almost 
official  recognition  of  the  great  share  taken  by  Savonarola  in  the  forma* 
tion  of  the  new  government. 


$02  SAVONA,  D  TIMES. 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the  nis   professed   i  ./   Florentine  politi  ciani 

cor.  da  and  the  government  f  m. 

cms  originally  to  have  felt  little  sympathy  for 
narola,  since  in  one  of  his  early  letters  he  only  alludes  to  him 
tQte  and  sharp-witted  monk  ;  but  this  gives  increased  weight 
to  the  respect  with  which  he  spoke  of  him  in  riper  years.  For  while 
noting  what  he  thought  to  be  political  errors  on  the  part  of  the  Friar 
— especially  concerning  the  law  of  the  "  Six  Beans,"  which  we  have 
already  mentioned  and  shall  have  to  mention  again — he  makes  far 
more  frequent  allusions  to  his  learning,  prudence,  and  goodness  of 
soul  {**  Discorsi,"  bk.  i.  chap,  xlv.)  ;  declares  him  to  "  be  inspired 
with  Divine  goodness"  ("Decennale  primo")  ;  and  asserts  that  "so 
great  a  man  should  be  mentioned  with  reverence  "  ("  Discorsi,"  bk.  i. 
chap.  xi.).  Then,  in  treating  of  the  institutions  founded  by  Savonarola, 
he  is  forced  to  acknowledge  their  high  importance,  as  we  sec  by  his 
"Discorso"  to  Leo  X.,  in  which  he  expressly  states,  that  the  only 
way  to  re-establish  the  Florentine  State  is  by  opening  the  Greater 
Council.  "No  stable  republic  vva;  ever  formed  without  satisfying 
the  masses.  The  general  mass  of  the  Florentine  citizens  will  never 
be  satisfied,  unless  the  hall  (of  the  Council)  be  re-opened  ;  .  .  .  and 
your  Holiness  may  rest  assured,  that  whoever  should  wish  to  deprive 
you  of  the  State,  will  hasten  to  throw  it  open  before  thinking  of  any- 
thing else."  It  might  perhaps  be  urged  that  Machiavelli  shows 
greater  heartiness  in  praising  the  laws  suggested  by  Savonarola  and 
the  latter's  enormous  influence  over  the  people,  than  in  praising  the 
Friar  himself;  this  is  quite  true,  and  easily  explained  by  the  great 
difference  between  these  two  almost  antagonistic  characters — the  one, 
all  spontaneous  enthusiasm  and  faith  ;  the  other,  all  analysis,  doubt,  and 
inquiry.  Both  were  great  men,  but  each  was  singularly  unfitted  to 
comprehend  the  other.  Savonarola  would  have  judged  the  ideas  of  the 
Florentine  Secretary  with  undue  severity  ;  and  the  latter,  much  as 
he  admired  the  founder  of  the  republic  of  1494,  could  not  refrain 
from  passing  sarcasms  on  the  monk  and  the  prophet,  in  fact,  the 
irony  piercing  through  his  praise,  and  the  esteem  and  respect  always 
tempering  his  blame,  give  us  a  better  idea  of  Machiavelli^  mental 
attitude  than  had  his  verdict  on  Savonarola  shown  more  logic  and 
coherence. 


GUICCIARDINI*  S  VERDICT.  303 

As  to  Giannotti,  the  noble  and  generous  citizen  who  twice  witnessed 
the  downfall  of  his  country's  freedom;  twice  endured  exile,  and 
sought  to  mitigate  his  grief  by  studying  how  best  to  reconstitute  the 
government,  in  case  liberty  should  again  be  restored  to  Florence  ;  he 
cannot  mention  Savonarola's  name  without  his  brave  popolano  heart 
throbbing  faster  within  him.  His  admiration  for  the  institutions 
counselled  by  the  Friar,  is  expressed  with  an  ingenuous  eagerness 
that  almost'moves  us  to  tears.  "He  that  made  the  Great  Council," 
he  says,  "  was  even  wiser  than  Giano  della  Bella  ;  for  the  latter  sought 
to  lower  the  great  in  order  to  ensure  the  safety  of  the  people  ;  whereas 
the  former  sought  to  secure  freedom  to  all"  ("Della  Repubblica 
Fiorentina,"  bk.  i.  p.  87,  in  the  "Opere,"  vol.  i.,  Florence,  Le 
Monnier,  1850).  The  whole  book  is  impregnated  with  this  admira- 
tion. Wishing  to  reprove  the  abuse  common  to  the  Friars  of  his  day 
of  continually  preaching  sermons  on  matters  of  state  in  the  palace, 
he  is  careful  to  add  :  "  For  although  Fra  Girolamo  preached  them', 
aio  Fra  Girolamo  now  exists  adorned  with  equal  learning,  prudence' 
and  wisdom  ;  therefore,  none  should  be  so  presumptuous  as  to  deem 
it  fitting  to  do  that  which  was  done  by  one  in  all  things  superior 
to  all  other  men"  ("Della  Repubblica  Fiorentina,"  bk.  iii  p 
233). 

But  to  learn  the  real  views  of  great  statesmen  concerning  Savonarola, 
and  their  minute  investigations  of  the  form  of  government  he  in- 
stituted, and  of  his  great  services  to  liberty  in  Florence,  it  is  necessary 
to  turn  to  the  "Opere  inedite"  of  Francesco  Guicciardini.  In  his 
"Storia  d'  Italia,"  written  at  a  riper  age  and  in  times  hostile  to 
Savonarola,  he  was  cautious  in  his  expressions  ;  but  in  these  works 
composed  in  the  privacy  of  his  closet  and  never  intended  for  publica- 
tions, he  becomes  another  man.  Sometimes  he  seems  to  be  trying 
to  lighten  a  load  too  heavy  for  his  conscience  to  bear,  by  giving  vent 
to  feelings  he  had  long  been  forced  to  suppress  from  motives  of 
personal  interest.  We  can  almost  see  the  sumptuous  mantle  of  the 
diplomat  drop  from  his  shoulders,  and  reveal  the  simple  republican 
jerkin  beneath.  An  eloquent  hymn  to  liberty  gushes  from  his  soul, 
and  he  seems  forced  to  cry  it  aloud  to  the  walls  of  his  room,  after 
having  lacked  the  courage  to  proclaim  it  to  his  fellow-citizens.  In 
these  writings,  no  praise  is  too  high  for  Savonarola  and  the  Greater 
Council  promoted  by  him.  He  says,  Jn  his  "Ricordi":  "The 
affections  of  the  Florentines  are  so  strongly  set  on  the  liberty  given 
to  them  in  1494,  that  no  devices,  nor  caresses,  nor  tricks  of  the  Medici, 
will  suffice  to  make  it  forgotten.  It  was  easy  ro  do  so  once,  when  only 
a  few  were  robbed  of  their  liberty  ;  but  now,  after  the  Grand 
Council,  all  are  robbed  of  it  alike  "  ("  Ricordi,"  xv.,  xxxviii.,  ccclxxvi.). 


304  AND  TIMES, 

"  Rcggimcr.'  illy  repeats  :    " 

ide  the  revolution  at    tlic  right 
,  and   accompli  ithout    bloo 

have  coti  mocfa  :  ind  disorder.     For,  but  for  him, 

you  would  have  had  fini  a   restricted  |  tnent,  and  : 

an   r  .:ic  one;   which  '    hive  :iota  and 

bloc  f   ended  in    Picro's  restoration    by   force.      II: 

alone   had  the  hold  the  reins  loosely  at  first  in 

the  curb  it  the  right  moment"  (p.  2  8,  and  pus  urn).      In 
his  youthful    \\    r ':.  ti  rcntina,"   Guicciardini  has   a'- 

the  air    of  a    V.  Extolling   the   prudence  of  .rola,    his 

practical  and  political  abilities,  he  speaks  of  him  as  the  saviour  of  the 
country,  in  terms  of  such  genuine  eloquence,  that,  being  unable  to 
quote  the  whole  passage  as  it  stands,  we  refrain  from  reducing  it  to  a 
colourless  summa: 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  some  writers  of  the  present  day  have 
begun  to  speak  slightingly  of  Savonarola  ;  to  deny  his  political  merit, 
and,  failing  other  arguments,  have  put  him  to  ridicule  and  shown  in- 
credible flippancy  in  their  estimate  of  his  worth.  But  every  modern 
r  of  importance  who  has  devoted  serious  attention  to  the  subject 
has  always  ended  by  concurring  in  the  views  of  the  elder  historians. 
And  if  we  may  venture  to  quote  any  political  writer  of  our  own  time 
in  the  same  breath  with  the  great  Italians  referred  to  above,  we 
would  mention  the  name  of  the  young  Tuscan,  Francesco  Forti,  who, 
but  for  his  untimely  death,  would  have  gained  well-deserved  celebrity. 
This  writer  was  gifted  with  a  special  intuition  of  all  points  connected 
with  our  old  laws  and  institutions,  and  this  is  what  he  says  of 
Savonarola  :  "  The  reforms  accomplished  by  the  Friar,  gave  Florence 
the  only  just  republican  government  it  ever  possessed.  In  fact,  all 
the  best  men  in  favour  of  a  popular  government  in  Florence  down  to 
1550  were  unanimously  devoted  to  Savonarola's  ideas.  The  history 
of  all  Italy  in  the  fifteenth  century  can  reckon  few  names  greater  than 
his  ;  and  the  political  history  of  the  Florentine  Republic  perhaps  none 
so  great  "  (Forti,  "  Istituzioni  Civili  "). 

It  would  seem  superfluous  to  lengthen  this  note  by  more  quotations, 
when  the  facts  are  so  plain.  But  it  may  be  as  well  to  add  that  Pro- 
fessor Cipolla's  criticisms  on  Savonarola,  in  his  learned  paper,  "  Fra 
Girolamo  Savonarola  e  la  Costituzione  Veneta"  ("Archivio  Veneto," 
April-October,  1874),  do  not  seem  particularly  well  founded.  He 
quotes  and  reiterates  charges  urged  against  the  republican  constitu- 
tion of  Florence  by  Savonarola's  admirer  Giannotti.  But  he  fails  to 
observe  that  the  latter's  remarks  do  not  apply  to  Savonarola's  reforms 
in  particu^r — for  these   are  praised  by  Giannotti — but  to  the  consti- 


GUICCIARDINI >S  VERDICT.  ,0- 

or  legnate  check  'on  ^^^^^^^1^ 

change   of  magistrates  was  the  expedient  resorrrH   m   K,      X ^    i  "? 

defects     which    although    recognized  in    the    fifteenth   century    b, 
politica .writers,  such    as   Guicciardini,   Machiavelli,  and   Gannott 
were  8t.ll  left  unremedied      In  fact,   they  only  disappeared    vfth  the 
destruction  of  the  Italian  Communes  and  the  birth  of  the  modern  state 
The    objections    urged    by    Professor    Cipolla    against     Stonare M 

^  LeoSÌPP  yFoVrUa.tehqUa,K°r,Ce  T  ^J^™  ™^d  ^  "« 
to  Leo  X      For,  although  the  first  idea  of  the  modern    tate  is  to  be 

found  in  the  secretary's  writings,  even  he  proved  unable,  when  edu- 
cing  theory  to  practice,  to  cast  entirely  off  the  mediava  conception 
of  communal  government.  conception 


21 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Svtvo\ARULa*'S  PROPHECIES  oASD   PROPHETICAL 

WRITINGS. 

HAT,  at  this  juncture,  was  the  state  of 
Savonarola's  mind  ?       From  the  events 
narrated   in  the  preceding  chapter,  one 
might     be     led     to     interpret     it     very 
wrongly.     One  might   naturally  expect 
to    find   him   if    not    uplifted,    at   least 
rejoiced  by  his  success,  and  the  great  good  achieved  for  his 
people.   But,  on  the  contrary,  just  at  that  time,  as  a  glance 
at  his  sermons  will  show,  he  was  plunged  in  the  deepest 
depression.      While   ruling    the    whole  people    from    his 
pulpit,  with  all  hanging  on  his  words,  and  the  whole  city 
obedient  to  his  will,  he  could  yet  feel  no  joy.     The  future 
looked  dark  to  his  eyes,  and  he  vainly  tried  to  throw  off 
his  gloomy  presentiments.      "  I  am  weary,  O  Florence, 
after  the  four  years  of  incessant  preaching,  in  which  I  have 
spent  my  strength  for  thee  alone.     Likewise  am  I  bowed 
down  bv  constant  thought  of  the  scourge  I  behold  drawing 
near,  and  by  fear  lest  it  overwhelm  thee.     Wherefore  I 
offer  up  unceasing  prayers  for  thee  to  God/' 1     And  it  was 
ue  that  the  tempting  hopes  and  promises  he  had  held 
to  Florence  had  always  been  conditional  :  "  If  ye  turn 

1  Predica  xxiii.,  "  sopra  Aggeo. * 


HIS  PRESENTIMENTS  OF  ILL.  30? 

not  to  the  Lord,  the  joyful  tidings  shall  become  tidings  of 
woe.       And  the  people    being    so    hardened  in  sin,  the 
future  of  Italy,  b  orence,  and  the  Church  naturally  seemed 
sun?™         *  t0       threatened  with  increasing  danger  and 
Thus,  precisely  at  the  time  when  he  might  have  been 


SAVONAROLA   TREACHING. 


Zt  f  wY  Ì  e  P.resentiments.  After  the  victorious 
-suit  of  has  first  political  conflict  ;  after  seeing  the  law 
pried  for  the  establishment  of  a  popular  government 
ith  a  grand  council  ;  when  all  Florence  was  thronging 
>und  his  pulpit  in  the  hope  of  hearing  some  joyful  out- 
jrst  of  thanksgiving  to  the  Lord— he  again  began  to 
•each  in  his  former  allegorical  strain,  describing  the  sad- 


io3  un  dim  mas 

.  eighing  on  his  soul,  and  pn         jring  the  \ ;  th 

he  had  always,  apparently,  known  himself  I 
uth,"  hebegan,"  left  his  hoi  forth 

tncU  while  fishing»  the  master  of  the  bai 
far  to  sea,  and  out  of  sight  of  the  port;  wher 
n  the  youth  burst  into  loud  lamentations,     O  Florence  ! 
■  lamenting  youth  standeth  here  in  this  pulpit.     I  was 
led  from  mine 'own   home  to  the  port  of  religion,  and   I 
Bit  thither  at  the  age  of  twenty-three  years  in  search  of 
the  two  things  most  dear  to  me— liberty  and  quiet.      But 
then  I  looked  on  the  waters  of  this  world,  and  by  preach- 
ing I  began  to  win  a  few  souls  ;  and  seeing  that  I  found 
my  pleasure  therein,  the  Lord  led  me  on  board  a  vessel 
and    out   to  the  open  sea,  where    I   now   lie   tossed  and 
beyond  sight   of  land.      Undique  sunt   angusti*.     Storms 
and  tempests  are  gathering  before  mine  eyes  ;   I  have  lost 
sicrht  of  the  port  behind  me,  and  the  wind  bears  me  farther 
forward     On  my  right  hand  are  the  chosen,  imploring 
my  help  ;  on  the  left  the  demons  and  the  wicked,  who 
assail    and    molest   us;     I   look  above,  and    there  is  the 
eternal  goodness  urging  me  to  hope  ;  I  look   below,  and 
there  is  hell,  and  as  a  mortal  man  I  fear  it,  since  without 
the   help  of  God  it  would  certainly  be  my  portion.     O 
Lord  !   Lord  !  where  hast  Thou  led  me  ?      i  hrough  seek- 
ing to  save  a  few  souls,  I  have  come  into  a  place  whence 
there  is  no  return  to  peace.     Why  hast  thou  made  me  a 
man   of  disturbance   and   discord  over  the  whole  earth  ? 
I  was  free,  and  am  now  the  slave  of  all  men.     From  all 
sides  I  behold  war  and  discord  coming  upon  me.     Ye,  at 
least,  O  my  friends,  ye  chosen  of  God,  for  whom  I  travail 
by  night    and    by  day,    have   mercy  on  me  !       Let    me 
sav,  in  the  words  of  the  canticle  :  give  me  flowers,  quia 
amore  langueo.     Flowers  are  good  works,  and  I  only  yearn 
for  ye  to  please  God,  and  save  your  souls."     And  while 
giving  this  discourse  he  was  so  overcome  by  emotion  as 


HE  FORETELLS  HIS  O  WN  MARTYRDOM.       30g 

to  be  obliged  to  pause,  saying,  «  Now  let  me  rest  awhile 
m  this  storm.  »wuuc 

Presently,    resuming   his    sermon,    he    cried  :  "  What 
reward,  O  Lord,  what  reward  shall  be  given  in  the  life  to 
come  to  the   winner  of  a  battle  such  as   this  ?       That 
which  the  eye  cannot  see  nor  the  ear  hear-bliss  eternal 
And  in  this  life  what  shall  be  his  reward  ?     The  servant 
may  not  be  greater  than  his  master,  replieth  the  Lord 
rhou  knowest  that  after  preaching  to  thee  I  was  crucified  '■ 
thus   martyrdom    shall  also    be    thy  portion.     O    Lord' 
Lord,    now  cned  Savonarola,  his  powerful  tones  ringing 
through  the  church,  «grant  me  then  this  martyrdom,  and 
quickly  let  me  die  for  Thee,  even  as  Thou  hast  died  for  me 
Behold,  the  sharpened  blade  already  appears  before  mine 
:yes.  .  .       But  the  Lord  sayeth  unto  me:  wait  yet  a  little 
riiile,  so  that  all  things  may  be  duly  fulfilled,  and  then 
hou  wilt  use  the  strength  that  shall  be  vouchsafed  thee  " 
I  hereupon  he  broke  off,  resumed  his  exposition  of  the 
ext  from  the  Psalms,  Laudate  Dominum,  quia  bonus,  and 
vent  on  with  his  sermon.1 

This  was  one  of  the  moments  when,  as  Savonarola  was 
ccustomed  to  say,  «  an  inward  fire  consumes  my  bones 
nd  compels  me  to  speak  "     Rapt  in  a  species  of  ecstasy 
e  then  seemed  to  nave  real  revelations  of  the  future      Ù 
e  chanced  to  fall  into  this  state  in  the  solitude  of  his  cell 
e  would  be  visited  by  a  long  series  of  visions,  and  maintain 
is  vigil  night   after   night,  until  at  last,  overcome   by 
eep,  his  wearied  body  found  rest.    But  if  he  fell  into  this 
ate   whi le  in  the  pulpit,  his  excitement    surpassed  all 
Dunds.    Words  fail  to  describe  it  ;  he  was,  as  it   were 
vept  onwards  by  a  might  beyond  his  own,  and  carried  his 
idience  with  him.     Men  and  women  of  every  age  and 
mdition,  workmen,  poets,  and  philosophers,  would  burst 
to  passionate  tears,  while  the  church  re-echoed  with  their 
'  Predica  xix.,  "  sopra  Aggeo." 


\ND  TIM 


1  notes  of  the  sermoi 

int  I  \ 
Savonarola  Bank 

in  his       t,  and  wa  Bned  to 

ral  dai  tJ      I(   "  '!:';  '    ;lblc  t0 

inv  j  of  the  nature  of  his  eloqu         it  moments 

such  as  these,  for  his  w<  ither  left  unr<  I,  or 

Idly   and   lifeles  :-     But   our  belief   m   the 

.   state  of  excitement,  in  his  vehement 
WOrds  luent  gestures,  is  all   the  greater  when  we 

find  nothing  in  the  written  reports  of  his  sermons 
to  justify  the  tremendous  effect  they  produced  on  the 
Florentine  public,  which  was  certainly  the  most  cultured 
in  Europe.  We  shall  also  find,  on  impartial  considera- 
don  of  Savonarola's  life  and  doctrines,  that  his  strange  and 
inexplicable  presentiment  of  his  future  fate  served  to 
endue    his  writings,  sermons,  and  life  with  an  extrordinary 

charm.  .  "      „  , 

When  his  predictions  are  stripped  of  all  secondary 
details  and  accessories,  we  note  with  surprise  that  nearly 
all  were  fulfilled.  Nor  do  we  merely  refer  to  the  political 
acumen,  enabling  him  to  be  the  first  to  announce  the 
cornine  of  the  French,  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici^  and 
many  other  subsequent  events  ;  although  it  was  precisely 
this  gift  of  acumen  that  roused  the  amazement  or  all  the 
keenest    statesmen   of  his  age.*     Neither  need  we  dwell 

■  He  mentions  this  himself  in  his  "Compendium  Revelationum.''     J 
-  As  we  have  already  noted,  and  shall  again  have  occasion  to  show 
Philip  de  Commines  felt  convinced  that  Savonarola  was  a  true  prophet. 
inntSiiMlv  mentioned  him  in  his  "  Mémoires"  in  terms  of  admiration,  and 
J^^SKK*-»  He  foretold  the  coming  of  the  king,  when  no  one 
e    e    hoX  of  it  ;  he  afterwards  wrote  and  told  to  my  own  ears  things 
whir h  no  one  believed,  and  which  nevertheless  were  all  fulfilled.     No 
ore  could  have  suggested  them  to  him,  for  they  were  known  to  none 
TvT^l—s  other  contemporary  authorities  styled  and  believed 
him  a  prophet  ;  and  even  Machiavelli,  though  certainly  not  one  of  those 
who  LPst  understood  Savonarola  and  judged  him  with  the  most ^  impar- 
ahty,  never  attempted  to  deny  his  gift  of  prophecy.     He  says  that     of 


THE  GIST  OF  HIS  "  CONCI  USIONS»  3 , , 

upon  Savonarola's  fixed  presentiment  of  dying  a  violent 
death,  and  the  truly  marvellous  and  unaccountable  certainty 
with    which  he  so   frequently  announced  it.     The  chief 
point  to  be  noted  is  that  he  was  the  first  to  feel  that  a 
great   regeneration   of  mankind  was    at    hand  ;  that    the 
religious    sentiment    would    reawake    in    men's'  hearts  to 
achieve  this  regeneration,  and  that  society  would  be  re- 
mvigorated  by  sanguinary  conflict.      For  on  close  examina- 
tion we  shall  see  this  to  be  the  real  gist  of  his  well-known 
"  Conclusions."  «  The  church  shall  be  renovated,  but  must 
first,  be  scourged,  and  that  speedily/'     His  continual  pre- 
dictions of  the  coming  conversion  of  all  unbelievers,  the 
triumph  of  Christianity  upon  earth,  where  soon  there  would 
be  but  one  fold  and  one  Shepherd,  affords  us  the  best  proof 
of  his  belief  that  the  human  race  was  about  to  be  welded 
into  true  unity,  and  Christianity  acknowledged  as  the  sole 
religion  of  the  civilized  world.     On  attentive  perusal  and 
consideration  of  his  works,  we  are  positively  amazed  by  his 
constant  insistence  on  these  "  Conclusions,"  and  his  faith 
in  their  speedy  fulfilment.     And  when  we  find  him  pro- 
ceeding to  describe  the  future  woes  of  Italy  in  minute  and 
strangely  graphic  detail  ;  when  we  see  how  deeply  his  own 
spirit  is  stirred  and  touched,  so  that  in  speaking  of  these 

things  he  is  seized  with  a  species  of  delirious  excitement 

we  are  forced  to  recognize  that  we  are  in  the  presence  of 
an   extraordinary  fact,  even  though  it  be  one  that  admits 

such  a  man  one  can  only  speak  with  reverence,"  and  adds  that  infinite 
numbers  believed  in  him  "  because  his  life,  his  doctrines,  and  the  subjects  , 
he  treated,  were  sufficient  to  inspire  them  with  faith  "  ("  Discorsi  sulla 
prima  Deca,"  bk.  i.  chap,  xi.)  Guicciardini,  who,  on  the  whole,  judged  him 
more  fairly  than  anyone  else,  and  warmly  extolled  his  goodness,  learning 
and  intellect,  says  that  some  of  his  prophecies  were  fulfilled  ;  but  is  un- 
certain, notwithstanding  the  excommunication,  whether  he  was  to  be  con- 
sidered a  saint  and  a  prophet.  But  he  winds  up  by  saying,  "At  all  events, 
we  have  seen  him  to  be  a  truly  extraordinary  man,  who  wrought  the  greatest 
good  to  our  city  ■  ("  Storia  Fiorentina,"  chap.  xvii.).  And  these  verdicts 
were  pronounced  after  Savonarola's  death  and  the  downfall  of  his  party. 


I  3 


r\S  ///■/;  and  Tim. 


of  f|,      1  [CW   il   a   man    who,   fon  '    the 

muting  his  country,  has  so  distinct  .1  pie- 
WOeS,  that  he  already  seems  to  suflcr  them  in 

his  own  EM 

This,  it  seems  to  us,  is  the  view  to  he  taken  of  Savon- 
arola in  his  character  of  a  prophet,  when,  after  glancing  at 
his  entire  career,  and  all  his  predictions,  we  concentrate 
OUT  attention  on  such  of  his  prophecies  as  are  of  general 
importance,  leaving  all  of  secondary  interest  aside.  For 
if  we  pause  to  notice  these,  everything  is  changed, 
and  we  are  driven  to  examine  another  side  of  his 
character.  We  shall  then  perceive  that  his  was  a  dual 
nature,  composed  of  two  opposite  individualities,  and  that 
whereas  the  one  spurred  him  towards  the  future,  the  other 
almost  chained  him  to  the  past.  Having  considered  the 
first  half  of  his  nature,  we  must  now  try  to  arrive  at 
some  comprehension  of  the  second. 

The  scholastic  studies,  forming  so  great  a  part  of 
Savonarola's  training,  had  given  him  an  irresistible  tendency 
to  the  subtleties  of  the  sophists.  And  his  early  applica- 
tion to  Thomas  Aquinas  had  inspired  him  with  a  strange 
ardour  for  all  the  Father's  utterances  concerning  the 
angelic  operations,  and  the  nature  and  visions  of  the 
prophets  ;  he  had  strenuously  pored  over  the  minute  and 
hair-splitting  distinctions  drawn  by  the  "  angelic  doctor," 
and  made  at  the  same  time  so  close  a  study  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  Revelations,  as  to  be  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  every  dream  or  vision  of  the  prophets  and  patriarchs. 
These  things  had  absorbed  his  youthful  mind  for  days  at 
a  stretch,  inflamed  his  already  over-heated  fancy,  and 
excited  and  shaken  his  sensitive  nerves  to  an  indescribable 
degree.  He  had  seen  spectral  apparitions  even  as  a  child  ; 
they  were  now  multiplied,  haunted  him  even  in  public  by 
day,  and  became  almost  threatening  by  night.  On  finding, 
in  after  years,  that  by  study  of  the  Bible  and  the  Fathers, 


HIS  VISIONARY  BELIEFS.  j,j 

by^  fervent  prayer  and  prolonged  vigils,  these  ghostly 
visions  were  increased,  he  began  to  believe  them  inspirations 
from  Heaven,  mental  pictures  shown  to  him  by  the  angels 
even  as  the  visions  of  the  prophets  described  in  St. 
Thomas.  From  that  time  he  let  no  dream  or  phantasv 
pass  without  seeking  some  parallel  case  in  the  Bible,  and 
scrutinizing  it  by  the  rules  of  the  "angelic  doctor." 
He  spent  whole  nights  kneeling  in  his  cell,  a  prey  to 
these  visions,  until,  his  strength  exhausted,  his  brain  more 
and  more  inflamed,  he  ended  by  perceiving  in  all  things 
some  revelation  from  the  Lord. 

It  should  also  be  remembered  that  Ficino's  Platonic 
philosophy  was  then  much  diffused  in  Florence,  and  that 
its  continual  reference  to  spirits,  angels,  and  visions  un- 
doubtedly exercised  great  influence  on  the  Friar's  mind. 
And  there  was  another  circumstance  that  should  be  specially 
noted.  Among  the  brethren  of  St.  Mark's  was  a  certain 
Silvestro  Maruffi,  who  played  a  great  part  in  Savonarola's 
life.  In  consequence  of  some  disease  contracted  in  in- 
fancy, this  man  was  subject,  even  by  day,  to  attacks  of 
somnambulism,  during  which  he  saw  curious  visions  and 
uttered  strange  words.  But,  evidently,  he  did  not  attri- 
bute these  manifestations  to  any  mysterious  or  super- 
natural agency,  for  on  learning  that  Savonarola  was 
beginning  to  speak  of  Divine  revelations  and  predict  the 
future,  he  sternly  reproved  him,  saying  that  this  was  mere 
folly  unworthy  of  a  man  of  his  gravity.  Thereupon 
Savonarola,  with  the  earnestness  of  look  and  tone  that 
gained  so  much  ascendency  over  men's  minds,  counselled 
him  to  address  fervent  supplications  to  the  Lord  for  en- 
lightenment as  to  the  truth  in  this  matter.  Maruffi 
himself,  when  at  the  point  of  death,  and  with  no  courage 
left  to  defend  his  master,  distinctly  confessed  that, 
"  Whether  from  bodily  ailments  or  other  causes,  it 
certainly  appeared  to  me  that  I  was  then  rebuked  by  the 


s  /.//•/;  AND  TIMI 

Doubtle    ,  • 
hallucination  I   it  pn 

l  the  monks,  th.it  they  never  ag 
doubted,    even    for  t,    that    these    visions     ami 

n  the  Lord.      Savona- 
rola be  M   ruffi   with  an   almost   rew 

i  totally  that  weak  and  frivolous  man.a 

nd  Ruth  in  Silve  I  rie  utterances  involved 

him  in  a  maze  of   error  and   confirmed   his  strange  belief 

in  the  tra  his  own  visions.     Temperament,  chance, 

v   and    pr  all    combined    to    uv^c    him    forward, 

irresistibly  as  it  were,  on  the  perilous  path. 

In  tact,  Savonarola's  self-delusion  on  this  point  passes 

cription.     He   was  a  slave  to  these  so-called  visions, 

and,   indeed,  often  spoke  of  them   as  though   they   were 

the  most  important  part  of  his  divinely  appointed  task. 

1  This  fact  is  clearly  proved  by  the  documents  of  Savonarola's  second 
and  third  trials,  and  of  the  trials  of  Fra  Silvestro  and  Fra  Domenico,  all 
of  which  were  discovered  by  us  in  the  Florentine  libraries.  These  docu- 
ments are  included  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  ii.  of  the  Italian  edition  of 
this  work.  Fra  Silvestro  describes  his  visions,  distinctly  avows  that 
physicians  declared  them  to  be  caused  by  disease,  and  adds,  that  when 
by  reason  of  another  illness  eight  pounds  of  blood  were  drawn  from  him 
his  visions  suddenly  diminished.  The  records  of  Fra  Domenico's  trial 
confirm  all  that  Fra  Silvestro  said  on  the  subject,  together  with  the  de- 
positions of  the  other  prisoners,  which  we  have  also  included  among  the 
documents. 

1  The  reports  of  the  above-mentioned  trials  give  the  best  evidence  of 
the  truth  of  this  assertion.  Fra  Domenico  stated  in  his  confession  that 
he  and  Savonarola  put  so  much  faith  in  MarufH's  words,  that  on  one  or 
two  occasions  they  gave  out,  as  if  seen  by  themselves,  certain  visions 
which  Maruffi  declared  to  have  been  shown  him  by  the  angels  on  purpose 
that  he  might  describe  them  to  his  two  friends,  who  were  likewise  com- 
manded to  proclaim  them  to  the  people  as  though  seen  by  themselves. 
And,  although  on  the  brink  of  death,  Fra  Domenico  tries  to  prove  that 
this  was  not  only  a  justifiable  fraud,  but  a  pofiitive  duty,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
imposed  by  the  angels.  All  these  particulars  are  given  in  Fra  Domenico's 
holograph  confession,  a  most  important  document,  first  discovered  by  us 
in  the  Codex  2053  of  the  Riccardi  Library,  and  afterwards  in  other  MSS. 
It  affords  a  luminous  proof  of  the  heroic  firmness  of  Fra  Domenico,  for, 
while  openly  confessing  his  own  and  Savonarola's  superstition,  his  words 
place  the  sincerity  of  both  beyond  doubt. 


HIS  MISSION  AS  A  SEER.  3 , 5 

He  made  them  the  object  of  continual  study  and  profound 
meditation,  devoting  much  time  to  defining  the  angelic 
method  of  revealing  visions  to  mortals,  enabling  them  to 
hear  supernatural  voices,  and  so  on.     Some  of  his  theories 
on    the    subject    are    to    be  found  scattered    through  his 
sermons,  epistles,  and  other  writings;  but  in  his  -Dialogo 
della  verità  profetica,"  published  in  i497>  he  has  put  them 
all  together,  almost  in   the  shape  of  a  scientific  treatise 
This  composition  is  an  indubitable  proof  of  the  Friar's 
innocent  credulity  and  the  confusion  of  ideas  in  his  brain 
It  is  impossible  to  discover  what  was  his  precise  view  of 
his  own  prophecies  and  prophetic  mission  ;   he  seems  to 
have  bewildered  himself  with  conflicting  theories,  and  been 
unable   to    decide    to   which    to    cling.      Sometimes   his 
prophecies    of  the    future    appear    dictated    by   a  simple 
process   of  reasoning,   and  as  though  he  considered   that 
study  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  corruption  of  the  Church 
must    convince    all    wise    men    that  chastisement  was   at 
hand. i      But    at    other   times  he  evidently  believed    his 
knowledge  of  the  future  to  be  derived  from  celestial  visions 
expressly  vouchsafed  to  him  by  God  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Italian  people.     According  to  him  this  gift  of  prophecv 
was  quite  independent  of  his  merits  as  a  good  Christian'. 
A  prophet,  as  such,  is  a  mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  God, 
and  may  even  be  unfit  to  save  his  own  soul.     It  was  on 

1  In  chap.  v.  of  Pico's  "Vita  Fr.  H.  Savonarola,"  entitled  "De 
divinis  citra  velamen  revelationibus,  quarurn  particeps  factus  Hierony- 
mus,  futuras  predixit  clades,"  this  author  clearly  shows  that  Savonarola 
deduced  his  '  Conclusions  "  from  the  evidence  of  the  Scriptures.  For 
in  all  his  works  the  Friar  makes  continual  allusion  to  the  natural  reasons 
enabling  him  to  foretell  future  events,  and  frequently  styles  prophecy  a 
part  of  wisdom  :  "  Inter  alias  partes  prudenti»  tres  orincipales  ponuntur 
videlicet  :  memoria  praeteritorum,  inteiiigentia  praesentium,  et  previdentia 
iuturorurn.  Vide  "  Expositio  Abachuch  prophet»,"  an  unpublished 
work  of  Savonarola,  written  in  his  own  hand  on  sheets  added  to  the 
Bible  containing  his  marginal  notes,  preserved  in  the  National  Library 
An  old  copy  of  this  composition  is  to  be  found  in  the  Marcian  Library  at 
Venice. 


3i6 


'jmi:s. 


the   •        th  of  this  the  i  the  teaching     f 

.    that    he   claimed    tO    be   I    pro; 

I  to  hi     i         i  the  same  explanations  and 

me   importance   accorded    by   the   l  lie   doctor  "and 

e    Church   to   tl  of  the    pr  9  of  old.      "These 

me   directly    from   God,M   he   said,  "and   are 

ipn  by   the  angels  on   the   intellect   and   not  on   the 

Pt  ;  hence  it  does  not  follow  that  their  recipient  is 
f  salvation."  ' 
it  in  other  parts  of  his  works  we  suddenly  come  upon 
an  almost  opposite  theory,  which,  leaving  puerile  dreams 
and  visions  aside,  no  longer  attributes  to  Divine  in- 
spiration apart  from  Divine  favour  or  assurance  of  salva- 
tion, the  marvellous  instinct,  or  divination  of  the  future 
that  he  undoubtedly  possessed,  but  asserts  it  to  be 
a  result,  and  almost  an  essential  element  of  the  evan- 
gelic spirit  with  which  every  Christian  must  be  imbued. 
11  I  am  neither  a  prophet,  nor  the  son  of  a  prophet,''  he 
says  at  these  moments;  "  I  would  not  assume  so  terrible 
a  name;  but  I  am  certain  that  the  things  announced  by  me 
will  be  fulfilled,  for  they  are  derived  from  Christian  learn- 
ing and  the  evangelic  spirit  of  charity.2  .  .  .  Truly  your 
sins,  the  sins  of  Italy,  make  me  a  prophet  perforce,  and 
should  make  all  of  ye  prophets.  Heaven  and  earth 
prophesy  against  ye,  and  ye  neither  see  nor  hear.  Ye  are 
inwardly  blind,  ye  deafen  your  ears  to  the  voice  of  the 
Lord  calling  unto  ye.  Had  ye  the  spirit  of  charity,  all  would 
see,  even  as  I  see,  the  scourge  that  draweth  near."3  These 
different  theories  clash  against  each  other  at  every  step  in 

*  Vide"  Compendium  Revelationum  ;"  "  Dialogo  della  verità  profetica;" 
"Predica  del  27  Marzo,  1496"  (among  those  upon  Amos);  "Prediche 
sopra  Giobbe." 

2  "  Prediche  sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria,"  Violi's  collection,  sheet  40  and 
passim  :  Florence,  1497. 

3  "  Epistola  a  certe  divote  persone,''  ec,  given  in  vol.  ii.  of  Quétifs 
work,  p.  181  ;  "Prediche  sopra  l'Esodo"  (Florence,  I4q8),  sheet  12; 
u  Prediche  sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria,"  sheet  39. 


HIS  "DIALOGO  DELLA    VERITÀ  PROFETICA»    317 

Savonarola's  works,  without  either  being  absolutely  pre- 
dominant. Similar  contradictions  are  Vrequent  in  the 
sermons,  but  are  still  more  abundant  and  more  forcibly 
expressed  in  the  works  specially  devoted  to  the  subject  of 
prophecy.  And  for  a  due  comprehension  of  this  remark- 
able side  of  Fra  Girolamo's  mind  and  character  these 
must  be  carefully  examined.1 

In  the  «  Dialogo  della  verità  profetica,"  to  which  wc 
have  before  referred,  Savonarola  is  supposed  to  carry  on  a 
discussion  with  seven  allegorical  speakers  representing  the 
seven  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  to  refute  their  various 

>  *  Herr  Rudelbach  deserves  praise  as  the  first  writer  to  note  the  opposi- 
tion  between  Savonarola's  principal  theories  on  prophecy.  His  remarks 
are  based  on  a  diligent  examination  of  the  author's  works  ;  but,  as  usual, 
he  arrives  at  the  most  arbitrary  conclusions.  Vide  the  long  chapter  entitled 
"  Uber  die  prophetische  gabe,  und  die  Prophezeihungen  Savonarolas." 
After  justly  noting  the  difference  between  the  two  conceptions,  he  tries  to 
refute  the  first  and  exaggerate  the  second  in  order  to  prove  that  Savona- 
rola was  an  evangelical  prophet,  or  prophet  of  the  Reformation.  He 
places  him  in  the  sanie  category  as  Abate  Gioacchino,  St.  Bridget,  and 
St.  Catherine,  who,  in  his  opinion,  were  all  more  or  less  prophets  of  the 
Reformation. 

Herr  Meier,  on  the  other  hand,  while  also  seeking  to  prove  that 
Savonarola  was  a  Protestant,  tries  to  tone  down  Rudelbach's  exaggera- 
tions, and  confesses  that  the  latter  was  too  prone  to  let  his  fancy  run 
away  with  him.  He,  too,  notes  the  contradiction  between  Savonarola's 
two  theories  ;  but  while  destroying  one  of  them,  he  tries  to  keep  the 
other  out  of  sight,  and  seems  almost  persuaded  that  the  Friar  neither 
was  nor  believed  himself  a  prophet,  but  merely  tried  to  divine  the  future 
by  the  light  of  the  Scriptures.  This  biographer  does  not  appear  to  keep 
his  own  aim  very  distinctly  in  view,  and  treats  the  subject  so  coldly  and 
vaguely,  that,  instead  of  satisfying  or  convincing,  he  only  wearies  his 
readers.  Nevertheless  honour  is  justly  due  to  these  two  German  writers 
as  the  first  to  study  the  prophetic  works  of  Savonarola,  and  appreciate 
the  necessity  of  treating  the  subject  at  length,  instead  of  eluding  it,  as  so 
many  other  biographers  of  the  Friar  had  done. 

Some  years  later  Professor  Dòllinger  published  a.  paper  on  Christian 
Prophecy,  in  Riehl's  "  Historisches  Taschenbuch  "  (Leipsic,  1871).  He 
concurs  in  our  own  views  with  reference  to  Savonarola,  saying,  M  Aber 
mehr  und  mehr  wird  doch  erkannt  werden  dass  dieser  ausserordentlicher 
Mann,  wie  es  der  beste  seiner  Biographen,  Villari,  ausgesprochen,  wirk- 
lich  eine  irgenthiimliche  Gabe  der  Divination  bessessen  habe."  Vide 
P-  354 


5i»  SAl\  AND  S. 

They  :  lc  him — Whether  he  ever  fci 

the  better  rivince  the  people  of  the 

Toth  rola  indignantly  replies, 

but  one  truth,  ..  ;  it   everv  falsefa 

that  th  test  sin  of  all  would  b 

wh<  •  in  the    name  of   the   Lord,  and   thus  make 

I    Himself  an    impostor.     Might    not   all    this,   ; 
thcr  of    the  sewn,  he  some    ;.  :ice  of  thine,  hidden 

neath  the  s  humility  ?     Thereupon,  quoting 

the  authority  of  St.  Thomas,  Savonarola  replies  :  Man  is 
not  justified  of  this  light  ;  what  foundation,  therefore, 
could  I  have  for  my  pride  and  arrogance  ?  May  it  not 
be,  adds  a  third,  that  in  all  good  faith  thou  dost  deceive 
thyself?  No,  that  is  not  possible.  I  know  the  purity  of 
my  intentions;  I  have  sincerely  adored  the  Lord;  I  trv 
to  follow  in  His  footsteps  ;  I  have  passed  my  nights  in 
prayer  and  watching  ;  I  have  renounced  my  peace  ;  I  have 
consumed  health  and  strength  for  the  good  of  my  neigh- 
bour. No,  it  is  not  possible  that  God  should  have 
deceived  me.  This  light  is  truth  itself  ;  this  light  is  the 
aid  of  my  reason,  the  support  of  my  charity."  l  And  then, 
with  much  eloquence,  he  proceeds  to  expound  a  theory 
totally  opposed  to  that  which  he  had  proposed  a  few  pages 
back.  To  one  interlocutor  he  proves  the  truth  of  his 
lights  by  saying  that  it  is  independent  of  grace  ;  and  then 
tries  to  prove  it  to  another  by  asserting  that  light  is  almost 
identical  with  grace. 

But  the  most  noteworthy  point  of  this  dialogue  is  the 
reply  made  to  the  demand  :  What  certainty  hast  thou  of 
the  truth  of  these  revelations  of  thine  ?      It  is  curious  to 

1  "De  ventate  prophetica,  Dialogus  in  lib.  viii."  (without  date). 
Another  edition,  dated  Florence,  1497,  is  entitled,  "  De  veritate  pro- 
phetica libri  seu  dialogi  ix."  The  alteration  in  the  number  of  the 
dialogues  is  caused  by  one  of  the  editors  having  included  the  introduction. 
A  third  edition  was  brought  out  in  Italian  during  the  same  year,  1497, 
and  a  reprint  of  the  work  was  produced  in  Venice  in  154& 


THE  «COMPENDIUM  REVELATION  UM» 


3*9 


see  how  he  then  flounders  among  a  thousand  arguments 
and  syllogisms,  which  are  the  merest  sophistry.     He  wai 
in  the  unfortunate  position  of    one    trying   to  prove  by 
reason   that  he  was   above  reason,  and   demonstrating  by 
human  arguments  that  he  was  above  humanity.     Uncon 
sciously   to   himself,    Savonarola  was  treading  dangero-is 
ground    on    the  verge    of    an  abyss.     His    supernatural 
powers    could    only    be    proved  in   one    way— i.e.,  by  a 
miracle.     And  at  any  moment  a  miracle  might  be 'required 
of  .him   by  the  multitude,  whose  blind  credulity  was  im- 
pelling him    to   ever  wilder  extremes  ;   and  such  a  request 
would  inevitably  prove   a  most  powerful  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  his  adversaries.     But  his  beliefs  were  so  fixed 
that  it  never  occurred  to  him  to  waver  in  them  ;  to  do  so 
would  have  seemed  an  act  of  ingratitude  to  the  Almighty 
Nor  could  he  ever  admit  that  those  who  refused  to  share 
them   might  be  sincere   in  their  incredulity.     Savonarola 
also  wrote  another  pamphlet  on  the  subject  of  prophecy 
entitled  «  Compendium  Revelationum,"  which  was  pub- 
lished in  August,  1495. 1     This  contains  a  compendium  of 
his   principal  visions,  and  many  highly  interesting  details 
of  his  life,  some  of  which  refer  precisely  to  the  time  and 


Z      « 


Compendium  Revelationum."  Impressit  Florentine  ser  Franc 
l>onaccorsio,  1495  ;  v  nonas  mensis  octobris.  The  same  printer  had 
published  an  Italian  version  on  the  iSth  of  August,  1495,  which  was 
reprinted  twelve  days  afterwards  by  ser  Lorenzo  Morgianni  In  14961 
was  republished  both  in  Paris  and  Florence;  at  Venice  in  1^7  ard 
again  in  Pans,  under  Quétifs  direction,  in  1674. 

tTAGS;deS  Sa™narola's  own  writings  on  prophecy,  we  may  refer  to  many 
tractates  _  on  the  same  subject  written  by  his  disciples.  Vide  Girolamo 
Benivieni,  Lettera  a  Clemente  vii.,"  published  by  Comm.  G.  Milanesi 
at  the  close  of  Varchi  "Stone"  (Florence:  Le  Mounier,  1857-58)- 
Domenico  Beniviem,  various  "Epistole"  and  "Trattati,"  eivinsr  exno- 

Sm«  of^??^  ud0C?nel;  Lorenzo  Violi'  "Giornate"  (amcfng 
the  MSS.  of  the  Magl.abccchi  collection)  ;  Fra  Benedetto,  the  Florentine, 
in  nearly  all  his  works  (to  which  further  reference  will  be  made  else- 
where), and  especially  in  the  "  Secunda  parte  delle  profezie  di  Fra 
Girolamo  ;  and  finally,  leaving  aside  many  minor  writers,  G.  F.  Pico 
and  all  the  elder  biographers,  by  whom  the  subject  is  treated  at  length 


fA2>  TlètEZ 

first  pro]  I    record    how   he  com- 

impulae    tO  :  hlS  visions,  and   then  finally 

yielded   to  it     !         irola  has  written    this  comp 

in  unusual!  and  even  almost  elegant   Latin  ;  ; 

1  in  it  have  a  certain  imaginative  fol 

mentioned  in  a  previous  chapter,  concerning  the 
Sword  of  God,  menacing  the  earth  ;  the  black  cross  rising 
to  heaven  from  the  centre  of  Rome,  amid  flashes  of  light- 
ning, thunderbolts,  and  storms,  and  the  cross  of  gold 
rising  from  Jerusalem,  and  shedding  light  and  consola- 
over  the  earth.  As  their  meaning  was  clear,  and  the  hopes 
symbolized  in  them  were  easily  understood,  these  visions 
became  popular,  and  were  reproduced  in  numerous  medals 
and  illustrations  to  the  Friar's  works.  But  what  can  be 
said  of  Savonarola's  subsequent  phantasies,  when,  in  the 
character  of  Christ's  appointed  messenger  to  the 
Florentines,  he  narrates,  in  minute  detail,  his  long  and 
strangely  incomprehensible  journey  to  Paradise,  reporting 
the  speeches  there  addressed  to  him  by  various  allegorical 
personages,  including  the  Virgin  herself,  and  even  de- 
scribing the  Madonna's  throne  and  the  exact  number  and 
quality  of  the  precious  stones  with  which  it  is  set  ?  This 
mysterious  journey  concludes  with  a  sermon  from  Jesus 
Christ  to  the  Florentines,  transmitted  through  Savonarola's 
lips,  and  confirmatory  of  all  that  he  taught.  He  first 
related  this  vision  in  a  sermon  given  in  May,  1495,  an<^ 
it  apparently  excited  much  adverse  criticism  ;  for  in  a 
letter  addressed  ad  ami  cum  deficient  em,1  Savonarola 
complains  of  his  critics,  declaring  them  to  have  been  in- 
spired by  malignity  :  "  for,  had  they  listened  attentively, 
they  would  have  understood  that  I  did  not  intend  to  say 
that  my  mortal  body  had  been  in  Paradise,  but  only  that 
I  had  seen  it  in  a  mental  vision.  Assuredly  in  Paradise 
there  be   neither  trees,  nor  waters,  nor  stairs,  nor   doors, 

1  Qudtif,  torn.  ii.  p.  209. 


PROOFS  OF  HIS  SINCERITY.  $81 

nor  chairs  ;  therefore,  but  for  their  ill-will,  these  men 
might  have  easily  understood  that  all  these  scenes  were 
formed  in  my  mind  by  angelic  intervention."  We  leave 
the  reader  to  judge  whether  these  fantastic  dreams  were 
produced  by  angelic  intervention  or  by  the  preacher \s 
excited  fancy  ! 

Nevertheless  the  puerility  of  these  visions  is  a  strong 
proof  of  Savonarola's  sincerity,  and  helps  to  rebut  the 
numerous  charges  of  fraud  and  bad  faith  urged  by  those 
who  would  have  us  believe  that  he  merely  fostered  the 
credulity    of  the   mob,   in    order   to   augment   his    own 
influence.     Were   we  to  accept  this  view  of  the  man, 
it   would   be  impossible  to   form   any  judgment   of   his 
character  ;    for  his   whole   life  would    be   then  reduced 
to  chaos,  and  not  only  his  best  qualities,  but  his  worst 
errors  be  alike  inexplicable.     How   could  it  be  credited 
that  a  man  of  Savonarola's  genius,  wisdom,  and  experience 
would  indulge  in  so  clumsy  and  childish  a  fraud  ?     Had 
he  been  a  wilful  deceiver,  would  he  have  exposed  his  own 
fictions  and   bared  his   weaknesses  to  all    the  winds   of 
heaven  ?     If  his  sole  purpose  was  to  beguile  the  people, 
why  should  he  have  written  abstruse  and  difficult  treatises 
on    his   visions,   described    them  to  his    friends   and  his 
mother,  or  made  them  the  theme   of  marginal  notes  in 
his    Bibles  ?  *      All    that    his    warmest    admirers    would 
be  most  willing  to  conceal  ;  things  which  the  clumsiest 
impostor  might  indeed  have  narrated  to  the  people,  but 
would  have   never   allowed   to  be  printed,  are   precisely 
what  he  published,  republished,  and  enforced  by  quota- 
tions from  Scripture   and  St.  Thomas  Aquinas.     Indeed 
the  strangest  side  of  his  character  and  most  noteworthy 

1  In  fact,  he  expresses  the  same  views  as  to  the  importance  of  his 
prophecies  in  many  holograph  notes  written  in  his  Bibles  for  his  private 
use;  and  in  letters  to  his  mother,  brothers,  and  friends,  constantly 
maintains  the  same  principles,  feelings,  and  contradictions. 

22 


S  1 1 1- E  AND   TIMES. 


lit    of   his   career    lies   in    the   fact   that  the  ruler  of  an 
-le.  who  tilled  the  world  with  his  eloquence,  who 

t  original  philosophers  of  his  age,  and 

.    given    FI  !    the    best    fornì    of    republican 

ernment  it   had  ever  pa  bould  almost  b 

19   in   the   air,  of  seeing  the   sword   of  the 
Aim  ,   of  being    the   ambassador    of   Florence    to   the 

Virgin!  It  behoves  the  historian  to  deal  plainly  with 
this" tact,  showing  it  in  its  true  light  and  true  proportions, 
for  it  m.iv  thus  afford  the  philosopher  a  lofty  theme 
of  meditation.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  solemn  thing  to  see 
how  inexorably  Providence  humbles  even  the  greatest 
men,  and  reminds  us  that  they  were  mere  mortals,  by 
counterbalancing  their  highest  faculties  by  utterly  human 
weaknesses. 

This  singular  contrast  was  very  marked  in  Savonarola; 
but  still  more  so  in  the  age  that  he  inaugurated.  It 
seemed  as  though  in  that  rejuvenescence  of  the  human 
race,  men's  faculties  were  strained  to  a  higher  pitch, 
and  as  though  life  were  almost  a  fever,  in  which  none 
could  escape  delirium.  We  have  seen  how  the  grave 
Marsilio  Ficino  daily  changed  the  jewels  in  his  rings, 
according  to  the  mood  of  the  moment;  how  he  also 
alternated  his  amulets,  composed  of  the  claws  and  teeth 
of  various  animals,  and  gave  lectures  from  the  professorial 
chair  on  the  occult  virtues  contained  in  them.  We  have 
told  how  Francesco  Guicciardini  declared  himself  to  have 
bad  experience  of  aerial  spirits,  and  how  Cristoforo  Landino 
drew  the  horoscope  of  the  Christian  religion.  Hence 
it  may  be  concluded  that  the  only  difference  between 
Savonarola  and  his  most  celebrated  contemporaries  was 
that  he  ascribed  to  religious  and  supernatural  agencies  the 
same  phenomena  which  other  philosophers  and  thinkers 
attributed  to  occult  powers.  But  at  the  next  step  in  this 
period  of  the  Renaissance,  our  wonder  passes  all  bounds. 


THE  CREDULITY  OF  THE  AGE.  3,3 

The  dreams  of  Pomponaccio,  Porta,  and  Cardano  are  far 

wilder   than    those    of  Savonarola.      The   daring   spiri" 

whose  researches  m  the  occult  sciences  hewed  out  a  path 

for  Galileo  apparently  lived  in  a  state  of  continual  delirium 

No  one  at  this  day  could  credit  Cardano's  faith  in  Ci 

and  superstitions  but  for  the  evidence  of  his  autobiography 

and  on  reading  h.s  account  of  these  things,  all  belief  in 

his    intellect  would  vanish    but  for    the  Ka    discoveries 

recorded   >n   h.s  works.     Instead  of  devoting  his  whole 

life  to  science  he  wasted  half  his  time  in  visionary  S- 

nations      If  he  had  a  singing  in  the  ears,  it  was  the  vofce 

ot  his  familiar  spirit;  the  sight  of  a  wasp  flying  int0  h!s 

heTad'Tfi     alm°Stra/?lume  of  Predictions^  which 
he  had  so  firm  a  belief,  that,  according  to  some  writers 
he  positively  starved  himself  to  death,  in  order  that  one 
ot  them  m;ght  be  fulfilled.1 

These  were  the  men,  these  the  times  destined  to  furnish 
so  many  martyrs  to  science  !     And,  we  must  again  repeat, 
that  unless  we  place  Savonarola  at  the  head  of  this  new 
epoch,  it  will  be  impossible  to  comprehend  his  character 
In  announcing  his  prophecies  from  the  pulpit,  he  saw  the 
future  so  clearly  before  him,  that  he  seemed  already  across 
the  threshold  of  the  new  century  ;   he  was  so  strongly 
imbued  with  its   spirit,  that  he  may  be  said   to   be  its 
initiator       But  whenever  he  tried    to  reason    upon  and 
explain  the  marvellous  gift  that  was  solely  derived  from 
his  own  greatness  of  soul,  he  fell  back  into  the  past,  and 
lost  in  the  mazes  of  scholasticism,  could  not  even  comprel 
hend  himself.     In  him,  therefore,  as  in  his  age  as  a  whole 
we  behold  the  past  and  future  in  mortal  conflict.    The  past 

■  This  statement  is  made  by  De  Thou.  Vide  Libri  "Histoire  rlc, 
ciences  mathematiques  ;  »  Cardani,  "  De  vita  propria."  As  o  '° ™  " 
eader  may  refer  to  Libri's  account  of  him,  and  also  tc ,  hi, n,™  T 
|Pon  «  Magia."  See  a.so  Carriers  "  Die  phhosoph  see  WelLschauune 
'hiloseoph;e"tl0nSZelt     (StUttgart'  l847):"nd  R'"e'"s  "GescWchieTe? 


SAVON  ARO  LAS  LITE  AND  TIMES. 


us  still  firmly  established,  but  it  is  withered  at  the 

root   Slid   losing   its  grasp   of   reality,   while   the   future   IS 
:ing  forth  vigorous   young    shoots,  and    claiming    the 
world  as  its  own. 


' 


CHAPTER  VII. 


VARIOUS  FACTIONS  ARE  FORMED  IN  FLOREWCF 
SAVONAROLA  TAKES  HIS  TEXTS  FROM  THE  <PS ALMS 
ON   FEAST    <DAYS;     AND    IN    LEC^T,    BY    MEANS    OF 

sJ^iS^s  ON  J0B>  inaugurates*  a  general  re. 

FORMATION  OF  MANNERS  WITH  SIGNAL  SUCCESS 
CONVERSION  OF  FRA  BENEDETTO.         X         *"<>•*.**&• 

(H950 


ESUMING  the  thread  of  our  history,  we 
must  now  go  back  to  the  beginning  of 
1495,  in  order  to  trace  the  germs  of 
civil  discord,  which,  although  as  yet 
hidden  from  the  eye,  were  soon  to  be 
developed  and  again  divide  Florence 
into  factions.  At  this  moment  all  seemed  to  be  of  one 
opinion,  and  of  one  party — /.<?.,  that  of  the  Friar  and  the 
Frateschi.  But  on  closer  view  it  might  have  been  dis- 
cerned that  there  was  considerable  variety  of  opinion 
among  the  citizens.  First  of  all  there  were  some  who, 
while  devoted  to  popular  government,  had  no  sympathy 
for  friars  in  general,  nor  for  Savonarola  in  particular. 
These  men  were  few,  and  disunited  ;  they  saw  that  the 
Friar's  conduct  of  public  affairs  was  favourable  to  the  cause 
of  liberty  ;  and  accordingly  they  always  gave  him  and  his 
followers  the  support  of  their  votes  in  the  Council 
Chamber.  In  consequence  of  their  inoffensive  attitude 
they  were  entitled  the  Whites  {Bianchi),  whereas  a  larger, 


\Y/)   T/MF.S. 


more  o  ind  far  more  dai  body  of  ritfc 

•    the   nam  the  G  ;/).      The    latter   con- 

I  of  M  rents,  who,  owing  their  pardon  to 

i,  had  apparently  joined  him  and  declared  them- 

selv<  at  or  the  popular         rnment    But  in  reality 

were    ei         .1  in  secret    intr  an  J   correspon- 

with  I'  Medici,  v.         return  the^  ntly 

ired.  And  although  it  was  not  long  before  these 
emes  came  to  light,  they  were  carefully  concealed  at 
first,  and  the  Republic  was  long  unaware  of  the  treachery 
lurking  in  its  midst.  It  was  precisely  the  secrecy  of  their 
UTS  that  rendered  the  Greys  so  dangerous,  for  Savona- 
rola's magnanimous  behaviour  to  them,  and  the  over- 
trustfulness  of  his  followers,  increased  their  facilities  for 
ruining  the  State.  The  honest  inhabitants  of  Florence, 
burning  with  enthusiasm  for  the  Friar's  doctrines,  and  folly 
satisfied  with  the  general  amnesty  and  the  liberty  granted 
to  them,  had  no  idea  what  sinister  schemes  and  intrigues 
were  in  progress  ;  and  when  Savonarola  warned  them 
from  the  pulpit  to  be  on  the  alert,  "  since  there  be  some 
that  strive  against  liberty,  and  seek  to  play  the  tyrant," 
they  were  inclined  to  think  that  his  zeal  for  the  public 
good  betrayed  him  into  exaggeration,  and  went  about 
declaring  that  the  Medici  had  no  longer  any  adherents  in 
Florence. 

Meanwhile  the  popular  party  kept  a  strict  watch  on 
other  and  more  undisguised  adversaries,  /.£.,  the  partisans 
of  a  limited  government,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been 
from  the  first  most  energetic  opponents  of  the  new  regime. 
These  wrere  men  of  wealth  and  experience  whom  the 
Medici  had  often,  though  reluctantly,  employed  in  State 
affairs  ;  they  had  weighty  influence  at  the  Roman  Court, 
and  were  still  more  powerful  in  Milan,  where  Ludovico 
the  Moor,  who  was  equally  hostile  to  Piero  de'  Medici  and 
the  Republic,  gave  them  the  utmost  encouragement.    The 


THE  ARRABBIATI.  32? 

aim  of  these  men  was  to  grasp  the  government  in  their 
own  hands  and  found  a  species  of  aristocratic  republic  as 
in  the   days   of  the  Albizzi.      Consequently  they  felt    a 
fierce  hatred  for  the  Mediceans,  and  instead  of  pardoning 
them  as  Savonarola  had  done,  would  have  crushed  them 
by    exile,    confiscation,    and    death;     they    detested    all 
friends  of  the  popular   government,  but  were    specially 
virulent  against  the  Friar  as  the  main  cause  of  their  defeat, 
and  against    his    followers  whom  they   sneeringly  called 
Piagnoni   (Snivellers).     Hence    their  title    of  Arrabbiati 
(The  Maddened).1     They  had,  in  fact,  all  the  old,  rest- 
less party  spirit,  seemingly  indigenous  to  Florence,  that 
Savonarola  alone  could  hold  in  check,  and  this  was  why 
they  so  bitterly  hated    him.      They  were  ready  for  any 
risk,  and  eager  to  make  some  daring  attempt,  but  were 
still  too  weak  a  minority.      For   after  the  establishment 
of  the  new   constitution,  the   Arrabbiati  were  in  a  very 
difficult    position  :    they   could    make  no  assault   on  the 
popular    government    without    being    opposed     by    the 
Bianchi  and    Piagnoni,   and  still  more   decidedly  by  the 
Bigi,  who  well  knew  that    under  a  government  formed 
of  Arrabbiati2  they  would  be  hopelessly   excluded  from 
pardon.     In  this  state  of  things,  even  the  Arrabbiati  saw 
fit    to    feign   friendliness,  or    at    least    tolerance,   to    the 
popular  government,  while  concentrating  all  their  hatred 

1  In  after  years,  i.e.,  during  the  siege  of  Florence  (1529-30),  these 
names  had  a  different  meaning.  Both  Piagnoni  and  Arrabbiati  then 
signified  adherents  of  the  popular  government,  and  the  latter  name  was 
more  specially  applied  to  the  hottest  champions  of  the  popular  cause. 

3  "And  all  well  disposed  to  the  universal  government,  desired  that  it 
should  be  introduced  and  favoured  by  the  Friar.  In  the  which  the 
friends  of  the  past  Medicean  rule  very  willingly  concurred,  in  order  to 
escape  the  vengeance  of  their  adversaries  ;  inasmuch  as  they  would 
have  been  exposed  to  much  greater  danger  from  them  under  the  govern- 
ment of  a  particular  (restricted)  State,  if  by  ill  fortune  of  our  city  a 
new  restricted  government  should  have  been  established"  (Nardi, 
"Istorie  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  66).  See,  too,  Violi,  "Giornate;"  and 
Parenti,  u  Storie."  It  would  be  a  great  blunder  to  infer  from  this  that  any 
real  friendship  ever  existed  between  Savonarola  and  the  Medicean  party. 


WON  ARO  LAS  li. 

mtrolti  who  was  plainly  its  leading  spirit  and 

mainstay.      Therefore   they    p  atly   jeered    at    his 

•  and   prophecies,  declared  that  no  friar   had  any 

call  to  meddle  with   politics,  and   that   Ins  charges  against 

the   Court    of  Rome   were    monstrous    scandals.      By  this 

means  they  hoped   to  alienate  the   Bianchi  and  Bigi   from 

narola  and   his  followers,  and   by  attacking  him  as  an 

. idual  to  find  a  way  of  overthrowing  his  party.1 
Accordingly  they  began  hostilities  in  the  early  part  of 
1 495  ;  and  when  the  Twenty  Accoppiatori,  after  hot  dis- 
pute, elected  as  Gonfalonier  Messer  Filippo  Corbizzi,  a  man 
without  administrative  ability,  indifferent  to  the  people,  and 

dedly  adverse  to  Savonarola,2  the  Arrabbiati  gathered 
about  him  and  found  him  a  useful  instrument  for  their 
designs.  One  day  he  adopted  the  very  unusual  measure 
of  assembling  in  the  Palace  a  council  of  theologians 
and  ecclesiastics,  including  Fra  Domenico  da  Ponzo,  a 
noted  enemy  of  the  Friar.  Marsilio  Ficino  was  also  of 
the  number,  for  although  already  an  admirer  of  Savonarola's 
doctrines,    he    still    belonged    to    the     Medicean    party. 3 

1  Nardi,  vol.  i.  pp.  64  and  88.     See  also  Violi. 

■  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  82  ;  Ammirato,  u  Storia  di  Firenze,"  bk.  xxvi. 

3  "Vita  Latina,"  sheet  i8l  ;  Burlamacchi,  69  and  fol.  Regarding 
Savonarola  and  his  predictions  Ficino  expressed  himself  as  follows  : 
"  Nonne,  propter  multa  delieta,  postremum  huic  urbi,  hoc  autumno 
(September  and  October,  1494),  exitium  imminebat,  nulla  prorsus  nomi- 
nimi virtute  vitandum  ?  Nonne  divina  dementia,  Florentinis  indulgen- 
tissima,  integro  ante  hunc  autumnum  quadriennio,  nobis  istud  pronun- 
tiavit  per  virum  sanctimonia  sapientiaque  pra?stantem  Hieronymum  ex 
ordine  praedicatorum,  divinitus  ad  hoc  electum  ?  Nonne  ftrasagiis 
monitisqiie  divinis  per  hunc  impletis,  certissimum  iam  iam  supra  nos- 
trum caput  imminens  exitium  nulla  prorsus  virtute  nostra,  sed  practer 
spem  opinionemque  nostra  mirabiliter  vitavimus  ?  A  Domino  factum 
est  istud,  et  est  mirabile  in  oculis  nosiris.  Reliquum  est,  optime  mi 
Johannes,  ut  deinceps  salutaribus  tanti  viri  consiliis  obsequentes,  non 
solum  ego  atque  tu,  sed  omnes  etiam  Fiorentini  Deo  nobis  clementissimo 
grati  simus,  et  publica  voce  clamemus  :  Confirma  opus  hoc,  Deus,  quod 
operatus  es  in  nobis."  (Letter  to  Giovanni  Cavalcanti,  12th  December, 
1494.  Vide  Marsilii  Ficini,  "Opera,"  vol.  ii.  p.  963.  Basilea?,  1576.) 
But  later,  in  the  days  ox  Savonarola's  adversity,  Ficino  basely  turne4 
ariinst  him. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  THEOLOGIANS.  329 

Directly   the   members  were  assembled,  the  Gonfalonier 
stated  that  he  intended  to  proceed  against  the  Friar  for  his 
interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  State,  and  caused  him  to 
be   summoned.      Savonarola   presently  appeared,   accom- 
panied by  his  faithful  Fra  Domenico  of  Pescia  and  quite 
unaware  of  the  purpose  of  the  meeting.     But  scarcely  had 
he  crossed    the    threshold    than   the  mob   of  theologians 
began  to  attack  him  with  a  furious  storm  of  invectives. 
The  fiercest  of  his  assailants  was  Tommaso  da  Rieti,  a 
Dominican  friar,  reputed  to  be  a  skilled  theologian,  and 
who,  by  reason  of  his  diminutive  stature,  daring  temper 
and  subtlety  in  argument,  was  nicknamed  the  Garofanino 
(spicy  little  clove).      Taking  for  his  text  the  apostle's 
words,  Nemo  militans  Beo,  implicai  se  negotiis  satcularibus, 
this  man  delivered  a  diatribe  against  Savonarola,  who,' 
waiting  until  all   the  others  had  finished  speaking,  then 
quietly  rose  and  said  in  reply  :   "  Now  the  Lord's  words 
are  fulfilled  :  Filii  matris   me<e  pugnaverunt   contra  me  ; 
yet  it  saddeneth  me  to  see  that  my  fiercest  foe  is  likewise 
clad  in  the  robe  of  St.  Dominic.     That  robe  should  remind 
him  that  our  founder  took  no  small  part  in  worldly  affairs  ; 
and  that  our  order  hath  produced  a  multitude  of  saints  and 
holy  men  who  have^  been  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  the 
State.     The  Florentine   Republic  must  surely  remember 
Cardinal  Latino,  St.  Peter  Martyr,  St.  Catherine  of  Siena, 
and  St.  Antonine,  all  members  of  the  order  of  St.  Dominic. 
To  be  concerned  with  the  affairs  of  this  world  in  which 
God  Himself  hath  placed  us,  is  no  crime  in  a  monk,  unless 
he  should  mix  in  them  without  any  higher  aim,  and  without 
seeking  to  promote  the  cause  of  religion."     He  therefore 
challenged  all  present  to  cite  a  single  passage  of  the  Bible 
forbidding  men  to  give  their  support  to  a  free  government  in 
order  to  ensure  the  triumph  of  morality  and  religion.    And 
he  said  in  conclusion  :  "  Far  easier  will  it  be  to  find  it  for- 
bidden to  discuss  religion  in  profane  places,  or  theology  b 


SA  AND   TIMES, 


the   P  iiviiic  nfon  tided  by  this 

-hat  no  one  knew  \  D  rcpl;.  c  of  them, 

he  I  filTV  :   "  Come, 

then,  tell  us  pi..  thy  words  truly  inspired  In  I 

or  are   t:  ch  I  have  said  was  said 

lined  Savonarola  ;  M  I  have   nothing   more  I 
pan   this    strange   meeting    wai 
dissolve 

H  thus  routed  and  confounded  his  foes,  Savona- 

rola continued  his  labours  in  the  pulpit,  seeking  to 
soothe  men's  minds,  quiet  their  passions,  and  extinguish 
party  strife.  At  one  time  he  would  inculcate  universal 
peace,  at  another  the  adv  ea  of  the  Greater  Council  ; 

then  we  find  him  enthusiastically  comparing  the  different 
the  formation  of  the  government  he  had  instituted 

th  the  seven  days  of  the  Creation  ;  2  while  on  another 
occasion  he  compares   them    with   the    hierarchy  of    the 

iels.3     <f  Carrv  on   your  reforms,"   was   his  unceasing 
"continue  in  the  way  ye  have  begun,  and  the  bless- 

g  of  the  Lord  will  be  with  ye."  In  the  course  of  his  last 
sermon  on  Haggai  he  announced  that  it  was  the  Lord's 
will  to  give  a  new  head  to  the  city  of  Florence  ;  and  after 
keeping  his  audience  long  in  suspense,  finally  declared  : 
M  This  new  head  is  Jesus  Christ  ;  He  seeks  to  become 
your  Kincr  !  "  He  then  dilated  on  the  supreme  felicity  of 
havino-  no  ruler,  no  guide  save  Christ,  and  the  overflowing 
prosperity  that  would  thus  be  vouchsafed  to  all.  "  O 
Florence,'  then  wilt  thou  be  rich  with  spiritual  and  temporal 
wealth  ;  thou  wilt  achieve  the  reformation  of  Rome,  of 
Italy,  and  of  all  countries  ;  the  wings  of  thy  greatness  shall 
spread  over  the  world."  4 

1  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  19  ;  Burlamacchi,  p;  69  and  foL 
•  Predica  xviii.,  "sopra  Aggeo." 

3  Predica  i.,  "  sopra  i  Salmi." 

4  Predica  xxii.,  M  sopra  Aggeo." 


JESUS  CHRIST  KING  OF  FLORENCE.  33 , 

With  this  proclamation  of  Jesus  Christ  as  King  of 
Florence,  his  Advent  sermons  on  Haggai  came  to  an"end 
amid  tremendous  outbursts  of  popular  enthusiasm.     Poli- 

TrZ,  ?'gl0n  ^  t°  dTdy  and  StnnSdY  commingled 
in  these  discourses,  that  they  form   a  true  record  of  the 

times  and  of  the  diverse  passions  stirring  the  souls  of  th- 

people  and  their  Fnar.     He  then   bade  his  congregation 

farewell   on  the   score  of  needing   repose  ;   but  he  dtd  not 

allow  himself  much  rest,  for  in  January,   i49r   we  find 

hlmagamm  the  pulpit  delivering  sermons  from  the  Psalms 
on  the  Sundays  before  Lent.  Thus  we  have  seven  more 
lengthy    sermons,   resembling   those    on  Haggai    both  in 

matter  and  form,,  but  l^ewise  containing  manf  indications 
of  the  civil  discord,  and  the  contest  with  the  Arrabbiati 
by  which   the   preacher  was  now  harassed.     «  O  ungrate- 
ful Florence    ungrateful   people!    For  thee  have  I^done 

liKll!  W°Ujd  n0t/°/or  mY  °™  brethren,  in  whose 
behalf  I  have  ever  refused  to  offer  so  much  as  a  single 
prayer  to  any  prince  of  this  world.  And  now  that  which 
I  have  done  for  thee  hath  stirred  ecclesiastics  and  laymen 
to  all  this  hatred  against  me."  2 

One  of  these  sermons  on  the  Psalms  demands  special 
mention,  namely  that  delivered  on  the  13  th  of  January,  and 
known  as  the  «  Renovation  Sermon."  Taking  for  his  text 
the  celebrated  words  heard   by  him  in  his  visions,  Ecce 

Scrimurre1ÌChse  Wt  P'  Fra'e  H!er°nim0  ***  sopra  diversi  Salmi  e 
scripture  in  b.  M.  del  Fiore,  cominciando  il  eiorno  dell'  Fnlfnnio  «  t       • 

Ìao6°  EAs  altrigi0™i/-,ivi,  raccolte  per  s^  Lor Ino  vS$i  Flo  See" 
I496-  As  we  have  already  stated,  the  first  sPVPn  «f  ♦«.  .  fiorence, 
a  sequel  to  that  on  Haggai ]  the  eighth? add  e  ed  «o  ce  a  n  nuns  «SS 
of  conventual  vows  ;  then  come  seventeen  others  delivered  afte  the 
rtSS1  STÌfS  °n  J°b-     Later'  Sa™nar<"a  added  a  few  more  on   lea 

addft  On  of  It,?  ofTà  C  a"  ^ •a"d  *"  *  bulkv  volume,  wit  ,,™e 
aaaiuon  ot  a  tew  ot  brk  Domenico's  discourses,  to  which  we  shall  illndr» 

further  on.     Several  of  the  later  editions  of  this  book  aie  mu  ih  ed   ™h 

particularly  those  published  at  Venice  in  ISI7  andT<4<      mUtllated>  and 

tBJSl^^9^18^^  deli—d  on  the  i.Vof  January,  ,49! 


SAVONAXi  '  AND  TIMES 

■  f  tcrram  àio  et  velocìter,  Savonarola 
.11  his  own  theories  on  the  coming  renovation. 
1  [e  began  by  Baying  that  future  and  contingent  even's  are 
known  I  (  fcxi  alone  ;  hence  astrology,  which  pretenda  to 
dn  the  future  from  the  Btars,  is  fallacious,  inasmuch 
as  it  is  contrary  to  the  rules  of  faith  and  the  principles  of 
SO©  After    refuting    at    length    the    assumptions    of 

.-,  he  pre  oeeded  to  treat  of  the  light  of  prophecy, 
<l  which  by  Divine  participation  reveals  the  future,  without 
any  special  grace  in  the  seer,  even  as  Balaam,  for  instance, 
was  a  sinner  though  a  prophet."  He  then  explained  the 
various  ways  in  which  the  future  may  be  revealed,  and 
finally  touched  on  his  own  visions  :  "They  came  to  me," 
he  said,  u  even  in  my  earliest  youth,  but  it  was  only  at 
Brescia  that  I  began  to  proclaim  them.  Thence  was  I  sent 
by  the  Lord  to  Florence,  which  is  the  heart  of  Italy,  in 
order  that  the  reform  of  all  Italy  might  begin." 

After  these  general  remarks,  he  spoke  on  the  need  of 
chastisement  and  renovation.  He  first  enumerated  the 
natural  reasons  for  this  need,  namely,  the  oppression  of  the 
elect,  the  obstinacy  of  sinners,  the  desire  of  the  righteous, 
and  so  on  to  the  last  reason — i.e.,  the  universal  conviction. 
"  Thou  seest  !  all  seem  to  look  forward  to  chastisement 
and  tribulation.  Thou  seest  !  all  hold  it  to  be  just  that 
our  many  iniquities  should  be  punished."  He  reminded 
his  hearers  of  Abate  Gioacchino,  "  who  likewise  foretold 
renovation  at  this  period  ;  "  he  cited  a  great  number  of 
parables,1  in  order  to  prove  the  probability  of  the  scourge  ; 
he  drew  a  thousand  distinctions  as  to  the  diverse  nature 
of  visions,  and  finally  recounted  those  vouchsafed  to  him- 
self.     But  his  minutest  descriptions  were  of  the  vision 

1  It  was  true  that,  according  to  Abate  Gioacchino,  the  world's  renova- 
tion should  have  been  accomplished  in  1260.  But,  the  prediction  not 
being  fulfilled  at  that  time,  his  followers  transferred  the  date  to  a  later 
period. 


HIS  PROPHECIES  OF  WOE. 


333 


of  the  sword  bent  towards  the  earth,  and  that  of  the  two 
different  crosses  he  had  seen  arise  from  Rome  and  Jeru- 
salem. It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  fervour  with 
which  he  related  these  dreams,  and  his  perfect  convic- 
tion that  they  were  heavenly  revelations.  He  repeated 
the  words  he  had  heard  uttered  by  invisible  beings  in 
heaven  ;  "  the  solemn  tones  of  his  voice  rang  through  the 
vault  of  the  temple,  were  received  as  Divine  manifesta- 
tions by  the  spell-bound  people,  and  thrilled  them  with 
mingled  emotions  of  wonder,  delight,  and  terror.  In 
that  age  all  men,  and  especially  the  more  incredulous, 
revelled  in  supernatural  visions  such  as  these;  hence 
there  was  an  almost  magnetic  sympathy  between  the 
preacher  and  his  audience  ;  and  it  would  be  hard  to  say 
which  dominated  the  other,  which  was  the  exciting  force. 
Both  were  strung  to  a  pitch  of  feverish  exaltation^ 
scarcely  to  be  described,  much  less  realized  at  the  present 
day. 

<  But,  to  prove  the  necessity  of  chastisement,  Savonarola 
did  not  confine  himself  to  arguments  of  this  kind  ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  recapitulated  his  theme  in  order  to  prove  'it  by  the 
authority  of  the  Scriptures.  «  Daniel  the  Prophet  hath  said 
that  Antichrist  shall  come  to  persecute  ithe  Christians  in 
Jerusalem  :  therefore  it  is  necessary  to  convert  the  Turks. 
And  how  shall  they  be  converted  unless  the  Church  be 
renewed  ?  St.  Matthew  hath  told  us  that  the  Gospel  shall 
be  preached  throughout  the  world  ;  but  who  now  is  fitted 
to  preach  it  ?  Where  are  good  pastors  and  preachers  to 
be  found  ? ,:  Continuing  in  this  strain,  he  concluded  as 
follows  :  '^Wherefore  thou  mayest  see  that  the  Scriptures 
and  revelation,  natural  reason  and  universal  consent,  an- 

1  Here  are  some  of  these  utterances  :  "  Audite  omnes  habitatores 
terras,  haec  dicit  Dominus  :  Ego  Dominus  loquor  in  zelo  sancto  meo  : 
ecce  diesvenietet  gladium  meum  evaginabo  super  vos.  Convertimini 
ergo  ad  me  antequam  compleatur  furor  meus.  Tunc  enim,  angustia 
superveniente,  requiretis  pacem  et  non  invenietis." 


SAVOMUL  LIFE  AXP  timi 

nouncc  the  COHÙng  oi  the  100  O  II  il v  !    O  princ 

of  the  Church  !   the   wrath  of  Go  !  Ì8  11] 

hope  t  r  '.  ■.  uni  be  converted  to 

Lord.     OF!          il  O  Italy]  these  adversities  have 
lien  ve  for  your  R      ut  ye  before  the  sword  be 

linsn  I,  while  it  be  vet   unstained  with   blood  ;  other- 

ncither  :n,    power,    nor    torce  will    avail.   .    .   . 

Wherefore  these  are  niv  last  words  :  I  have  revealed  all 
things  to  thee  with  reasons,  both  human  and  Divine  ; 
I  have  prayed  thee,  made  supplications  unto  thee  ; 
command  thee  I  may  not,  being  thy  father,  not  thy  lord. 
Do  thy  part,  O  Florence;  mine  is  but  to  pray  the  Lord 
to  enlighten  thine  understanding."  I 

This  sermon  was  immediately  printed  and  circulated 
throughout  Italy,  Savonarola's  enemies  being  as  active 
in  its  dissemination  as  his  friends.  It  was  useful  to  the 
latter  as  a  proof  of  their  master's  eloquence  and  to 
increase  the  diffusion  of  his  doctrines;  to  the  former,  as 
a  specimen  of  his  audacity  and  a  means  of  inflaming 
the  Pope  and  princes  against  him.  And,  in  the  hands 
of  the  Arrabbiati,  it  proved  a  valuable  document  with 
which  to  rouse  the  smouldering  wrath  of  Alexander 
VI.  Already,  at  the  close  of  1494,  the  Arrabbiati  had 
contrived  to  obtain  from  Rome  a  mandate  for  Savona- 
rola's removal  to  Lucca  ;  and  they  now  urged  the  Pope 
to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  Signory's  request  to  be 
allowed  to  retain  him  in  Florence.2  Accordingly,  more 
stringent  orders  arrived  from  Rome,  and  even  the  pressing 
solicitations    of   the   Ten   failed   to    reverse   the    decree. 3 

1  "Predica  della  Rinnovazione."  It  is  the  third  sermon  on  the 
Psalms,  and  was  also  published  separately.  There  is  an  undated  copy 
of  it  in  the  Guicciardini  Collection. 

a  Nardi,  Pitti,  Violi,  and  other  writers  repeatedly  state  that  the  first 
orders  from  Rome  were  sent  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Arrabbiati  and  of 
Ludovico,  cf  Milan. 

3  The  Signory  sent  a  despatch  on  the  28th  of  December,  1494,  to  beg 
that  Savonarola  might  remain  in  Florence  :  "  Hoc  nobis  populoque  nostro 


HIS  EXHORTATIONS  TO  THE  PEOPLE. 


335 


Hence  the  Arrabbiati,  having  now  won  the  Gonfalonier  to 
their  side,  hoped  that  affairs  would  turn  in  their  favour 
and  the   Friar  be   dismissed.     Savonarola,  in    fact,  beino- 
determined  to  cause  no  scandal,  was  already  preparino-  to 
leave  at  the  appointed  time.     Meanwhile,   however,   he 
gave  four  more  sermons,  and  in  the  first  exhorted  '  the 
people  to  be  steadfast   in  seeking   to   perfect    their    new 
government,   and  inculcated   the  duties  of  charity,  peace 
and  concord.     In  the  second  he  treated  of  simplicity  and 
the  moral  life  ;  urged  his  hearers   to  bestow  their  super- 
fluities on  the  poor,  and  suggested  that  the  convents  should 
be  the  first  to  set  the  example.     And  should  the  requisite 
permission  be  obtained  from  Rome,  St.  Mark's,  he  added, 
would  be  one  of  the   first  to   begin.     "  Nowhere  in  the 
Gospel  have  I  found  a  text  recommending  golden  crosses 
and  precious  stones  ;  rather  have   I  found  :  I  was  athirst 
and   ye  gave  me  not  to  drink  ;  I  was  a  hungered,  and  ye 
gave  me  no  meat.     Should  ye  obtain  the  consent  of  Rome, 
l,for  my  own  part,  will  give  everything  away,  beginning 
with  my  own  mantle/'  '    In  the  two  concluding  sermons  2 
he  bade  farewell  to  the  people,  saying  that  he  must  yield 
to  the  wrath   of  his  foes.     "  I  must  go  to  Lucca,   and 
thence  perhaps  elsewhere,  as  I  may  be  ordered  ;  pray  the 
Lord  to  aid  me  in  teaching  his  Word.     There  be  many  in 
this  city  who  would  fain  make  an  end  of  me  ;  but  know 
that  my  hour  hath  not  yet  come.     I  depart,  because  it 
behoveth  me   to  obey  orders,  and  I  would  generate  no 

universo  ita  gratum  erit,  ut  nihil  gratius  acceptiusque  ac  salutarius,  ets 
omnia  gratissime  expectemus,  hoc  tempore  accidere  possit."  {Vide  "  II 
Savonarola  e  i  Lucchesi,  nuovi  documenti,"  Florence  :  Cellini,  1862.)  The 
letter  of  the  Ten  was  sent  to  Rome  with  another  addressed  to  their  am- 
bassador, the  8th  of  January,  1495,  containing  these  words  :  "Present  it 
(the  letter)  without  delay,  and  endeavour  to  obtain  a  Brief  addressed 
to  Frate  Hieronymo,  authorizing  him  to  preach  here  this  year,  as  has  been 
already  said."     Meier  gives  this  document  at  page  80,  note  2. 

x  Predica  v.,  "sopra  i  Salmi." 

*  Predica  vi.  (January  20th)  ;  Predica  vii.  (January  25th). 


-;6  NAROZJtS  UFA  AND  TIMES. 


JO 


•caudal  in  your  city.     As  for  jrc,  the  chosen  of  the  Lord, 
•  in  prayer  and  charity  ;  be  not  atenei  of  the 

and  tribulationi  which  ever  befall  the  rightCOUl  ; 

firm  in  holy  deeds."     1  Eaving  pronounced  the 

words,  he  left  the   pulpit  amid  the  agitation  and  grief  ot 
all  his  friends. 

But  although  the  Gonfalonier  Corbizzi  was  adverse  to 
the  Friar,  and  the  Signory  then   in  power  readier  to  help 
him   by   words  than   deeds,  the  Ten  were   now   counted 
among   his  warmest   adherents.     Assured   of  the  support 
of  the' whole  people,  they  again  wrote  to  Rome,  urgently 
beseeching  the  Holy  Father  to  permit  Savonarola  to  remain 
in  Florence  as  Lenten  preacher,  notwithstanding  the  orders 
transferring  him  to  Lucca.     The  whole  city  was  in  com- 
motion  at   the  announcement  of   the    Friar's  departure  ; 
many  regarded  the  popular  government  as  already  over- 
thrown ;    and   epistles   of  all    kinds  were   despatched   to 
Rome,  praying  that  the  order  might  be  revoked.     So  far, 
in  fact,  Alexander  had  no  serious  reasons  to  hate  Savona- 
rola, for   he    knew   little    and   cared    less   concerning  his 
visions  and  prophecies.     Besides,  King  Charles,  the  friend 
of  the  Florentines  and  their   Friar,  was  now  in  Naples 
at    the    height    of    his    prosperity,    and    the    Pope    was 
unwilling  to  arouse  his  enmity.     Therefore  he  was  easily 
persuaded  to  yield  to  the  request  of  the  Ten,  and  revoking 
his  decree,  permitted  Savonarola  to  preach  during  Lent 

in  Florence.1  .      . 

But,  although  apparently  of  little  moment    in    itself, 

'  "  Concerning  the  which  thin-  (namely,  the  Friar's  departure)  the 
majority  of  the  citizens  were  greatly  moved,  inasmuch  as  all  the  magis- 
trates and  men  of  honest  disposition  held  his  sermons  to  be  very  beneficial 
to  morals,  and  very  necessary  for  the  pacification  of  the  discordant  minds 
of  ill-disposed  citizens  at  the  beginning  of  the  new  government.  Where- 
fore by  the  endeavours  and  messages  of  many  devoted  followers,  especi- 
allvof  the  Ten  of  liberty  and  peace,  a  revocation  of  the  above-mentioned 
Brief  was  sought  from  the  Pope,  and  was  thus  easily  obtained  (Nardi, 
vol.  i.  p.  65). 


THE  SERMONS  ON  THE  BOOK  OF  JOB. 


337 


this  act  made  a  powerful  impression  on  the  Friar's  mind 
He  could  never  forget  it,  and  it  turned  his  ideas  into 
a  new  channel,  i     The  order  to  leave  Florence  and  preach 
elsewhere  was  undoubtedly  painful  to  him  ;  nevertheless 
regarding  obedience  as  a  sacred  duty,  nothing  would  have 
led  him  to  violate  the  command.     But  what  was  he  to 
think,  when   the   Head   of  the  Church  showed  so  little 
respect  for  his  own   Briefs  as  to  issue   and  recall   them 
at    the    pleasure    of   the    last    supplicant?     It    was    now 
certain  that  the  Decree  had   only  been  issued   to  please 
those  enemies   of  the   Friar  who   had  already  begun   to 
lay  all   kinds  of  snares  for  him.      How  then  could   he 
Savonarola,  attach  any  weight   to  a  command  to  which 
none  was  given  by  the  Pope  himself?     Ought  he  to  have 
obeyed  it,  supposing  he  had  known  all  this  at  first  ?     For 
the  moment,  however,  Savonarola  banished  these  thoughts 
as    harassing    temptations.      He   sent    Fra   Domenico   to 
Lucca,   and   being   solicited    by  that  city  to   promise   at 
least  to  go  there  in   1496,  replied  that,  unless  compelled 
by   unforeseen  events    to  remain  in   Florence,  he  would 
certainly  come.*     Meanwhile  he    immediately  began   his 
Lenten   sermons.     As   if  to  show  his  need  of  patience 
he  took  his  texts  from  the  Book  of  Job,  and  refrained 
as  much  as  possible  from   touching  on   politics,  so  that 
his  enemies  might  have  no  fresh  excuse  for  attacking  him. 
There  was  another  reform  to  effect,   no  less  useful  and 
imperative    than    the   change  of  government    had    been, 
namely,  th^.  reformation  of  manners  ;  and  to  this  his  whole 
energy  was  given   in  his  sermons   on  Job.     These  dis- 
courses, however,  have  come  down  to   us   in  almost   as 
mutilated  a  form  as  the  series  on  Noah's  Ark.     Reported 

^  Savonarola  afterwards  alluded  to  these  impressions  in  his  sermons, 
in  his  letter  to  the  Lucchese  dated  18th  of  March,  1494  (common 
style,  1495),  he   made   this   reply  to    their  request.     Vide   the    before- 
mentioned  pamphlet,  "  II  Savonarola  e  i  Lucchesi." 

23 


5  . 1  YD   TIMES. 

v.\  a  very  incomplete  and  fragmentary  fashion,  by  one 

ntinually  explains  that  he  is  too  much  shaken  by 

:    n  to   transcribe  the   preacher's  words,  they   were 

xed  into  Latin,  then   hack  into  Italian,  and  first 
dished  at  Venice  in  this  shape  in  the  year  1545. 

T:  Uy  lite,  union, and  concord  Or  the  citizens  forni 

principal  subject  of  these  sermons.  From  the  begin- 
ning he  laid  down  the  rule  that  all  may  he  saved  if  they 
honestly  endeavour  to  live  a  godlv  life:  u  Nou 
can  excuse  us,  O  my  brethren  ;  rectitude  draws  us  near  to 
the  Lord,  and  the  Gospel  is  the  staff  of  our  weakness."  l 
In  these  sermons  the  godly  life  is  the  all  in  all.  He 
treats  of  friendship  ;  and  after  discussing  its  differences 
6f  degree  and  quality,  concludes  by  saying  that  the  only 
friendship  worthy  of  the  name,  and  really  firm  and 
enduring,  is  that  which  is  founded  upon  goodness,  honesty, 
and  virtue.2  He  treats  of  the  essence  of  freedom,  and 
arrives  at  the  same  conclusion  :  "  God  is  essentially  free, 
and  the  just  man  is  free  after  the  likeness  of  God.  The 
only  true  liberty  consists  in  the  desire  for  righteous- 
ness. It  seemeth  to  thee  that  a  good  monk  hath  no 
liberty,  because  he  hath  submitted  his  will  to  that  of 
others  ;  but  his  freedom  is  greater  than  that  of  laymen, 
exactly  because  he  willeth  to  do  that  which  is  commanded 
him  by  others.  What  liberty  is  there  in  being  dominated 
by  our  own  passions  ?  Now,  in  our  own  case,  dost  thou, 
Florence,  desire  liberty  ?  Citizens,  would  ye  be  free  ? 
First  of  all  love  God,  love  your  neighbour,  love  one 
another,  love  the  general  welfare  ;  and  if  ye  have  this 
love  and  union  among  ye,  true  liberty  will  be  yours. "  3 
He  continually  urged  the  necessity  of  concord.  "  Florence  ! 
I  tell  thee  thou  must  be  united,  if  thou  wouldst  be  freed 
from  thy  woes.  For  if  thou  sayest  :  oh  !  union  is  ours, 
thou  dost  lie.  I  repeat  that  if  thou  sayest  union  is  thine, 
1  Predica  ii-,  "sopra  Giobbe."  °  Predica  iii,  3  Predica  xiv. 


HIS  VISIONARY  DIALOGUES.  339 

thou  dost  lie  ;  a  second  and  a  third  time,  thou  dost  lie 
.  .  .  Wert  thou  united  thou  wouldst  have  already  won 
that  which  I  promised  thee.  .  .  .  Wherefore,  be  ye  united 
If  ye  desire  to  have  strength  and  virtue  from  God  let 
the  flesh  be  prepared  to  receive  them,  and  the  preparation 
needed  is  union,  the  which,  O  Florence,  thou  hast  not 
Where  is  union,  there  is  God  ;  and  where  is  God,  there 
is  all  strength  and  all  virtue."  1 

He    continually  declared    these    to    be   the  commands 
of  God  and  addressed   by  Him  to   the  Florentines.     It 
would  seem  that,  while  prudently  abstaining  from  poli- 
tics,  he  indulged  more   freely  in   visionary  flights.     He 
gave  an  entire  sermon   on  the    light  of  prophecy;  2  in 
another  he  stated  that  the  world  was  divided  into'  two 
hosts  ;  i.e.,  the  host  of  evildoers  led  by  the  Devil,  and 
of  the  virtuous  led  by  Jesus  Christ  ;  he  suggested'  that 
the  chosen  should  make  alliance  with  Christ,  and  offered 
to  go  to  Him  as  their  ambassador.     Then,  in  subsequent 
sermons  he  recounted  his  dialogues  with  Christ  and  the 
Virgin  during  this  strange  mission,  and  these  also  chiefly 
turned  on  union  and  goodly  living.   Jesus  Christ  had  said  to 
him  :   "  Behold  how  all  natural  things  are  gradually  fused 
into  one  more  perfect  than  the  rest.     Every  movement 
of  material    things  is  subject   to  the  movement  of  the 
heavens  ;   every  movement  of  our   body  to   that  of  the 
heart  ;  every  movement  of  the  soul  to  reason  ;  all  rules 
and  governments  to  God,  the  prime  ruler  of  the  universe. 
Consider  how,  when  the  elements  of  a  thing  are  dispersed, 
that  thing  is  said  to  no  longer  exist,  and  only  by  some 
force  reconstituting  its  unity  can  it  be  restored  to  exist- 
ence.    Had  it  been  possible  to  display  all  My  power  and 
goodness  in  a  single  creature,  I  would  have  so  displayed 
t  ;   and  only  because  no  one  creature  could  be  capable 
)f  containing  it  all,  have  I  created  a  multitude,  which 
■  Predica  xiii.,  "  sopra  Giobbe."  >  Predica  xii. 


TIMES, 

represent  Observe 

,1c,  a-  e   that  every 

ivea  unitv;  all  creadon  seeks  it  save 

Jd   rather   be  separate  and 
[n  the  course  of  the  same  sermoi 

in  touches  on  the  theme  of  holy  living.      "  Goodness  " 
—the  Lor-  ill  supposed  to  I  king—"  is  diffusive 

in   its   nature,   v.  un    supreme   goodness, 

inform  the  *  world,  and   have  given  life   to 

all    creatures;    and   all    that   is  good   in  them   is   a  share 

My  goodness.  By  goodness  I  came  down  among  men, 
in  the  likeness  of  man,  and  was  fastened  on  the  Cross. 
Behold,  therefore,  the  sign  by  which  the  good  man  shall  be 
made  known  :  namely,  when  one  shall  infuse  his  goodness 
into  others,  and  make  them  share  the  good  that  is  in 
him,  verily  that  man  is  good  and  a  sharer  of  My  good- 
.  But  when  the  contrary  is  seen,  and  men  neither 
.se  nor  spread  the  talent  I  have  given  to  their  charge, 
this  is  a  manifest  token  that  they  have  no  share' in  My 
goodness.  The  Christian  life  consistetti  not  in  ceremonies, 
but  in  the  practice  of  goodness,  i.e.,  of  compassion  and 
mercv.  Wherefore  declare  thou  unto  all,  that  thus  is 
the  goodness  of  man  made  known  ;  namely,  by  seeing 
whether  he  be  pitiful,  whether  he  share  that  which  he 
hath  with  others,  and  especially  with  the  poor.  And  in 
this  consistetti  the  Christian  religion,  which  is  founded  on 
love  and  charity."  l 

Thus  the  chief  theme  of  these  sermons  is  always  the 
reformation  of  manners,  a  more  pressing  need  at  that 
time  than  the  political  reform,  which  was  in  full  progress. 
It  is  true  that  the  discourses  are  overladen  with  visions, 
allegories,  and  fantastic  interpretations  of  the  Bible, 
rendered  still  more  fantastic  by  the  superstitious  ignorance 
of  their  agitated  and  unskilled  compiler.  But  in  fact  the 
«  Predica  xvi.,  "  sopra  Giobbe." 


THE  ALLEGORY  OF  THE  THREE  MARYS. 


34i 


preacher's  fancies  were  only,  as  it  were,  the  outer  husk  of 
reasonings  intended  to  enforce  holy  living  and  union  upon 
the  citizens.      Here,   for  instance,  is  an  example  of  the 
moral  conveyed  by  his  visions,  and  by  the  scriptural  alle- 
gories which  he  always  interpreted  on  the  same  plan  :_ 
"  It  is  recounted  by  St.  Mark  that  early  in  the  morni'no- 
after  the  Sabbath  day  (Holy  Saturday)  the  three  Marys 
came  to  the  Lord's  sepulchre,  with  fragrant  ointments  to 
anoint  the  body  of  our  Saviour.      The  three  Marys  repre- 
sent the  perfect,  the  proficient,  and  the  incipient  who  are 
in  search  of  Christ.      As  I  have   before  told  ye,  regard- 
ing this_  Gospel,  they  bear  aromatic  and   fragrant   drugs— 
id  est,  virtues  which  are  pleasing  to  Jesus.    They  reach  thi 
sepulchre,  orto  jam  sole— i.e.,  when  the  sun   was  already 
risen."  .  .  .  "  If  thou  dost  seek  Jesus,  the  sun  of  justice 
will  arise  in  thee,  thou  shalt  be  enlightened,  and  thy  desire 
shall  be  fulfilled.    But  thou  must  walk  in  righteousness  and 
labour,  since  by  labour  shalt  thou  be  made  perfect.    Behold 
the  three  Marys  !  they  walked  in  righteousness,  seeking  their 
Lord,  and  thou  seest,  they  were  comforted  at  last.  °  And 
they  thought  to  themselves  by  the  way,  Who  will  be  able 
to  lift  the  stone  ?      Thus  saying,  they  reached  the  temple, 
and  lo,  the  stone  was  already  lifted.     The  which  signifieth, 
that  if  thou  goest    by  the  path  of  good  life  seeking  the 
Lord,  even  if  thou  knowest  Him  not,  He  abideth  in  thee, 
and  lifteth  the  stone  of  thy  ignorance  ;  and  the  light  re- 
vealed shall  say  unto  thee,  as  said  the  Angel   unto  the 
Marys,  Jesum    qu<eritis  Nazarenum  ?     Sur  r  exit ,  non  est 
He."     "  I  know  that  ye  seek  Christ;    He  is  risen,  He  is 
not  here.      That  is  to    say,  seek   Christ    in    heaven  ;  seek 
Him  not  in  the  things  of  this  life,  neither  in  the  things 
of  this  world  ;  seek  Him  in  celestial,  divine,  and  spiritual 
things  ;  renounce  the  love  of  temporal  things.     He  is  in 
heaven,  and  lo,  He  awaiteth  ye.     O  Christians  !  what  do 
ye  here  ?     Seek  to  go  where  is  thy  head,  for  there  shall  ye 


AND  TIMES. 


i  *\   said   the   Angel   to  the 

,  >me  and  see  that  Christ  licth  not  in  the 

He  en.     .         \  but  go,  walk  from 

nrtue   In  the  pit  ent  life,  if    ye  would  find 

C       :  in  the  mxt."  «  Thus  ended  the  I.  i  ten  t 

the  I  onduding  sermon,  ;           I   as  m 

of  the  others,  being  interrupted  by  the  emotion  of  the 

scribe  who  was  noting  it  dov. 

Immediately  after  Lent  Savonarola  seemed  broken  down 
by  fiuigUC.      His  old   energy  still    flashed  from   his  eyes, 
but   he  was  terribly   emaciated,   looked  thoroughly  worn 
out,  and  was  increasingly  weakened  by  an  intestinal  com- 
plaint    The  incessant  struggle  and  over-excitement  or  the 
last  few  years  were  too  great  a  strain  to  be  long  endured 
by  any  mortal  constitution;  and  political  life  had  tried  his 
strength  more  than  he  was  himself  aware.     The  direction 
of  the  revolution  and  reform  of  the  State   had  not  only 
cost  him  ceaseless  thought,  speech,  and  counsel  ;  but  had 
also    loaded    him    with    the    immense    responsibility    or 
practically  deciding  the  destinies  of  a   nation  whose  sole 
trust  was  in  him.      He  had  felt  the  necessity  of  preserving 
his  moral  ascendency,  of  animating,  as  it  were,  the  whole 
multitude  with  his  own  spirit,  ruling  it  by  his  own  will, 
and  had  therefore  lived  in  a    perpetual   state  of  tension 
and  feverish   excitement.     Yet  so  great  was  this  Friars 
earnestness,    that    when    the    political  strife    had  abated, 
instead  of  taking  any  rest,  he  immediately  began  another 
reform    of    equal    magnitude    by  means  of    his    sermons 
on  Job.     And  into  this,  as  into  all  his  other  undertak- 
ings, he  had  thrown  his  whole  strength,  with  an  indes- 
cribable devotion  and  tenacity  of  purpose.    The  words  in 
themselves  are  probably  the  least  part  of  these  sermons  ; 

1  Predica  xlv.,  "  sopra  Giobbe." 

2  "  So  crreatly  was  I  overcome  by  emotion  and  tears,  that  1  could  not 
go  on  wrTling  "  The  amanuensis  subjoined  this  note  to  many  of  these 
sermons,  including  the  last. 


FLORENCE  TRANSFORMED. 


34j 


at  all  events  in  the  incomplete  form   in  which  they  have 
reached   us.      The>  subject   treated   in   them  was  the  one 
dearest  to   the  Friar's  heart;  his  mental  excitement  was 
increased    by    physical    weakness,   and    his    words    were 
emphasized  by  fiery  glances  and  energetic  gesticulations. 
And  although  he  gave  too  much  importance  to  the  visions 
of  his  brain,  so  great  was  the  force  of  his  sincerity,  good- 
ness, and    benevolence    as   to    have    unprecedented   effect 
upon   his    hearers.     Never   was   a    multitude    so  entirely 
dominated  by  pious  emotion,  so  easily  plunged  in  tears'' 
By  the  end  of  Lent,  Savonarola  had  won  almost  a  greater 
victory  than  the  political  triumph  achieved  by  his  sermons 
on  Haggai. 

The  aspect  of  the   city  was  completely  changed.     The 
women  threw  aside  their  jewels  and  finery,  dressed  plainly, 
bore    themselves    demurely;    licentious    young    Floren- 
tines were  transformed,  as  by  magic,  into  sober,  religious 
men  ;  pious  hymns  took  the  place  of  Lorenzo's  Carnival 
songs      The  townsfolk  passed  their  leisure  hours  seated 
quietly  in  their  shops  reading  either  the  Bible  or  Savona- 
rola s    works.       All    prayed    frequently,    flocked    to    the 
churches,  and  gave  largely  to  the  poor.      Most  wonderful 
of  all,  bankers  and  tradesmen  were  impelled  by  scruples  of 
conscience  to  restore  ill-gotten  gains,  amounting  to  many 
thousand  florins,  *     All   men  were    wonderstruck  by  this 
singular    and   almost    miraculous   change;    and    notwith- 
standing the  shattered  state  of  his  health,  Savonarola  must 
have  been  deeply  rejoiced  to  see  his  people  converted  to 
so  Christian  a  mode  of  life.     Now  indeed  he  might  have 
died  content  !     But  his  hour  had  not  yet  come  ;  he  was 
called  by  God  to  a  higher  fate. 

•  Besides  the  evidence  on  this  point  furnished  by  the  "  Vita  Latina  " 
Bur  amacchi,  Pico,  Barsanti,  Fra  Benedetto,  and  other  biographers,  the 
reader  may  refer  to  all  contemporary  historians,  as,  for  instance,  to  Nardi, 
Guicciardini  ("  Storia  Fiorentina"),  and  the  correspondence  of  the  Ten 
with  the  Court  of  Rome,  editjed  by  Padre  Marchese. 


344  èfES. 

This  ne*  of  things  waa  naturally  turned  to  ridi- 

cule by  the  Arrabbiati,  who  grew  more  and  more  furious, 
and  vented  their  feelings  by  jeering  at  the  Friar  and  his 

followers,  and  nicknaming  them  Piagnoni  (Snivellers), 
Collitorti  (Wrynecks), StTOpiccioni  (Toadies),  and  Mastica- 
paternostri  (Prayer-mumblers).  Nevertheless,  the  Piag- 
noni were   the  only   determined   defenders   of  the   people's 

rights  ;    the  readiest  to   fly  to  arms  when  Florence  was 

threatened  by  the  French  ;  the  most  generous  in  giving 
money  to  the  State,  and  in  tenderly  succouring  the  poor 
who  were  suffering  from  the  high  price  of  food  and 
scarcity  of  work.  For  their  devotion  to  the  Republic 
was  all  the  more  tenacious,  because  liberty  and  religion 
were  as  one  in  their  hearts  ;  and  in  all  public  emergencies 
it  was  only  on  these  followers  of  the  Friar  that  the 
country  could  really  depend. 

Accordingly,  to  the  great  disgust  of  th:  Arrabbiati,  the 
enthusiasm  for  Savonarola  and  St.  Mark's  became  more 
and  more  general.  Peasants  and  nobles  from  all  the 
country  round  journeyed  to  Florence  by  night  to  be  in 
time  for  the  morning's  discourse  ;  some  came  even  from 
distant  Bologna  to  spend  the  Lenten  season  in  Florence  ;  ■ 
and  the  vast  Duomo  itself  was  too  small  to  contain  the 
throng.  Many  new  converts  asked  leave  to  join  the 
Tuscan  congregation,  and  the  number  of  brethren  wear- 
ing the  robe  of  St.  Mark  was  incredibly  multiplied. 
Instead  of  fifty,  as  at  first,  the  community  now  counted 
two  hundred  and  thirty  souls  ;  hence  it  was  necessary  to 
obtain  from  the  Government  the  adjacent  buildings  of 
La  Sapienza,  which  were  accordingly  connected  with  the 
convent  by  a  passage  tunnelled  under  the  Via  del  Maglio. 
Many  of  the  new  monks  were  scions  of  the  leading  houses 
of  Florence,  such  as  six  brothers  of  the  Strozzi  family  ; 
several  of  the  Gondi,  Salviati,  and  Acciaiuoli  ;  others  were 
1  "Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi  and  tbe  Florentine  historians. 


THE  CONVERSION  OF  FRA  BENEDETTO. 


345 


men  of  mature  age  and  of  high  standing  in  literature 
science,    and    statesmanship,  such    as    Pandolfo   Rucellai' 
Giorgio    Vespucci,    uncle    of    the    celebrated     navigator! 
Zanobi  Acciainoli    Blemmet,  the  Jewish  teacher  of  Pico 
della  Mirandola,  the  physician,  Pietro  Paolo   da  Urbino 
and  many  more.1  ' 

The  mode  of  these  men's  conversion  is  likewise  worthy 
of  special  remark,  since  it  proves  that  Savonarola,  instead 
of  encouraging  sudden  resolves  and  fits  of  enthusiasm, 
always  proceeded  with  the  utmost  caution.  We  find 
an  example  of  this  in  the  account  given  by  the  Florentine 
tettuccio,  more  generally  known  as  Fra  Benedetto  of  his 
own  conversion.  He  was  the  son  of  a  goldsmith,  exer- 
cising the  then  profitable  art  of  miniature  painting   was 

mf  J  u  PTe  °f  y°Uth>  °f  a  J°y°us  temperament,  full 
or  dash  and  courage,  prompt  to  quarrel,  a  singer,  musician, 
and  poet,  fond  of  good  living,  and  entirely  devoted  to 
pleasure.  _  Consequently  he  was  a  favourite  guest  in  the 
gayest  society,  and  led  a  life  of  frivolous  gallantry. 

"  Tanto  musco  e  profumo  allor  portavo, 
Con  tante  pompe  e  leggiadrie  e  gale/ 
Che  col  cervel  senza  penne  volavo.'' * 

But  these,  he  tells  us,  were  evil  days  ;  in  the  time  of 
1  ope  Alexander,  days  rife  with  avarice,  sensuality,  and 
unbelief: 

"Né  quasi  si  credea  dal  tetto  in  su."3 

Such  was  the  life  led  by  Bettuccio,  the  miniature  painter, 
When  Savonarola  began  to  be  renowned,  and  all  Florence 

J^  Pad,rfe  Marchese,  "Scritti,"  p.  141  and  fol.,  for  which  work  the 
author  consulted  the  ancient  annals  of  his  own  convent  of  St.  Mark. 

(bo  much  musk  and  perfume  I  wore,  so  many  gauds  and  finery  and 
fnppery,    that  my  head  flew  without  wings.)        Vide    Fra    Benedetto, 

Cedrus  Libani,"  a  little  poem  published  by  Padre   Marchese  in  the 

Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Appendix  vii. 

3  When  one  scarce  believed  in  aught  above  one's  roof. 


VAXOLAS  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

!   to  h  B  \  howei  er,  refused  to 

follow  the  herd;  turi.  le  of  the  Arrabbiati, 

lintheii  jainsttheP        mi.    But  one  day, 

of  i  noble  and  beautiful  marron,  the 

k    i  :         narola'a  sermons  in  the  warmest  terms. 

He    la  '    the   time;    but   on   another   clay    he    was 

induced  by  the  lady's  y  ns  to  accompany  her  to  the 

iHiomo.       lie   describes  his   deep   confusion   on  entering 

church  and  finding  himself  among  so  great  a  com- 
pany of  believers,  who  stared  at  him  with  astonishment. 
At  first  he  longed  to  escape,  hut  somewhat  reluctantly 
decided  to  remain.  And  as  soon  as  Savonarola  mounted 
the  pulpit  everything  seemed  changed  to  him.  Having 
once    fixed    his   eyes  on    the   preacher   he   was   unable  to 

•.draw  them  ;  his  attention  was  powerfully  arrested, 
his  mind  impressed;  and  then,  he  says,  "  At  last  I 
knew  myself  to  be  as  one  dead  rather  than  living."  When 
the  sermon  was  over,  he  wandered  forth  into  lonely  places, 
11  and  for  the  first  time  I  turned  my  mind  to  my  inner  self." 
After  long  meditation  he  went  home,  and  became  a  changed 
man.  He  threw  aside  his  songs  and  musical  instruments, 
forsook  his  companions,  and  discarded  his  scented  attire  : 

"  Come  un  vento 
Spoglia  'mi  al  tutto  d'ogni  leggiadria."  " 

From  that  day  he  was  one  of  the  most  assiduous  of 
Savonarola's  hearers,  frequented  the  convent  of  St.  Mark, 
repeated  prayers  and  litanies,  and  even  beheld  strange 
visions  and  heard  heavenly  voices  in  the  air."  2  "I  had  a 
hard   struggle  with  my  companions,"  he  tells  us,  "  who 

1  "  Cedrus  Libani  ■  With  the  speed  of  the  wind,  I  stripped  off  every 
dornment. 

2  He  mentions  these  visions  in  bk.  iii.  of  his  u  Vulnera  Diligentis," 
MS.  2,985  of  the  Riccardi  Library.  See  particularly  chap.  xx.  and  chap, 
xxiii.,  in  which  he  describes  a  vision  beheld  by  MichelangioloBuonarotti 
in  Rome.     Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xix. 


BENEDETTO'S  STRUGGLES  WITH  THE  ELES       347 

went  about   making  mock   of   me  ;     and   a  still   harder 
struggle  with  my  own  passions,  which,  breaking  loose  again 
from  time  to  time,  assailed  me  very  fiercely  "     At  Tast 
when  he  felt  sure  of  himself,  he  sought  the  austere  Prior 
of  St.    Mark's  and   cast  himself  at  his  feet.      His  voice 
trembled,  he  could  scarcely  utter  a  word  in  the  presence 
of  him  to  whom  he  owed  his  regeneration  ;  nevertheless  he 
stammered    forth    his    desire    to    join    the     brotherhood 
Savonarola  reasoned  with  him  on  the  danger  of  precipitate 
resolves,  the  difficulties  of  the  monastic  lite,  and  concluded 
by  counselling  him  to  make  a  better  trial  of  himself  by 
leading  a  Christian  life  in  the  world,  before  crossing  the 
convent  threshold.     The  advice  proved  to  be  needed,  for 
Bertuccio  had  again   to  fight  against  the  violence  of  his 
passions,  and  was  not  always  victorious  in  the  struo-o-Je 
After  doing    severe    penance  for    these  fresh   lapsesfand 
when  assured  by  long  trial  of  having  really  mastered  the 
flesh,  he  returned  to  Savonarola  in  a  calmer  frame  of  mind. 
But  the  latter,  who  had  kept  him  carefully  in  sight,  would 
not  yet  allow  him  to  assume  the  monastic  robe,  sending 
him  instead  to  minister  to  the  sick  and  bury  the  dead  : 

"  Cosi  più  mesi,  in  un  santo  ospitale, 
A  vivi  e  morti  carità  facevo."  " 

From  time  to  time  he  was  summoned  to  the  Friar's  cell, 
to  receive  advice  and  hear  lectures  on  the  monastic  life  ; 
finally,  on  the  7th  of  November,  1495,  he  put  on  the  robe, 
and  on  the  13th  of  November  of  the  following  year  took 
the  full  vows,  and  assumed  the  name  of  Fra  Benedetto.2 

1  Thus,  in  a  holy  hospital,  for  many  months,  I  did  charity  to  the  quick 
and  the  dead.  n 

2  The  whole  account  of  this  conversion  is  taken  from  Fra  Benedetto's 
own  poem.  For  further  particulars  of  his  career,  the  reader  may  refer 
to  the  preface  to  the  poem,  written  by  Padre  Marchese,  and  reprinted  in 
a  revised  form  111  the  latter's  "  Scritti  varii.'; 

The  Florentine  libraries  contain  many  works  by  Fra  Benedetto.  Except- 


ROUVS  I 

This  was  how  Savonarol  of  the  most  faith- 

ful of  hi  one  or'  the  most  in  the  hour 

of  peril,  and  who    preserved   to  the  last    an  increasing 
on  and  almost  worship  for  his  master.     The  Friar 

was  equally  cautious  in  his  advice  to  Others,  and  never 
pressed  any  one  to  join  the  brotherhood.  His  only  con- 
iatile above-mentioned  Inia  Libani,"  all  aro  Ineditcd,  and 
nearly  all  I                                The  Codices  axxiv.  7,  and  servii.  318,  ol 

tl.c  National  Library  (the  former  being,  as  the  author  says,  the  last  copy 
revised    and   corrected  by  himse  tain  the  first  two  books  of  the 

-cutis,"  which   gives,  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue,  many 
biographical  details  of  the  highest  value  concerning  Savonarola.     Hook 
iii.  of  the  same  work,  discovered  by  the  present  writer,  contains  numerous 
particulars    of  the    trials  and  execution  of   Savonarola   and   his  fellow- 
mart  vr>.  with  narratives,explanations,  and  commentaries  of  his  visions  and 
As  before  said,  it  is  comprised  in  Codex  2,985  of  the  Riccardi 
brary.      The  Rinnccini  Codex  in   the  National  Library,  ii.  e,  123,  con- 
as  the  stimuli  parte  delle  prophetic  dello  inclito  martire  del  Signore 
Hìeronym  xarola.    The  first  letter  is  illuminated,  and  has  a  miniature 

portra  vonarola,  said  by    Padre  Marchese  to  be  the  only  known 

Specimen  of  Fra  Benedetto's  work.  Chap.  xiii.  also  begins  with  an  illu- 
minated capital  letter,  representing  the  vision  of  the  hand  brandishing  a 
sword  over  Florence.  This,  too,  may  be  attributed  to  Fra  Benedetto. 
Codex  xxxv,  90,  of  the  National  Library,  is  a  collection  of  several  minor 
works  of  the  same  author  :— 1st,  "  Fons  Vita?,"  finished  at  sheet  88,  is  in 
three  books  and  written  in  Latin.  Book  i.  is  a  dialogue  between 
Homicida  and  Vominus,  and  gives  details  of  Fra  Benedetto's  life.  Book 
ii.  is  on  visions  ;  book  iii.  consists  of  religious  meditations,  hymns,  and 
chants.  The  Homicida  of  bk.  i.  is  Fra  Benedetto  himself,  for  after 
Savonarola's  death  he  killed  a  man  in  a  riot,  though,  according  to  Padre 
Marchese,  in  self-defence.  He  expiated  this  crime  by  prolonged 
penance  and  many  years'  imprisonment,  during  which  period  most  of  his 
works  were  composed.  Accordingly  he  often  refers  to  himself  in  these  as  irà 
Benedetto  the  homicide,  and  is  sometimes  designated  in  old  catalogues  by 
the  same  appellation.  This  was  why  his  works  remained  unknown  for 
some  time.  2nd,  "  Fasciculus  Mirrx,"  from  sheet  95  to  224,  is  a  collec- 
tion of  sonnets,  canticles,  and  religious  hymns.  3rd,  The  little  poem, 
"  Cedrus  Libani,"  from  sheet  231  to  sheet  257.  4th,  A  most  faithful  copy, 
in  Fra  Benedetto's  hand,  of  all  Savonarola's  best  poems.  It  also  contains 
a  few  prayers  and  other  items  of  slighter  importance.  At  sheet  280  is  a 
psalm  by  Savonarola.  The  lauds  contained  in  the  "  Fasciculus  Mirra?  " 
includes' one  upon  Savonarola  (sheet  214),  God's  prophet  and  martyr. 

We  should  note,  in  conclusion,  that  Fra  Benedetto,  while  zealously 
defending  his  master  in  these  works,  and  attacking  his  detractors  and 
persecutors  with  equal  vigour,  repeatedly  declares  his  own  submission  to 
the  Catholic  Church. 


HIS  SUCCESSFUL  CRUSADE  AGAINST  VICE,    xao 

cern  was  for  the  improvement  of  manners,  the  diffusion  of 
morality,  and  the  regeneration   of  the  true   doctrines  of 
Christ,  to  which  men's  souls  appeared  dead.     It  was  to 
this  end  that  he  now  specially  dedicated  his  whole  time 
and  strength   his  entire  heart  and  soul.     When  preaching 
on  the  holy  life  and  Christian  virtue  h^s  soul  almost  seemed 
to  shine  forth  from  his  eyes,  and  his  spiritual  energy  to 
be  transfused  by  his  voice  into  the  people,  who  daily  and 
visibly   improved  under  his  beneficent  influence       Con 
temporary  writers  never  cease  expressing  their  wonder  at 
this  quasi-miracle  ;  some  are  edified  by  the  triumph  thus 
achieved    by  religion,   others  regret  the  days  of  joyous 
ballads  and  carnival  songs  ;  but  all  are  equally  emphatic 
is  to  the  change  in  public  manners,  and  acknowledge  that 
at  was  solely  the  work  of  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola 


&>^ 


BOOK   III. 

CHAPTERS    I.— VI. 
(1495-1497-) 


LOJRfiA"LO  mp/fimo, 
DETTO   PFs/t    LB 
E  GRANDI  J//im 
nato  UdclG^'MCDILm 


Qjfà/< 


<z>. 


MB    MEDICI 

ri/£  JINGOLAPI, 

Vi  magnifico. 


92 


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<s<u/u>„o  j/fatolte/,  ,/.( 


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"a  CM,  61  Jfal  .  //alfa  <%&  ^lé^tuww  6  \  /UjK  Cu/h^^ 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHARLES  VIII.  RETURNS  TO  FRAVYCE  <Tlir  »JT  r  rvc 
AI<D  PIE^O  DE'  ME^ICrS  ATT^PT  TO  RF^lÌ4§Ì 
^OREWCE-- SAVONAROLA  BREACHES  AGAr^r 
TY<RANNY  AND  AGAINST  THE  M  EVI  CI  THFlnii^frl 
ARE  C1^EPULSECD.  ^iCl—lHE  LAI  I  ER 

(i495-I496-) 

|ft  HE  altered  aspect  of  Italian  affairs  was 
now  causing  a  serious   change  in    the 
position    of    Savonarola    and    the    Re- 
public.    During  the  early  part  of  the 
year  the   French  expedition  had   been 
,  attended  by  marvellous  prosperity  ;  King 
Charles  had  reached  Naples  without  encountering  obstacles 
of  any  kind  by  the  way  ;  the  Aragonese  had  fled&;  the  new 
kingdom  been  established  as  by  a  stroke  of  magic.   But  soon 
the  king's  fortunes  began  to  decline  as  rapidly  as  they  had 
risen.      In  a  very  short  time  the  French  had   contrived  to 
make  themselves  equally  obnoxious  to  all  the  governments 
and  peoples  of  Italy.     Their  conduct  towards  the  Floren- 
tines cannot  be  too  severely  condemned  ;  and  everywhere 
they  did  nothing  but  demand  money  and  hold   out  pro- 
mises   which     they    never    fulfilled.1      The    Neapolitans 
were    so    disgusted    by    their    insolence    that    they    were 
already  longing  for  the  return  of  the  Aragonese.     The 
Italian    governments    felt  terror-struck    by  the  might  of 
this  foreign  host  that  had  traversed  all  Italy  in  triumph  ■ 
but  the  most  troubled  of   all  was  Ludovico   the  Moor, 
who  had  first  summoned  it    across  the  Alps.       He 

1   Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xx. 
VOL.    II.  24 


was 


AJW  TIMES. 

disquieted    by   leeing    so    many    Lombard   and 
impany  the  French,  was  terrified  to  rind 
nal  enemy,  I  •  m  Giacomo  Trivulzio,  among  the 
tnd  most  valued  commander!  ;  and  now  his 
nd  suspicions  were  increased  by  the :  refusal  of 
to  fulfil  the  pledge  made  at  the  beginning  of  the 
ranting  him  the  principality  or  Taranto.       1  here- 
in a  prey  to   alarm,  he  was  absorbed  m  weav- 
ing h     schemes.       After     having    summoned     France 
to  wreak   destruction  on  Italy,  he    now  resolved  to  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  an  Italian  league  to  drive  away  the 
;:s.      And  he  succeeded  in  the  attempt  !  > 
On  the    Jist  of  March,  1495,  a  League  was  concluded 
in  Venice  between  that  Republic,  the  Pope,  the  Emperor, 
and   the  King  of  Spain.      Its   ostensible  purpose  was  to 
defend  Christendom  against   the  Turks,  maintain  the  in- 
tegrity of  Italy  and  the  allied  States,  and  gather  an  army 
0^34,000  horse  and  20,000  foot.     But  in  fact  the  Sultan 
was  one  of  the  Powers  most  favourable  to  the  League, 
and  had  promised  to  send  men  and  money  to  its   aid,  in- 
asmuch  as  its  real   object  was  to  expel  the   French  from 
Italy.2     For   there  were   secret   clauses   to  the  effect  that 
Spain  was  to  send  a  fleet  to  aid  King  Ferdinand  to  recon- 
quer Naples  ;  the  Venetians  were  to   attack   the  Adriatic 
coast  ;  the  Duke  to   seize  Asti  and   bar  the  way  against 
reinforcements   from    France  ;     while    the    Emperor    and 
Spain    were    to    attack    the    French    frontiers    by    land. 
Thus,  with  lightning  speed,   the  Moor  had  on  all  sides 
raised  up    foes   against  France.      King  Charles  was    not 
ignorant  of  this.     The  shrewd  French  ambassador,  Messer 
Philippe  de  Commines,  instantly  divined   the  object  of  the 
League,  and  on  the  very  day  that  it  was  signed  sent  off  a 

1  Nardi,  Guicciardiani,  Sismondi,  Leo,  Commines,  &c. 
«  Sismondi,  "  Hist,  des  Répub.  I tal.,"  vol.  vi.  chap,  xin.,  and  the  above- 
mentioned  authors. 


COMMINES'  ADMIRATION  OF  THE  FRIAR. 


355 


despatch  from  Venice  to  Naples.  He  then  hastened  his 
departure,  in  order  to  join  the  king,  whose  only  means  of 
safety  consisted  in  leaving  strong  garrisons  in  Naples,  and 
trying  to  cut  his  way  back  to  France  with  the  remainder 
of  his  army. 

The  ambassador  made  his  journey  through  Tuscany 
the  only  Italian  State  that,  regardless  of  the  promises  and 
threats   of  the  allies,  still  remained  faithful   to    Charles. 
As  soon  as  he  reached  Florence,  Commines  hastened  to 
St.  Mark's.     He  was  anxious  to  be  personally  acquainted 
with  Savonarola,  and  gain  an  exact  idea  of  the  prophet 
whose  fame  seemed  to  fill  the  whole  world.     And   this 
skilled  judge    of  human    nature    came    forth    from    the 
Friar's  cell  fired  with  an  intense  reverence  and    admira- 
tion to  which  he  frequently  recurs  in  his  Memoirs.     He 
had  expected    to    find    a    remarkable  man,  but  found  a 
marvel  instead.     His  wonder  was  aroused  from  the   first 
moment,  on  hearing  the  Friar  treat  of  politics  with    an 
extraordinary  knowledge  of  men  and  things.    "  He  spoke 
of  the  Great  Assembly  I  going  on  in  Venice  far  better  than 
myself,  who  was  just  come  from  it.      Then,  as  every  one 
can  see,  he  has    led    the    purest    of    lives  ;    his  sermons 
against  vice  have  established  good  morals  in  Florence.     I 
have  no^  desire  to  pass  judgment  on  his  revelations,  but 
he  certainly  predicted  to  me  and  to  the  king  things  which 
no  one  believed  at  the  time,  and  which  have  been  all  ful- 
filled since.     As  to  his  having  made  use  of  the  confessional, 
as  was  asserted  by  his  enemies,  for  the  discovery  of  State 
secrets,  1  declare  that  I  believe  him  to  be  an  honest  man, 
and  that  the  things  he  has  revealed  could  never  have  been 
told  him  by  any  Florentine." 

Commines,  indeed,    felt    such   complete    confidence    in 
Savonarola,   that  he   most  urgently   pressed    him    to    say 

This  is    the    term  given  by  Commines  to  the  gathering  of  people 
engaged  in  the  League. 


.s6  .  '-v/'   TIMES. 

rhcr  or  no  the   k  «*  ,,V 

whi,  thereupon  the  Friar  took  »  solemn 

tone  and  began  i  pitulate  the  king's  i  vows  and 

li«cetoGod^mn«nds. 

Church.   "  These  new  dangers,    he  said  ui  con- 
clusion, '••••re  forerunners  of  the  still  more  severe  chas 
mStby  which  the  king  will  be  scourged,  < he f  return 

not  t0  ,  ne,  to  the   Lord    and  to  the  way  of  truth. 

As  re  the   present,   he   Will    have   to   fight   hard,  but 

.UK  ,ut  victorious  in  the  end."    After  *»«-*« 

interview,  Commines  at  once  continued  his  journey  to  the 
Neapolitan  kingdom.1 

■  We  subjoin  some  of  the  many  passages  devoted  »  Savonarola  by 

i   ^uio      «  1'nv  Hit  en  auelque  endroit  de  cette  manure  u  iwi«j 
\;iluaDle.        J  a>  cm  cu  4^^.!^^  ciinrtp  vie  .  .   .  an- 

•seVmons  prescban.  contre.es  vices,  «  a  redo,   en  icel, 1c  c,  —^ 

à  bicn  vivre,  comme  j  ay  dit.    .  .  .  And  in  ai  usion  , 

some  against  Savonarola's  prophecies,  namely,  t hat  ^?™e°  Commines 

remarks  .—    J  e  ne  les  vlu\  ^'^        „k„c„c  vnvps  aue  ceux  de  Florence 
Mm  il  a  dit  maintes  cnoses  vrayes,  que  uua  ^ 

3=.  «* avoir  d.tes.  l"-«^  J*  «  ~  cm  ,1 
SS  tAtSSt  tóf"  «  %  Je^.lett  es  g  escn- 
Kit  Seigneur;^ 

Francois,  sage  homme.     La  cause  de     aller  voir  ^ut  pare     q 
toujours  presché  en  grande  faveur  du  Roy,  «  sa  Par°'*u \,J  tant  <* 


BORGIA  FEARS  TO  MEET  CHARLES  VIII.      357 

Meanwhile  Charles  VIII.  had  started  from  Naples, 
leaving  strong  garrisons  throughout  the  kingdom,  and 
taking  the  rest  of  the  army  with  him  under  the  com- 
mand of  Trivulzio,  in  order  to  fight  his  way  back  to 
France.  Reaching  Rome  on  the  1st  of  June,  he  hoped 
to  have  speech  with  the  Pope  ;  but  the  latter  had  fled 
towards  Orvieto  the  previous  day.  Alexander  Borgia 
had  much  reason  to  fear  the  anger  of  the  French.  He 
had  first  of  all  invited  them  to  Italy  ;  then,  being  bribed 
by  the  Aragonese,  had  changed  sides  ;  when  the  for- 
tunes of  the  French  were  at  their  height,   he  had  again 

qu'on  dit  ne  qu'on  escrivit,  au  contraire)  ;  disant  qu'il  estoit  envoy 'e  de 
Dieu  pour  chastier  les  tyrans  d'Italie,  et  que  rien  ne  pouvoit  resister,  ne 
se  defendre  contre  luy.     Avoit  dit  aussi  qu'il  viendroit  à  Pise  et  qu'il  y 
entreroit,  et  que  ce  jour  mourroit  l'Estat  de  Florence  ;  et  ainsi  advint, 
car  Pierre  de  Medicis  fut  chassé  ce  jour.     Et    maintes    autres  choses 
avoit  preschées  avant  qu'elles  advinssent,  comme  la  mort  de  Laurens 
de  Medicis  ;    et    aussi    disoit  publiquement   l'avoir    par    revelation,  ct 
preschoit  que  VEstat  de  lEglise  seroit  refcrmé  à  Pespée.      Cela  ri  est  pas 
encore  advenuj  mais  en  fut  Men  prés,  et  encore  le  mainiient.     Plusieurs 
le  blasmoient  de  ce  qu'il  disoit  que  Dieu  luy  avoit  revelé,  autres  y  ajòus- 
térent  foy  :  de  ma  part  je  le  repute  bon  homme.     Aussi  luy  demanday  si 
le  Roy  pourroit  passer  sans  peril  de  sa  personne,  veu  la  grande  assemblée 
que  faisoient  les  Venitiens,  de  laquelle  il  s§avoit  mieux  parler  que  moy  qui 
en  venois.     II    me  respondit    qu'il  auroit  affaire  en  chemin,  mais  que 
l'honneur  luy  en  demeureroit,  et  n'eut  il  que  cent  hommes  en  sa  com- 
pagnie ;  et»  aie  Dieu  qui  l'avoit  conduit  au  venir,  le  conduiroit  encores  à 
son  retour  :    mais  pour  ne  s'eslre  bien  acqicittè  de   la   reformation   de 
PEglise,  cornine  il  devoit,  et  pour  avoir  souffert  que  ses  gens  pillassero 
et  desrobassent  ainsi  le  peuple,  aussi  bien  ceux  de  son  party,  et  qui  lui 
ouvroient  les  portes  sans  contrainte,  cornine  les  ennemis,  que  Dieu  avoit 
donne  une  sentence  contre  luy,  et  en  bref,  auroit  un  coup  de  foiiet.     Mais 
que  je  luy  disse,  que  s'il  vouloit  avoir  pìtie  du  peuple,  et  deliberer  en  soy 
de  garder  ses  gens  de  malfaire,  et  les  punir  quand  ils  le  feroient,  comme 
son  office  lerequiert,  que  Dieu  revoqueroit  sa  sentence  ou  ladiminueroit  ; 
et  qu'il  ne  pensast  point  estre  excuse   pour    dire,  je   ne    fais  nul   mai. 
Et  me  dit  que  luy  mesme  iroit  au  devant   du  Roy,  et   luy   diroit  ;    et 
ainsi  le  fit,  et  parla  de  la  restitution  des  places  des  Florentins.     Il  me 
cheut  en  pensée  la  mort  de  Monseigneur  le  Dauphin,  quand  il  parla  de 
ceste  sentence   de  Dieu,  car  je  ne  veis  autre  chose  que  le  Roy  peust 
prendre  à    coeur  ;   mais   dis   encores  cecy  afin  que  mieux  on  entende 
que  tout  cedit  voyage  fust  vray  mystere  de   Dieuv  (Bk.  viii.  chap.  iii. 
pp.  499-Soi)- 


AND  TIM 

.  be  wu  once  :  ly  their 

toe,  but  the    m  atrivcra   of   the    1 

,   all    t:  •    Ct    had   occurred,  thoroughly 

chai.  the  B  rgia  and  his  times.     On  the  i 

of  the  French  through  Home,  Prince  Djem, 
brother  of  the  Grand  Turk  Bajazd  II.,  was  a  prisoner 
in    the  He    was   a    spirited    youth,  thoroughly 

I  tern  in  appearance  and  temperament,  was  devoted  to 
music  and  poetry,  was  very  popular,  and  had  conte 
his  brother's  throne  with  some  chance  of  success.  But 
being  driven  by  adversity  to  take  refuge  in  the  Isle  of 
des,  he  had  there  been  captured  by  the  Grand  Master 
of  the  Order,  and  consigned  by  him  to  Pope  Inno- 
nt  VIII.  On  the  latter's  death  he  had  fallen  into 
the  power  of  Alexander  Borgia,  who  retained  him  as  a 
very  precious  hostage.  The  Sultan,  in  fact,  so  greatly 
dreaded  his  brother's  release,  that  he  allowed  the  Pope 
40,000  ducats  yearly  for  his  maintenance,  and  frequently 
offered  still  larger  sums  for  his  murder.  Accordi ngl v. 
when  passing  through  Rome,  King  Charles  immediately 
asked  the  Pope's  permission  to  carry  off  Prince  Djem, 
saving  that  he  would  be  useful  to  him  in  the  campaign 
against  the  Sultan.  Alexander  reluctantly  consented, 
and  was  also  obliged  to  yield  him  his  son  Cesare 
(later  Duke  of  Valentinois),  and  although  the  latter  was 
nominally  sent  as  an  ambassador,  and  treated  with 
suitable  respect,  in  reality  both  he  and  the  prince 
were  hostages  in  the  king's  hands  against  the  fickleness 
of  the  Pope.  Suddenly,  however,  Cesare  made  his  escape 
from  the  camp,  and  a  few  days  later  the  youthful 
Djem  unexpectedly  expired.  Some  said  that  the  Pope 
had  given  the  latter  a  dose  of  slow  poison  before  con- 
signing him  to  the  king  ;  but  others  declared  that  Cesare 
had  administered  the  drug  by  his  orders.  However  this 
may  have  been,  it  is  certain  that  the  Sultan  had  written  to 


FLORENCE  IN  DANGER.  359 

the  Pope  a  short  time  before,  promising  him  300,000 
ducats  and  his  permanent  alliance  on  receipt  of  his 
brother's  corpse.1 

But  although  Charles  had  so  much  cause  for  resent- 
ment, this  was  no  moment  to  halt  in  Rome,  nor  to  think 
of  revenge.  He  therefore  continued  his  journey,  and 
entered  Siena  on  the  13th  of  June.  The  news  of  this 
event  roused  incredible  excitement  among  the  Florentines, 
who  now  held  Charles  in  detestation.  They  still  adhered 
to  the  terms  of  their  treaty,  but  could  not  forgive  him  for 
having  broken  faith  with  them,  violated  his  engagements, 
and  encouraged  the  revolt  of  Pisa.  The  king  had  done 
nothing  but  make  repeated  demands  for  money,  always 
promising  to  give  up  the  fortresses,  and  compel  the 
Pisans  to  surrender,  but  leaving  both  pledges  unfulfilled. 
Accordingly,  despite  all  their  efforts,  the  Florentines  were 
in  a  state  of  increasing  peril.  They  had  sent  their  most 
courageous  young  citizens  to  the  field  under  the  command 
of  Piero  Capponi  ;  they  had  engaged  Ercole  Bentivoglia 
and  other  captains  ;  but  the  Pisans  were  constantly  receiv- 
ing  reinforcements  from  Genoa,  Siena,  Milan,  and  even 

1  The  letters  of  the  Pope  and  the  Sultan  are  given  in  Burchart's 
Diary,  and  have  been  published  in  French  by  Mons.  De  Cherrier,  vol.  i. 
p.  416  and  fol.  They  are  also  reproduced  in  Sanuto's  Chronicles  "  La 
Spedizione  di  Carlo  Vili."  p.  45  and  fol.  De  Cherrier  gives  the  Pope's 
letter  to  the  ambassador,  and  Sanuto  a  very  short  one  addressed  to  the 
Sultan,  while  both  give  a  very  explicit  epistle  from  the  latter  con- 
ceived in  the  following  terms  :  "  It  were  well  that  the  said  Djem  our 
brother,  who  in  any  case  is  exposed  to  death,  and  in  danger  of  being 
removed  from  the  hands  of  your  Greatness,  should  be  speedily  put  to 
death,  the  which  would  oe  life  to  him,  bringprofit  and  tranquillity  to  your 
Potency,  and  be  of  great  satisfaction  to  ourselves.  .  .  .  Wherefore  if 
your  Potency  will  compass  the  same  and  send  his  (Djem's)  body  to 
any  place  on  our  coasts,  I,  the  forementioned  Sultan  Bajazeth  Khan, 
promise  to  despatch  to  any  spot  named  by  your  Greatness  three  hundred 
thousand  gold  ducats,  so  that  your  Potency  may  use  them  to  purchase 
lands  for  your  sons."  .  .  .  This  is  the  translation  given  by  Sanuto 
(p.  46),  and  differing  very  little  from  the  Latin  epistle  given  in 
Burchart. 


\  FONAR 

lea  himself.     When  the  Florentine  amba 
led  the  latter  of  his  pie  he  replied  :  u  But  what 

1  do  if  your  Signory  discontent  all  their  Bubjecl 
yards  sent  the  Pisana  over  six  hundred  S 

rs,  who  were  of  great  nice  to 

im  in  the  war.1     In  thia  way  rebellion  waa  encouraged 

bout  the  territories  of  the    Republic.      At  the  sanie 

:\   the    26th   of  May,  Montepulciano  gave  itself  to 

the  S  ,  who  immediately  occupied   its  fortress.     And 

now,  with  things  in  this  state,  the  king  was  drawing  near, 

.-v.,  what  was  still  more  alarming,  with   Piero  de'   Medici 

'•.is  train  ! 

No  sooner  was  this  known  in  Florence  than  all  flew  to 
arms.  And,  as  the  historian,  Jacopo  Nardi,  relates,  it  was 
marvellous  to  see  how  rapidly  men  and  boys  took  up  arms, 
and  how  private  citizens  competed  with  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Signory  in  stocking  the  city  with  weapons  and 
supplies.  In  a  surprisingly  short  time  eleven  thousand 
foot  cuirassiers  were  collected  from  the  outlying  villages  ; 
every  householder  in  Florence  had  gathered  together  his 
friends  and  domestics  ;  all  the  towers  were  furnished  with 
missiles,  all  the  gates  barred,  many  of  the  streets  barri- 
caded, and  the  Gonfaloniers  of  the  Companies  kept 
guard  over  the  city  by  night,  no  foreign  soldiers  being 
allowed  admittance  at  this  time.2 

And  all  these  preparations  were  the  work  of  the  Piag- 
noni, whom  the  Arrabbiati  declared  to  be  only  fit  to 
mumbie  Paters  and  Aves.  It  is  true  that  they  never 
neglected    the    services    of   the   church  ;    that   they  held 

1  Sismondi,  "Histoire  des  Républiques  Italiennes";  Michelet, 
"Renaissance";  Leo;  Guicciardini,  "Storia  d'Italia";  Nardi,  &c. 
French  historians  are  no  less  severe  than  Italian  in  condemning  the 
conduct  of  Charles  VIII  to  the  Florentine  Republic. 

2  The  city  was  in  a  state  of  great  suspense,  "  with  much  fortifying  of 
houses  and  supplying  of  arms."  So  Luca  Landucci  tells  us  in  his 
"  Diario  Fiorentino,"  p.  106.  See  also  Nardi,  and  other  contemporary 
Florentine  historians  of  the  period. 


FRESH  TROUBLE   WITH  KING  CHARLES.      361 

public  prayers,  gave  large  sums  in  charity,  and  carried  the 
Madonna  dell'  Impruneta  in  solemn  procession  ;  but 
those  most  zealous  in  devotion  were  also  the  readiest  to 
bear  arms.  And  Savonarola,  who  was  then  continuing  his 
course  of  sermons  on  the  Psalms,  always  cried  from  the 
pulpit,  "  Be  instant  in  prayer,  but  neglect  no  human 
precaution  ;  help  yourselves  in  all  ways  and  by  all  means, 
and  then  the  Lord  will  be  with  ye.  Have  courage,  my 
brethren,  and  above  all  preserve  union  !  If  ye  will  all 
be  united  and  agreed  in  one  purpose,  victory  shall  be 
yours,  even  if  all  the  world  be  against  ye.  Be  not  terri- 
fied by  present  events,  for  we  are  hardly  at  the  beginning 
of  the  game.  Ye  will  pass  through  terrible  times,  ye  will 
see  enemies  on  all  sides,  ye  will  hear  that  they  are  in 
Rome,  in  this  or  that  quarter,  and  here  close  upon  ye. 
And  then  alas  for  Florence  !  Alas  for  Italy  !  Be  united, 
therefore,  among  yourselves,  united  in  the  Lord,  for  the 
righteous  shall  conquer."  1 

Meanwhile  the  first  ambassadors  2  sent  by  the  Republic 
to  King  Charles  in  Siena  obtained  nothing  but  rough 
replies  from  him.  They  begged  to  know  by  which  road 
he  intended  to  march,  in  order  to  furnish  it  with  the 
necessary  supplies;  and  his  answer  was,  "  Furnish  your 
whole  territory."  He  was  highly  indignant  to  find  that 
Florence  had  flown  to  arms,  as  at  the  approach  of  a  foe. 
And  the  ambassadors,  on  their  side,  finding  Piero  de* 
Medici  in  the  camp,  and  fearing  that  the  king  purposed 
to  reinstate  him  in  Florence,  expressed  themselves  with 
more  daring  than  diplomacy,  so  that  both  parties  were 
increasingly  irritated,  and  there  was  no  hope  of  coming 
to  a  friendly  arrangement,  unless  some  one  of  great  weight 
and  firmness  could  be  persuaded  to  intervene.    Again,  with 

1  Predica  xviii.,  "sopra  i  Salmi." 

■  These  ambassadors  were  Domenico  Borisi,  Giuliano  Salviati,  Andrea 
dei  Pazzi.     Vide  Desjardins,  "  Negotiations,"  &c,  vol.  i.  p.  613  and  foL 


TI  \fF.S. 
Il    turned  :  roll  tor   help.       I  If   alone 

lc  of  taking  a  timi,  imperative  tone  with  the 

:h  ;     tor    Charles   had    an 
titioUfl  for   him,  and    had   kept  up   a 

.1  correspondence  with  him,  by  I         «  of  which  the 

I    known  to   all.      In    i  e   of  tin 

ted     and     published     by    Savonarola's 
enemies,  in  order  to  stir  the  wrath  of  the  League  against 

him  ;  hut  it  had  produced  the  contrary  result  of  incn 
ing  his  popularity,  inasmuch  as  its  terms  were  to  this 
"  Most  Christian  Sire, — It  is  the  Lord's  will  that 
the  Florentines  should  remain  allied  with  your  Majesty  ; 
but  He  wills  that  your  protection  should  serve  to  extend 
r  freedom,  not  the  power  of  any  individual  citizen  ; 
forasmuch  as  the  Divine  Providence  hath  ordained  and 
decided  the  overthrow  of  all  tyrants.  The  Lord  will 
inflict  terrible  chastisements  on  those  private  citizens  who 
should  seek  to  usurp,  as  in  the  past,  the  rule  of  this 
flourishing  Republic  ;  forasmuch  as  the  present  new  popu- 
lar government  of  the  State  hath  been  constituted  by 
God,  and  not  by  man  ;  and  He  hath  chosen  this  city  in 
order  to  magnify  it,  and  hath  filled  it  with  His  servants, 
and  he  that  would  touch  it  would  touch  the  pupil  of  His 
eye.  Wherefore,  O  Sire,  if  you  will  not  obey  Him  by 
maintaining  your  pledges  to  the  Florentines,  and  restoring 
their  fortresses,  many  adversities  shall  come  upon  you,  and 
the  nations  shall  rise  against  you."1 

1  This  was  dated  21st  May,  1496,  and  was  published  with  many  blun- 
ders and  alterations,  of  which  Savonarola  himself  complained  in  hi 
sermon  of  the  28th  of  July  of  the  same  year  :  "This  letter  that  I  wrote 
to  the  King  of  France  hath  been  printed  without  understanding,  and  is 
full  of  errors.1'  A  copy  of  the  printed  version  (undated)  is  comprised  in 
the  Guicciardini  collection,  now  preserved  in  the  National  Library  of 
Florence.  There  is  a  less  incorrect  copy  in  the  Riccardi  Library,  codex 
2,053.  Vide  Appendix  (to  the  Italian  edition),  doc.  xxi.  As  still 
better  evidence  of  the  general  belief  that  the  descent  of  Charles  VIII. 
was  predestined  by  heaven,  we  may  give  a  few  passages  of  an  oration 


SAVONAROLA  OVERAWES  TUE  KING.  36 3 

Certainly,  he  who  was  capable  of  writing  to  the  king  in 
these  terms  was  the  man  best  fitted  to  address  him  at  this 
juncture  and  save  the  Republic  from  its  pressing  dangers. 
Accordingly,  at  Poggibonsi,  in  June,  1496,  Charles  VIII, 
was  again  confronted  by  Savonarola.  The  latter  assumed 
his  commanding,  prophetic  tone,  and  repeated  by  word  oi 
mouth  all  that  he  had  already  expressed  in  writing.  The 
king  was  reminded  that  he  was  now  returning  to  his  own 
country  almost  as  a  fugitive,  that  the  new  perils  in  which 
he  was  involved  had  been  already  foretold  to  him  in 
Florence,  and  repeated  by  letter  :  £C  Most  Christian 
Prince,"  continued  Savonarola,  "  thou  hast  provoked  the 
Lord  to  anger  by  breaking  faith  with  the  Florentines,  by 
forsaking  the  task  of  reforming  the  Church,  that  the  Lord 
had  so  often  announced  to  thee  by  my  lips,  and  for  which 
He  had  chosen  thee  by  such  manifest  signs.  Thou  wilt 
escape  from  the  present  dangers  ;  but  shouldst  thou  fail  to 
resume  thy  abandoned  task,  shouldst  thou  fail  to  obey 
the  commands  which  the  Lord  once  more  repeateth  to 
thee  by  the  voice  of  His  poor  servant,  I  tell  thee  that  still 
heavier  woes  shall  be  poured  on  thee  by  His  wrath,  and 
that  another  shall  be  chosen  in  thy  stead."  I 

addressed  to  the  king  in  1494  by  Marsilio  Ficino  :  "  Veri  namque 
simile  est  et  Christianissimum  Gallorum  Regem  a  Christi  mitti,  et  Caro- 
limi, prae  ceteris  insignem  pietate  Regem,  Christiana  pietate  duci  ; 
praesertim  cum  iter  opusque  tantum  ea  mente  sis  agressus,  ut  sanctam 
Jerusalem  sasvissimis  barbaris  occupatam,  summo  humani  generis  Re- 
demptori  denique  redimas.  .  .  .  Benedictus  qui  venit  in  nomine  Domini, 
Carolus  charus  nobis,  excelsus,  rex  pacificus.  Haec  est  dies  quam  fecit 
Dominus,  exultemus  et  lastemur  in  ea."  .  .  .  Ficino  goes  on  in  a  still 
more  exaggerated  strain  of  eulogy,  reprehensible  enough  from  any  man's 
lips.  And  in  the  case  of  one  who  might  be  said  to  be  a  creature  of  the 
Medici,  and  who,  after  extolling  Savonarola  in  this  fashion,  subsequently 
turned  against  him,  it  excites  particular  disgust.  Vide  "  Oratio  Marsilii 
Ficini  ad  Carolum  Magnum  Gallorum  Regem,  Ficini  Opera,"  the  fore- 
mentioned  edition,  vol.  i.  pp.  960-961. 

1  This  legation  is  mentioned  by  Nardi  and  all  the  other  historians  ; 
also  in  the  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  20  ;  in  Burlamacchi,  p.  73  and  fol.  Vide 
Appendix  (to  the  Italian  edition),  doc.  xxii-  De  Cherrier  (ii.  199) 
says  that  Savonarola  was  escorted  on  this  embassy  by  fifty  citizens,  but 


364 

I  •  Tror-6truck  In*  t:  tge, 

ntinuing  hia  journey  to  Pisa,  beg      : 

i  to  bear  him  company  thither.     But  the  latt 

after  having  held  1    interview  with    him  at   Castel 

•enfino,  led  to  turn  hack,  for  fear  of  being  captured 

by    the    enemies    of  Florence.      On   the   21   :  Of   June    he 

announced  from  his  pulpit  that  the  threatened  danger  was 

I  made  this  the  text  for  fresh  exhor- 
tations in  favour  of  godly  living,  concord,  and  free 
government.1 

Meanwhile  the  king  had  entered  Pisa  in  triumph.  The 
citizens  placed  all  their  finest  mansions  at  his  disposal,  the 
ladies  stripped  themselves  of  all  their  jewels  to  present 
them  to  Charles  and  his  Barons,  in  order,  by  thus  satiating 
his  avarice,  to  keep  him  on  their  side.  All  this  formed 
a  strong:  contrast  with  the  surly  behaviour  of  the  Kloren- 
tines.  Charles  was  already  well  disposed  towards  the 
Pisans  in  consequence  of  these  signs  of  affection,  when,  one 
day,  as  he  issued  from  church  after  mass,  he  was  met  by  a 
procession  of  all  the  fairest  women  of  Pisa,  robed  in  black, 
with  loosened  hair,  bare  feet,  and  ropes  about  their  necks, 

this  is  a  blunder,  and  quotes  the  Register  471  (instead  of  47)  of  class  1 1 1 
(instead  of  class  iii.),  which,  however,  makes  no  mention  of  so  numerous 
a  following.  Commines  also  speaks  of  Savonarola's  different  missions, 
and  frequently  repeats  the  gist  of  the  Friar's  letters  and  speeches  to  the 
king.  Seeing  the  real  weight  of  the  chronicler's  testimony,  we  may  be 
allowed  to  quote  some  other  passages  from  his  Memoirs.  "  Il  a  tousjours 
presché  publiquement  que  le  Roy  retourneroit  de  rechef  en  Italie  pour 
accomplir  cette  commission  que  Dieu  luy  avoit  donne'e,  qui  estoit  de 
reformer  V  Eglise  par  iespce^t  de  chasser  Ics  tyrans  d'/lalie,  et  que  au 
cas  q  11' il  ne  le  fit,  Dicu  le  puniroit  cruellement  et  tous  scs  sermons 
premiers  et  ceux  de  present,  il  les  a  fait  imprimer,  et  se  vendent. 
Cette  menace  qu'il  faisoit  au  Roy  .  .  .  luy  a  plusieurs  fois  escrite  le  dit 
Hieronyme,  peu  de  temps  avont  son  trespas,  et  ainsi  le  ma  dit  de  bouche 
ledict  Hieronyme,  quand  je  parlay  à  luy  (que  fut  au  retour  d'Italie),  en  me 
disant  que  la  sentence  estoit  donne'e  contre  le  Roy  au  ciel,  au  cas  qu'il  n' 
accomplit  ce  que  Dieu  luy  avoit  ordonné  "  (Commines,  "  Mdmoires," 
ed.  cit.,  bk  vili.  chap.  xxvi.  pp.  593,  594). 
*  Predica  xxv.,  "  sopra  i  Salmi." 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORNO  VO.  3 

in  token  of  their  detested  subjection  to  Florence,  who  a 
cried  aloud  to  him  to  restore,  their  freedom.     The  whole 
population  gathered  round  and  joined  in  their  supplications, 
and  Charles  and  his  captains  seemed  much  moved  by  the 
scene.     The  Barons  were  assembled  in  council,  and  for  a 
moment  it  was  seriously  proposed  to  assist  the  Pisans;  but 
this  plan,  like  all  the  rest,  was  afterwards  abandoned.   The 
king  neither  gave  liberty  to  the  Pisans,  nor  yielded  up  the 
fortresses  of  the  Florentines,  and,  regardless  of  his  recent 
promises  to  Savonarola,  continued  his  march  with  his  armv 
by  way  of  Lucca  and  Pontremoli.     At  Fornovo,  on  the  river 
Taro,  he  encountered  the  allied  troops,  who  considerably 
outnumbered  his  force  of  1,000  men.      A  pitched  battle 
took  place  on  the  6th  of  July,  and  there  was  afterwards 
much  dispute  as  to  which  side  had  won  the  victory.     It  is 
certain  that  the  French  succeeded  in  their  purpose  of  for- 
cing a  passage,  and  that   the  allies  tried  in  vain  to  drive 
them  back.     Charles  VIII.  halted  at  Asti  on  his  march, 
again  indulged  there  in  pleasure,  and  then  slowly  pursued 
his  way  to  France.     On  the  7th  of  July  Ferdinand  II.  of 
Aragon  made  his  entry  into  Naples,  and  after  re-establish- 
ing his  fallen  government  met  with  no  further  opposition 
excepting  from  the  few  garrisons  scattered  through  the 
kingdom,  which  were  still  holding  out  without  any  hope 
of  reinforcement  or  support.     Thus,  in  less  than  the  space 
of  one  year,  the  French  had   twice  traversed  the  length 
and   breadth  of  Italy,  easily   conquering  and  easily  con- 
quered, disgusting  friends  and  enemies  alike,  and  leaving 
behind  them  sad  memorials  of  their  falsity  and  greed.1 

Their  attitude  towards  Florence  remained  unaltered. 
Whether  it  was  that  their  captain  in  command  of  the 
castle  of  Pisa  had  secret  orders  from  the  king,  differing 
from  those  openly  sent,  or  whether,  as  was  said  by  some, 

T  Guicciardini,  Nardi,  Cerretani,  Parenti,  Commines,  Sismondi,  Leo, 

Michelet. 


366  S.  ///•/:  AND  TIMES. 

he  had  fallen  in  love  with  a  Pisan  lady,  it  is  certain  that 

arrenderci  t:      I    *  ,     And  on  one  ion, 

the  ]  ir  a   skirmish,  pursued  the    P 

rt  to  St.    Mark's  he  actually  opei 

\\\    from    the  walls,  anil    killed    several    of  their 

n.      The    Republic   made  this   the   subject   of   repeate, 1 

itched  successive    embassies  and   more 

money  to  the  lung»  and  even  promised  to  succour  his 

d  garrisons  m  the  kingdom  of  Naples  ;  but  all  was 

in  v,i::i.  Yet,  in  the  month  or"  September,  Messer  Niccolò 
Alamanni  at  last  returned  from  France  with  special  orders 
m  the  king  to  his  officers  and  men,  enioining  them  to 
yield  the  fortresses  and  relinquish  the  subsidies  furnished 
I ■.  Pi  .!.  Instead  of  obeying  this  decree  the  French  com- 
mandants sold  the  fortress  of  "Pisa  to  the  citizens  for 
14,000  florins  in  January,  1496,  and  received  10,000  more 
in  payment  of  the  artillery  they  left  behind.  The  fortresses 
of  Sarzana  and  Sarzanello  were  sold  to  the  Genoese  for 
20,000  florins  ;  that  of  Pietrasanta  to  the  Lucchese  for 
30,000  ;  and  that  of  Leghorn  was  the  only  one  restored 
to  the  Florentines.1 


■  Vide  the  above-mentioned  writers.  How  deeply  these  insults  were 
resented  by  the  people  of  Florence  is  proved  by  the  following  extract 
from  Rinuccini's  "Ricordi  Storici,"  p.  clix.  :  "  On  the  2nd  of  January 
rentiru  style)  news  was  received  in  Florence  that  the  French  com- 
mandant, who  held  the  new  citadel  for  that  barbarous  traitor  and 
assassin,  Charles  VIII.,  the  unworthy  King  of  France,  had  given  up  and 
consigned  the  said  citadel  to  the  Pisan  citizens,  who  were  then  governing 
independently,  although  he  (the  king)  had  repeatedly  sworn  by  oaths 
and  double  treaties  with  his  hand  on  the  sacred  stone  and  before  the  altar 
of  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore,  to  restore  the  said  citadel  to  the  Florentines, 
...  the  which  was  an  act  of  treason  of  a  barbarian,  who  was  a  worse 
traitor  than  Judas  and  Ganellone  di  Pontieri,  inasmuch  as  we  were 
leagued  and  confederated  with  him,  and  although  by  holding  out  false 
hopes  and  frequently  promising  to  give  it  up,  he  and  his  murdering 
ministers  together  had  cheated  us  out  of  more  than  three  hundred  thou- 
sand florins,  and  we  trusted  in  his  disloyalty  and  perfidy,  the  which  was 
more  like  unto  treason  than  was  ever  heard  before,  and  similar  to  that 
related  of  Gano  (Jehan)  of  Mainz,  who  at  least  was  not  a  king." 


PIERO  PREPARES  TO  ATTACK  FLORENCE.    367 

Nevertheless,  the  departure  of  the  French  from  Italy 
greatly  increased  the  insecurity  of  Florence.  The  allies 
being  no  longer  threatened  from  other  quarters  were  now- 
free  to  turn  their  arms  against  that  Republic.  Entertaining 
a  mortal  hatred  for  the  new  government,  they  determined 
to  punish  its  fidelity  to  France  and  its  refusal  to  join 
the  League  which,  as  they  pretended,  had  been  formed  on 
purpose  to  free  Italy  from  the  barbarians.  Accordingly 
Florence  was  now  in  the  gravest  danger,  and,  with  so 
many  powerful  enemies  arrayed  against  her,  placed  her 
only  hope  in  the  discord  prevailing  amongst  them.  For 
whereas  the  Pope  and  Venice  desired  the  reinstatement  of 
Piero  de'  Medici,  Duke  Ludovico,  while  ostensibly  favour- 
ing the  plan,  had  a  personal  dislike  for  Piero,  and  havino- 
come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Arrabbiati,  and 
nourishing  some  distant  hope  of  one  day  subjecting  the 
Republic  to  his  own  rule,  was  trying  meanwhile  to  ensnare 
it  by  secret  and  deceptive  advances.1  However  the  allies 
concurred  for  the  moment  in  encouraging  Piero  de'  Medici 
to  collect  men  and  money  for  an  attempt  upon  Florence, 
and,  as  may  well  be  imagined,  he  promptly  began  his  pre- 
parations. Although  already  bankrupt  in  purse  and  credit, 
yet  he  contrived  by  a  desperate  effort  to  scrape  together 
10,000  ducats  and  gave  them  to  Virginio  Orsini  for  the 
hire  of  his  former  troops.  Orsini,  who  had  ignominiously 
fled  from  the  French  camp  at  the  battle  of  the  Taro, 
threw  himself  heartily  into  the  undertaking  for  the  sake 
of  retrieving  his  military  reputation.  It  was  arranged 
chat  when  he  and  Piero  advanced  upon  Florence,  Gio- 
vanni Bentivoglio,  the  hired  general  of  Ludovico  and 
Venice,  was  to  simultaneously  invade  the  Republic  from 
the  Bolognese  frontier  ;  while  Caterina  Sforza,  the  ruler  of 
Imola  and  Forlì,    was  to  despatch  troops  from  another 

1  Vide  Desjardins,  vol.  i.  pp.  657-658,  letter  and  notes  dated  the  17th  of 
May.     De  Cherrier,  vol.  ii.  p.  345. 


\R OLA'S  r.rri:  AND  TIMI 

point.  and   Peru  ia   had   also   promised   to  semi 

•its.     Accordingly  the  fallen  tyrai 

lition  scenici  tO  have  every  chance  of  success.     But  once 

un,  the  affiurs  quickly  changed     Piero  and 

ni   approached   the   confines   of   the    Republic   by   easy 
.    always    expecting    to    be    overtaken    by    promised 
tingentS  which  ;  I,  and  thus   both  time  and 

money  were  \ 

While  the  Mediceans  were  taking  things  so  coolly,  the 
citizens  of  Florence  had  been  stirred  by  Savonarola  to 
the  most  energetic  efforts.  The  Friar  had  kept  silence 
for  some  time,  on  account  of  the  growing  ill-feeling 
against  him  in  Rome,  of  which  more  will  be  said  in  the 
ensuing  chapter.  But  on  withdrawing  from  the  pulpit, 
he  had  announced  that  grave  dangers  were  overhanging 
the  city,  and  had  caused  the  law  against  Parliaments  to 
be  carried,  that  was  to  be  the  safeguard  of  its  freedom. 
Now  that  the  dangers  foretold  by  him  had  really  come 
to  pass,  his  name  instantly  rose  into  new  favour,  and  his 
daring  was  increased.  Throwing  aside  all  personal  con- 
siderations, he  reappeared  in  the  pulpit  on  the  iith  of 
October,  to  encourage  the  citizens  and  rouse  them  to 
the  defence  of  their  country.  The  first  part  of  his 
sermon  was  entirely  on  religion  :  "  The  life  of  man, 
O  my  brethren,"  he  said,  "  is  a  continual  struggle  upon 
earth  ;  especially  for  the  true  Christian,  inasmuch  as  he 
hath  to  fight  against  all  hindrances  to  the  spirit.  He  wars 
against  the  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil,  and  is  con- 
tinually fighting.  Thus  it  was  with  the  apostles  and 
martyrs,  thus  will  it  ever  be  with  good  Christians.  God 
willeth  it  for  their  greater  glory  in  the  life  to  come. 
Wherefore  marvel  ye  not  if  in  announcing  new  things  we 
meet  with  so  many  contradictions.  To  me  it  is  a  marvel 
that  they  be  no  greater.  And  inasmuch  as  it  behooves  us 
to  fight,  we  have  now  returned  to  the  camp,  to  put  a  little 


•  HE  URGES  THE  CITIZENS  TO  DEFENCE.       36g 

order  in  our  disarrayed  forces  and  equip  them  for  a  new 
campaign.     We  have  two  things  to  do  :  first,  to   fight 
and  that  unceasingly  and  to  the  death  ;  and  secondly,  to 
conquer,  for  the  cause  of  Christ  is  bound  to  have  victory 
*ear  not,  for  in  the  end  the  victory  will   be  ours  ;  and 
if  I  were  to  die,  this  cause  would  still  be  even  as  the  Hydra 
of    the  poet    the  which,  when  one  of  its  heads  is   cut 
off  shooteth  forth  seven  others."     Continuing  in  the  same 
strain   the  Friar  then  turned  his  discourse  from  religion 
to   politics,    and    began  with  ironical   remarks    on   those 
who  spoke  ill  of  the    new  government.     "Magnificent 
Signori     whenever   ye   have    some    difficult    business   on 
hand,  I  would  have  ye  call  one  of  these  chatterers  and 
say  to  him  :— Tell  me  now,  what  is  to  be  done  concernine- 
this  matter  ?  _  And  if  that  man  should  know  what  to  say! 
1  would  forfeit  my  mantle.     You  will  see  that  either  he 
will  know  not  what  to  reply,  or  will  speak  some  gross 
folly.     And  then  take  ye  a  peck  of  birdseed  and  say  to 
that  man:    Come,  take  this  and  go  feed  the  fowls,  but 
leave  State  business  alone."  ' 

The   sermon   went  on  a  little  longer  in  this  tone  of 
burlesque;    but  when  Savonarola   at   last    broached    the 
grave  and   important  question  of  the  day,  his  language 
changed  and  became  terribly  earnest.     He  will  have  no 
halt  measures  when  the  country  is  in  danger.     In  church 
in   the  pulpit,  crucifix  in    hand,   he  openly  and   loudly 
counsels    the  citizens  to   pat    to  death  all  who  seek   to 
re-establish  tyranny  and  reinstate  the  Medici  in  Florence 
One  must  treat  these  men  as  the  Romans  treated  those 
who  sought  the  recall  of  Tarquinius.    Thou  that  respecteth 
not  Christ,  wilt  thou  respect  private  citizens  ?    Do  justice, 
l  tell  thee.     Cui  off  his  bead,  were  he  even  the  chief  and 

roll  ZÌI*  Pha„Svg<i0CC{!rS  '?  lb?  -laSt  \ut  three  of  the  "  Prediche  sui  Salmi  » 
collected  by  Vio  .,  who  dated  it  nth  of  October.  It  was  also  crimed 
separately  with  the  date  of  the  loth.  pnntea 

2  5 


37o  vona:        <'      :    .  E  AXP  TIMFS. 

,  ,:    ■  .;    ;  use;  cut  $f  bis  Ae*dl    Remember  the 
it  hath  been  made  against  Parliament        Teach  it 

thy  children,  write  it  in  all  places.     Thou  must  trust 

It    but    in   this   Great   Council   of   ours,  which    is 
the  i  fGod  and  not  of  men  ;   and  let  all  who  would 

change  it,  or  play  the  tyrant,  or  establish  i  government 
private  dozens,  be  accursed  of  the  Lord  tor  ever  and 
ever."      He    then    exhorted    his   hearers    to    show    energy, 
and  determination  in  adopting  necessary  measures; 
nee  ««he   that  hopcth    for    help    from   Heaven    without 
helping  himself,  tempteth  his    Lord."      He  repeated  this 
advice  with  similar  energy  on  the   1 8th  and  25th  of  the 
month;   and   only  when   assured   that   the   courage 
the  people    had  revived  did   he  again    lapse   into   the 
silence    now    imposed    upon    him    by   causes    which    will 
presently  be  described. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  effect  of  these  sermons  was 
seen.     Four  days  after  the  delivery  of  the  first  an  enact- 
ment was   passed,  again   setting  a  price  on  the  Medici's 
heads,  and  that  was  virtually  an  almost  general  summons 
to  arms.     It  ran  pretty  much  as  follows  :  "  Seeing  that 
Piero  de  Medici,  in  his  tyrannical  Rreed,  hath  made  many 
attempts   against  the   liberty   of  Florence,  the   Eight   of 
Guardia  e  Balìa  do  now  declare  him  a  rebel  ;  wherefore, 
in  virtue  of  the  statutes,  he  may  be  killed  with  impunity. 
And  inasmuch  as  he  is  seen  to  persevere  in  his  evil  intent, 
by  stirring  against  this  city  not  only  many  Roman  Barons, 
but  the  Supreme  Pontiff,  and  almost  all   the  potentates 
of  Italy,  hoping   by  their  favour  to  crush  your  liberty, 
usurp  your  revenues,  violate  your  women  and  maidens, 
and  resume  the  course  of  tyranny  with  which  he  and  his 
ancestors  so  long  oppressed  your  city,  it  hath  been  decreed 
by  the  said  Signori,  Otto  di  Guardia  e  Balìa,  that  whoever 
kills  the  said  Piero  de'  Medici,  who  seeks  to  destroy  our 
liberty,  shall  receive  a  reward  of  4,000  broad  florins  of 


THE  FAILURE  OF  PIERO'S  ATTEMPT.  37, 

gold." I  Later  a  reward  of  2,000  florins  was  likewise 
offered  for  the  head  of  Giuliano  de'  Medici  ; 2  and  officials 
were  appointed  to  administer  their  property  in  the  interests 
of  the  Republic.3 

But  this  was  not  enough,  nor  did  the  Florentine  people 
stop  here.     Savonarola's  sermons  had  roused  both  Arrab- 
biati and  Piagnoni  to  arms,  in  their  common  hatred  to 
the   Medici,   and   Piero's  approach  excited    either    party 
to   equal  fear   and  indignation.     Prompt  and   efficacious 
measures  were   accordingly   taken.     The  war   with   Pisa 
was  at  once  suspended,  barely  2,000  foot  and  300  men- 
at-arms  being  left  in  the  camp.     And  1,000  foot  soldiers 
and  200  men-at-arms  were  despatched  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Cortona  as  a  check  upon  the  enemy  supposed 
to  be  advancing  on  that  side.     At  the  same  time  a  body 
of  1,500  foot  and  300  men-at-arms  was  encamped  near 
the  Sienese   border,  to  prevent  the  forces  of  that  State 
from  joining  the  Mediceans.     Thus  Piero  found  himself 
practically  surrounded  on  all  sides.     He  lingered  inactively 
between  Tavernelle  and  Panicale,  awaiting  promised  con- 
tingents which  never  arrived.     His  purse  being  exhausted 
by  this  delay,  his  army  dispersed,  and  even  Virginio  Orsini 
marched  away.     Thus  Piero's  expedition  ended  in  smoke. 
Pie  was  left   in   the  field  with  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
had  reaped    nothing    but  failure    and    mortification,  and 
given  the  last  blow  to  his  exhausted  credit.     Accordingly 
he  was  compelled  to  take  flight,  and,  groaning  over  the 
broken  faith  and  false  promises  of  the  allies,  strayed  back 
to  Rome  to  seek  refuge  at  the  Court  or  with  his  friends  .4 


1  Provision  of  the  Greater  Council  passed  on  the   15th  of  October, 
1495  ;  in  the  Florence  Archives,  "  Provvisioni,"  Registro  187,  at  sheet  I2p. 

2  "Provvisione"  of  the  26th  of  November,  1495.     Ibid.,  sheet  142. 

3  "Provvisione"  of  the  19th  of  December,  1495.     Ibid.,  sheet  157. 

4  Besides  contemporary  historians,  see  also  Varchi,  i.  94-95;  Ammirato 
bk.  xxvi.  (at  the  close). 


S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 


Meanwhile  th     I  lorentines,  reji  raal  of 

threatened  storm,  itched  their   Forces  to 

P    i,  and  felt  growing  d  in  the  I  -  which,  as 

,w  dearl]         ,  under   pretence  of  saving  Italy. 

r.nlv  sought  to  crush  the  Republic. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE/0PE  ISSUES  A  'BRIEF  SUMMONING  SqAVONARDT  a 
TO  ROME.  HIS  REPLY.  ANOTHER  BRIEF  PROHmi tÌ 
HIM  FROM  PREACHING,  BUT  THE  TEN  PROCtJRF  rT% 
TACIT  REVOCATION.  oÀ  CARDINAL'* IH  AT IS OFFFR^n 
TO  SAVONAROLA,  BUT  HE  REFUSES  TO  iiCCEPT ?*T. 

(1495-I496.) 

gg)HE  hatred  of  the  Arrabbiati    and  Fra- 
teschi against  Piero  de'  Medici  was  the 
real  cause  of  the  failure  of  his  expedi- 
tion ;    for    had   the  allies    been  really 
determined  to  help   him,   the   city    of 
Florence  could  scarcely  have  withstood 
their  attack.     Hence  the  ill-success  of  the  enterprise  may 
be  chiefly  attributed  to  the  lack  of  harmony  between  the 
members  of  the  League.     Duke  Ludovico  had  never  for- 
gotten the  insults  he  had  received  from  Piero  de'  Medici  ; 
and  although  the  latter  was  now  lavish  in  protestations  of 
friendship  and  respect,  had  resolved  to  prevent  his  rein- 
statement in  Florence.     Besides,  he  was  now  reconciled 
with  the  Arrabbiati  who   had  succeeded  in  rousino-  his 
violent   irritation   against  Savonarola    by    giving    him  to 
understand  that  the  Friar  made  direct  allusion  to  him,  and 
actually  mentioned  him  by  name  in  his  sermons  against  the 
vices  of  Italian  potentates  and  in  his  descriptions  of  tyrants. 
Accordingly,  Ludovico  had  long  joined  in  their  schemes  for 


s 

erthrow.1     [n  this  wtj         arrabbi         m 

ut  their  pur]  .vertly  attacking   tl 

pular  nment,  while  Ludovico,   by  pa  • 

i  opposed  to   lì im,  made  ù  in 

,1  improved  his  chances  of  gaining  a  M 

•e   in   the    future.     To   this   end    his   orator,    Paolo 
,  sojourned  in  the  city,  and,  as  we  shall  JmOSt 

acted  the  part  of  a  ad  provocative  agent  (aleute  pro- 

vocatore), receiving  efficacious  assistance  from  his  colleague, 
I  Tranchedino,  the  Milanese  orator  at   Bologna.2 
As  regarded  the  rest  of  the  allies,  the  Venetians  objeel 

f  Titti,  in  his  "Storia  di  Firenze,"  says:  "For  the  which  reason  his 

enemies  were  more  submissive  than  ever  to  the  Duke 
[an  wh<  desirous  of  restricting  the  power  of  the  nment, 

I  dp,  had  already,  in  the  year  1495,  at  their  instance,  obtained 

efs  from  Rome,  through    his  brother,  the  Cardinal,  to  prohibit  the 

xt  from  preaching-  (uArch.  Stor.   Ital.,"  vol.  i.  p.  50).    Nardi  fre- 
qnently  dwells  on  the  intrigues  of  the  Arrabbiati.     At  p.  88  of  vol.  1.  he 

.  s  ■  "  Nevertheless  many  of  the  leading  citizens  being  ill-content  with 
this  form  of  government,  they,  while  dissimulating  their  real  motive, 
cunningly  opposed   the  above-mentioned   Fra  Girolamo,  since  he  had 

■)cd*to  establish  it,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Pope,  incited  thereunto  by 

certain  citizens  and  ecclesiastics,  once  more  summoned  the  P  riar  to  Rome, 

\lmost   identical   statements   are   to  be  found   in   Guicciardini  s 

toria  d'Italia  "   and  "Storia  di   Firenze."     But  one  of  Savonarola  s 
letters  to  the  Moor,  and  those  o(  the  latter's  envoys  and  spies,  throw  a 

.;  stronger  light  on  the  fact,  that  the  persecutions  directed  against  the 
Friar  originated  in  political  rather  than  religious  causes. 

a  The  fetters  of  Somenzi  and  Tranchedino  were  often  quoted  and  some 
published  in  the  first  (Italian)  edition  of  this  work.  Many  others  were 
subsequently  published  by  Prof.  Del  Lungo  in  the  "Arch.  Storico  Ital., 
New  Series,  vol.  xviii.  part  i.  p.  2  and  fol.  Nevertheless  much  of  the 
correspondence  is  still  inedited,  and  some  of  the  letters  will  be  men- 
tioned and  others  given  in  exienso  farther  on.  On  the  27th  of  January, 
1495,  Somenzi  wrote  that  the  Friar  was  persisting  "in  his  abominable 
tendencies  and  deeds.  For  the  which  reason  I  am  making  some  efforts 
to  rouse  this  people  to  enmity  against  him ."  And  on  the  8th  of  February 
he  added  :  "  So  far  the  practices  against  the  Friar  have  gone  well,  and  I 
hope  they  will  have  the  good  result  that  is  desired."  But  on  the  18th  of 
March  he  was  obliged  to  write:  "It  is  thought  that  these  Florentines 
will  end  by  coming  to  blows  amongst  themselves  ;  but  in  that  case  I 
believe  the  Friar's  party  will  have  the  best  of  it,  inasmuch  as  two- 
thirds  of  the  people  are  on  the  Friar's  side"  (Del  Lungo,  loc.  cit.,  doc. 
i.-iii.). 


THE  POPES  ANGER  IS  STIRRED.  375 

to  these  secret  arrangements  and  machinations  on  the  part 
of  the  Milanese  Duke,  and  continued  favourable  to  Piero 
de'  Medici  ;  but  they  were  the  only  power  decidedly  in- 
clined to  reinstate  him  in  Florence.  Even  the  Pope  himself 
was  very  cold  upon  this  point,  since  his  chief  purpose  was 
the  aggrandisement  of  his  own  offspring  ;  hence  he  too 
secretly  yearned  to  fix  his  rapacious  claws  on  the  Floren- 
tine Republic,  and  had  no  sympathy  to  spare  for  any  other 
object.  It  was  therefore  easy  for  the  Arrabbiati  and  the 
Duke  of  Milan  to  obtain  his  co-operation  in  the  deadly 
war  they  had  planned  against  Savonarola;  and  having 
once  kindled  the  ire  of  so  tenacious  a  hater,  their  designs 
advanced  rapidly  to  fulfilment. 

At  first,  as  we  have  said  before,  Alexander  had  no 
special  reason  to  hate  Savonarola  ;  but  when,  early  in 
1495,  ne  Degan  to  receive  letters  from  Florence  and 
Milan,  describing  the  Friar  as  an  audacious  denouncer  of 
the  clergy  and  the  Pope  ;  when  altered,  exaggerated,  and 
falsified  versions  of  the  Friar's  discourses — already  daring 
enough  in  their  genuine  form — were  placed  before  his  eyes  ; 
and  when  he  was  told  that  the  Prior  of  St.  Mark's  was  the 
sole  support  of  the  popular  party,  sole  author  of  the 
popular  hatred  to  the  Medici  and  the  League,  Alexander's 
anger  was  roused  and  soon  burst  into  flame.  Cardinal 
Ascanio  Sforza,  brother  to  Ludovico,  and  his  chief  agent 
in  Rome,1  was  he  who  blew  most  dexterously  on  this  flame, 
from  the  moment  that  it  was  first  kindled.  Another  of 
Savonarola's  worst  enemies  was  now  in  Rome,  i.e.,  the 
preaching  Friar,  Mariano  da  Genazzano,  who  had  never 
forgiven  the  shameful  defeat  he  had  endured  in  Florence. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  active  conspirators  in  favour  of 
the  Medici  and  against  Savonarola,  whom  he  assailed  with 
the  foulest  calumnies.     He  always  spoke  of  him  as  "  The 

1   Vide  at  doc.  vii.  of  Prof.  Del  Lungo's  work  (above  quoted),  the  letter 
from  Ascanio  Sforza,  dated  15th  of  April,  1496. 


VAXOZstS  II FE  AND  times. 

-/"'  and  maliciously  harped  upon  all  his 
invert  ;nst  the  evil  life  of  the  clergy, and  all  his 

farther  and  speak  more 
nkly  at  any  risk.     The  Borgia  dissimulated  his  anger  on 

th  i  ;    but  in  reality  it  wrought  him  to  fury.     Rumours 

wcrc    -l!'  acerning   scandals    of  a    kind    that 

history  often  shrinks  from  recording,  and  it  was  openly 
rted  that  another  son  had  been,  or  was  just  about 
to  be  born  to  the  already  aged  Pope,  and  that  this  would 
be  his  sixth  or  seventh  child.2  Accordingly  we  may 
imagine  with  what  feelings  he  must  have  regarded  the 
monk  who  inculcated  morality  from  the  pulpit,  and  fear- 
lessly thundered  against  all  transgressors. 

The  Borgia  now  set  to  work  with  characteristic  astute- 
ness. On  the  25th  of  July,  1495,  he  addressed  Savonarola 
in  a  brief  of  the  mildest  description,  conceived  in  these 
terms  :  "  To  our  well-beloved  son,  greeting  and  the  apos- 
tolic benediction.  We  have  heard  that  of  all  the  workers 
in  the  Lord's  vineyard,  thou  art  the  most  zealous;  at  the 
which  we  deeply  rejoice,  and  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty 
God. 3  We  have  likewise  heard  that  thou  dost  assert 
that  thy  predictions  of  the  future  proceed  not  from  thee 
but  from  God  ;  wherefore  we  desire,  as  behooves  our 
pastoral  office,  to  have  speech  with  thee  concerning  these 
things  ;  so  that  being,  by  thy  means,  better  informed  of 
God's  will,  we  may  be  the  better  able  to  fulfil  it.4  Where- 
fore, by  thy  vow  of  holy  obedience,  we  enjoin  thee  to  wait 

1  Further  on  we  shall  have  to  speak  in  detail  of  Fri  Mariano's 
intrigues. 

2  Even  the  "  Civiltà  Cattolica  "  (the  renowned  Papal  organ)  is  forced 
to  acknowledge— in  its  issue  of  the  15th  of  March,  1873— that  this  sixth  or 
seventh  child  (Giovanni)  really  existed  during  the  reign  of  Alexander  VI., 
between  1494  and  1499. 

3  "  Inter  ceteros  vineae  Domini  Sabaoth  operarios  te  plurimum 
laborare,  multorum  relatu  percipimus.     De  quo  valde  laetamur,"  &c. 

*  "  Ut  quod  placitum  est  Deo,  melius  per  te  cognoscentes,  peragamus," 

OlC. 


THE  POPE  TRIES  TO  ENTICE  HIM  TO  ROME.  377 

on  us  without  delay,  and  shall  welcome  thee  with  lovino> 
kindness." "  b 

The  subtle  craft  dictating  this  brief  is  shown  by  the  way 
in  which  it  appeals  to  Savonarola's  sincerity,  which  was  in 
truth  of  the  greatest.     But  the  character  of  the  Borgian 
Pope  was  too  well  known  to  all  men,  and  the  Florentines 
were  too  keenly  awake  to  the  plots  of  the  Arrabbiati,  who 
had  already  attempted  Savonarola's  life  by  steel  and  poison, 
and  now  openly  boasted  of  their  friendship  with  Rome.' 
Hence   no  one  was  deceived  as  to  the  purport   of  this 
extraordinarily  gentle  summons.     All   saw  that  the  Pope 
designed  either  to  have  him   murdered  by   the  way,  or, 
should  that  plan  fail,  to  seize  him  and  put  him  to  death 
in  the  dungeons  of  Castle  St.  Angelo.2     Consequently  his 
friends  hastened  to  beseech  him  not  to  stir  from  Florence, 
where  his  presence  was  more  indispensable  than  ever,  now 
that  the  departure  of  the  French  had  brought  so  many 
fresh  dangers  on  the  Republic.     The  dilemma  was  one  of 
serious  difficulty  for  Savonarola  ;  he  had  either  to  disobey 
the  Pope's  mandate,  or  risk  falling  a  prey  to  his  wrath  and 
that  of  the  Arrabbiati,  who  hoped  to  destroy  the  popular 
government  by  its  preacher's  death.     At  this  moment  he 
was  only  just  recovering  from  a  serious  intestinal  disturb- 
ance, by  which  his  strength  had  been  so  much  exhausted 
that,  according  to  the  physician's  dictum,  his  life  was   in 
danger  unless  he  would  abstain  from  all  preaching  and 
study.     A  few  days  before  he  had  already  announced  this 
to  the  people,  saying  that  illness  compelled  him  to  suspend 

Both  this  brief  and  Savonarola's  reply  to  the  same  were  very  incor- 
rectly printed.  We  have  restored  them  to  their  true  reading.  Vide 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxiii.  and  xxiv. 

2  As,  at  a  later  period  Clement  VII.  treated  Benedetto  da  Foiano,  a 
brother  of  St.  Mark's,  who,  by  preaching  Savonarola's  doctrines  durine 
the  siege  of  Florence  (1529-30),  had  roused  the  people  to  fight  for  their 
freedom.  On  going  to  Rome  this  Friar  was  starved  to  death  in  one  of 
Wie  subterranean  dungeons  of  Castle  St.  Angelo. 


TIME 

sermons.1     Anil  indeed  I  n  was  written  in 

his  face,  ami  all  saw  that  he  was  barely  able   to  mount  the 
pulpit  i  It  is  true  th  facing  the  people  and  be- 

:^our  :  .  an  !  made  him  appear 

r  and   m<»re   impassioned   than   before.      But 

this  was  m  I  passing  and  almost  fictitious  excitement, 

:lv  followed  by  a  r  Itinghim  many  days  of 

ration.    I  le  therefore  decided  to  entirely  abandon 

the  pulpit  and  at  the  same  time  to  submit  to  the  Pope  the 

just  and  well-founded  reasons  compelling  him  to  delay  his 

irture.      But  first  of  all  he  determined  to  bid  his  hearers 

veil  and  give  them  the  advice  required  in  the  present 

state  of  affairs.      Lie  foresaw  the  dangers  overhanging  the 

Republic,  perceiving  that  it  was  not  only  imperative  to 

be  on  the  alert  against  the  Arrabbiati,  but  likewise  against 

the  Medici,  who  were  all  the  more  dangerous  because  they 

were  less  feared. 

Accordingly,  on  the  28th  of  July,  he  delivered  one  of 
his  terrible  sermons.  The  Signory  and  all  the  magistrates 
attended  mass  in  the  Duomo  that  day,  and  Savonarola 
mounted  the  pulpit  in  a  mood  of  profound  sadness.  He 
had  to  forsake  his  flock  at  a  moment  when  the  departure 
and  treachery  of  King  Charles  had  brought  new  perils  on 
Florence  ;  when  his  enemies  were  making  war  upon  him, 
so  that  his  overthrow  might  lead  to  that  of  the  Re- 
public, and  had  dexterously  contrived  to  convert  the 
Pope  into  an  instrument  of  their  party  strife.  But  if  the 
Republic  was  to  be  assailed  in  his  person,  Savonarola  saw 
very  plainly  that  in  defending  himself  he  defended  the 
whole  people.  Therefore,  although  almost  too  feeble  to 
drag  himself  into  the  pulpit,  once  in  sight  of  his  flock,  he 
looked  on  the  expectant  throng  and  felt  braced  to  renewed 
effort. 

^'Prediche  sopra  i   Salmi."     Sermon  xxiii.  (delivered  on  the   24th 
of  June),  xxiv.  (5th  of  "July),  xxv.  (12th  of  July). 


HE  DENOUNCES  THE  CRIMES  IN  FLORENCE.  37 9 

He  began  by  speaking  of  the  corrupt  habits  and 
scandals  still  prevailing  in  Florence.  Gamblers,  blas- 
phemers, loose  women,  and  other  persons  dedicated  to 
unmentionable  vices,  still  polluted  the  city  by  their 
presence.  They  had  grown  more  reckless  since  the 
persecution  of  the  Friar  had  begun,  what  might  they  not 
become  when  he  was  reduced  to  silence  ?  Hence 
Savonarola  did  not  spare  them  on  this  occasion.  He 
urged  the  authorities  to  chastise  them  severely,  even  by 
death,  if  their  practices  could  be  checked  in  no  other  way. 
He  reminded  his  hearers  how,  in  consequence  of  Achan's 
sin,  the  wrath  of  God  had  been  poured  out  on  the  whole 
Hebrew  people,  and  could  only  be  appeased  by  the  death 
of  the  culprit.  "  Take  heed,  therefore,  Florence,  thou 
that  wouldst  be  so  pitiful,  see  in  what  way  the  Lord 
wrought  !  Art  thou  wiser  than  God  ?  Art  thou  more 
merciful  than  God  ?     Art  thou  more  than  God,  thou  ? 

0  Florence  !  thou  wouldst  be  more  clement  than  God  ; 
but  thy  clemency  is  madness,  thy  pity  is  cruel  ;  do  justice, 

1  tell  thee,  on  these  nefarious  crimes.1  I  tell  thee,  the 
Almighty  God  demands  justice  ;  it  behooves  thee  to  arise 
and  seize  one  of  these  men  and  lead  him  forth  and  cry  : 
this  man  deserves  death.  Otherwise,  ye  and  your  city 
will  be  endangered.  Renounce  dancing,  renounce  gam- 
bling, close  the  taverns.  I  tell  thee,  O  Florence,  now  is 
the  time  to  weep,  not  to  make  merry."  These  threats, 
however,  were  only  uttered  in  order  to  terrify  the  people, 
since,  in  spite  of  his  profound  hatred  for  every  form  of 
vice,  Savonarola  never  practically  forsook  his  natural 
moderation,  although  often  indulging  in  undue  vehemence 
of  speech. 

He  next  turned  to  the  subject  of  prophecy,  declaring  it 

1  Both  in  this  and  other  sermons  Savonarola  alludes  to  unnatural 
vices,  then  very  prevalent  in  Florence,  where  philosophers  and  literati 
were  accustomed  to  speak  of  them  with  cynical  mirth,  and  quote  the 
example  of  the  ancient  Greeks. 


38o  1 1  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

lui  to  the  i  if  the  people  and  the  Church, 

44  the  which  is  now  nude  desolate  by  the  corruption  of  its 

rulers  and  the  lackr:  I  preachers.    The  honest  preacher 

should  be   r  e   his   life   for   truth's   sake,  and   to 

Save  his  people;   but  where  now  are  such   preachers  to   he 

1  ?  I  tell  thee  that  so  long  as  matters  proceed  in  this 
fashion,  the  Church  will  sink  to  lower  depths  of  ruin,  and 
Italv  will  have  no  respite.  As  I  have  already  said  unto 
ve,  ()  cleri: v,  ve  have  given  birth  to  this  tempest." 

Again  changing  his  theme,  he  then  turned  to  politics. 
14  To  four  things  have  I  exhorted  ye  :  To  the  fear  of  God, 
to  peace,  to  the  public  welfare,  and  to  the  reform  of  the 
government,  i.e.,  to  the  Greater  Council  ;  now  I  have  only 
to  insist  on  these  same."  And  thus,  examining  all 
subjects  in  turn,  he  drove  them  home  by  new  arguments. 
Above  all  he  urged  the  necessity  of  union,  and  suggested 
the  appointment  of  officers  of  peace,  "  who  should  put  an 
end  to  these  names  of  Bigi>  Bianchi ',  and  Arrabbiati, 
which  are  the  ruin  of  the  city.  ...  At  all  events,  let  the 
construction  of  the  Council-hall  be  hurried  forward, 
employing  on  it,  if  needful,  the  artificers  of  the  Duomo, 
since  their  labour  will  be  the  most  pleasing  to  the  Lord. 
Let  the  council  remain  steadfast,  and,  becoming  better 
and  purer,  be  the  sole  hope,  the  sole  strength  of  the 
people."  It  was  on  the  same  day  and  at  this  very  moment 
that  Savonarola  proposed  the  law  for  the  abolition  of 
Parliaments  to  which  we  have  already  alluded,  and  pro- 
nounced his  famous  diatribe  against  all  who  still  favoured 
those  gatherings,  saying  :  "  They  refuse  to  understand 
that  the  council  is  the  supreme  power,  and  must  com- 
mand in  all  things."  He  found  no  threats  nor  punish- 
ments severe  enough  for  those  men,  knowing  that  the 
Parliament  was  the  means  to  which  the  Arrabbiati  in 
general,  and  the  Mediceans  in  particular,  intended  shortly 
to  recur,    in    order    to   overthrow   the   present    form    of 


HE  BIDS  THE  PEOPLE  FAREWELL.  381 

government.      Having    thus   impressed   the  people  with 
the  necessity    of  guarding    against    the    coming    danger, 
he  offered   a  few  other   brief  counsels  and  then  hastened 
to    conclude.      He    exhorted  the   Signory  not   to   waste 
time  continually  on  petty  matters,  as  was  too  much  the 
custom    in    Florence  ;    but    to    limit    their    attention    to 
affairs    of  importance  and   leave   the   rest   to   the   minor 
authorities.     He  recommended  them  to  encourage  labour 
in  all  possible  ways,  "  even  should  it  be  necessary  to  levy 
a   tax  on  the  guild  of  silk  and  wool."     And  finally  he 
pronounced  his  farewell,  saying  :   "  My  people,  when  I 
stand  here,  I  am  always  strong  ;  and  if,  when  out  of  the 
pulpit,  I  could  feel  as  when  in  it,  I  should  always  be  well. 
But    after    descending    these    stairs    I    believe    that    my 
pains  will  return,  and  for  this  reason  some  time  will  pass 
before  I  see  ye  again,  for  I  must  needs  wait  a  little  to  re- 
cover.    Then,  if  still  living,  1  will  again  begin  to  preach. 
But  probably  a  month  may  elapse,  unless  your  prayers 
should  recall  me  sooner.      During  this  time  Fra  Domenico 
will  preach  in  my  stead  ;  then  will  I  return,  if  still  alive. 
But   the  welfare    of  Florence  will    be    cared  for  in   any 
case.     However  much  the  wicked  may  labour  at  their 
work,  this   seed  shall  bear  fruit,  for  it  is  God's  will.     I 
might  this  day  tell  ye  who  be  the  authors  of  your  perils  ; 
but  I  would  do  harm  to  no  man,  and  ye  will  know  their 
names  when   they  are  brought  to  punishment.     I  must 
now  conclude,  for  I  have  preached  so  often,  and  laboured 
so   hard,  as  to   have  shortened  my  life   by  many  years, 
and  am  fallen   very  weak.     Well,  brother,   what   reward 
wouldst  thou  have  ?      I  would  have  martyrdom  ;  I  am 
content  to  endure  it  ;  I  pray  for  it  each  day,  O  Lord,  for 
love  of  this  city."  1 

After  delivering   this  sermon,  Savonarola  immediately 
sent  his  reply  to  the  Pope  on  the  last  day  of  July,  and 
1  Predica  of  the  28th  of  July,  "sopra  i  Salmi." 


}8i  S.il  AND  TIMES, 

his  letter  is  a  remark  dignified  humility 

and  :  x  monk 

\  ield  o  superiori,  he 

.  that  it  was  likewise  permissible  to  brìi  ludi 

is  might  sometim 
this  head,  tl  I   by   P 

Al<  ;•  III.   to    th  i  of   Ravenna.      lie    then 

continued  as  follows  :  "Most  Blessed  Father  !     My  n 

is  to  behold  the  shrine  of  the  Apostles  P 

and  Paul  in  order  to  worship  the  relics  of  those 

saints  ;  and  still  more  willingly  would  I  have  gone  thither 
now  that  the  Holy  Father  deigneth  to  summon  to  him  his 
humble  servant.  But  I  am  barely  issued  from  a  very 
serious  malady,  the  which  hath  forced  me  to  suspend  both 
idling  and  studv,  and  still  threatened!  my  lite. 
"  Furthermore,  I  am  bound  rather  to  obey  the  benign 
purpose  of  the  command  than  the  mere  words  in  which  it  is 
framed.  Now,  inasmuch  as  the  Lord,  by  my  means,  hath 
d  this  city  from  much  bloodshed,  and  subjected  it  to 
good  and  holy  laws,1  there  be  many  adversaries,  both 
within  and  without  the  city,  who,  having  sought  to  en- 
slave it,  and  having  been  confounded  instead,  now  seek  my 
blood,  and  have  frequently  attempted  my  life  by  steel 
and  poison.  Wherefore  I  could  not  depart  without 
manifest  risk,  nor  can  I  even  walk  through  the  city  with- 
out an  armed  escort.2  Also,  this  newly  reformed  govern- 
ment, that  the  Lord  hath  been  pleased,  by  my  means,  to 
give  to  Florence,  is  not  yet  firmly  rooted,  and  is  visibly  in 
danger  without   continued   assistance;  wherefore,   in   the 

1  M  Quum  Civitatem  a  non  mediocri  sanguinis  effusione  et  a  multis 
aliis  noxiis,  mea  opera,  Dominus  liberaverit,  et  ad  concordiam  legesque 
sanctas  revocaverit,  infesti  facti  sunt  mini,  tarn  in  civitate  quam  extra, 
iniqui  homines." 

3  Luca  Landucci,  "Diario,"  p.  106  :  "  And  on  the  24th  of  May,  1495» 
an  attempt  was  made  on  Fra  Girolamo's  life  in  the  street  of  the 
Cocomero,  alter  he  had  been  preaching." 


HIS  LETTER  TO  THE  POPE, 


3S3 


judgment  of  all  good  and  experienced  citizens,  my  depar- 
ture would  be  of  great  hurt  to  the  city,  while  of  scant 
profit  to  Rome.1  1  cannot  suppose  that  my  superior 
would  desire  the  ruin  of  a  whole  city,  and  therefore 
trust  that  your  Holiness  will  graciously  accede  to  this 
delay,  so  that  the  reform  begun  by  the  Lord's  will  may 
be  brought  to  perfection,  since  I  am  certain  that  it  is  for 
the  good  of  the  same  that  He  hath  now  raised  up  these 
hindrances  to  my  journey.2 

"And  should  your  Holiness  desire  greater  certitude  on 
the  matters  publicly  foretold  by  me  concerning  the  chas- 
tisement of  Italy  and  the  renovation  of  the  Church,  you 
will  find  them  set  forth  in  a  book  of  mine  that  is  now 
being  made  public.3  I  was  anxious  to  have  these  predic- 
tions put  in  print,  so  that,  should  they  be  not  fulfilled, 
the  world  may  know  me  to  be  a  false  prophet.  But  there 
are  other  things  of  a  more  hidden  nature  that  must  still 
remain  veiled,  and  which  I  may  not  as  yet  reveal  to  any 
mortal. 

"  Accordingly  I  beseech  your  Holiness  to  graciously 
accept  my  very  true  and  plain  excuses,  and  to  believe  that 
it  is  my  ardent  desire  to  come  to  Rome  ;  wherefore,  as 
soon  as  possible,  I  shall  spur  myself  to  set  forth."  4 

To  this  letter  the  Pope  made  no  reply  ;  but,  perceiving 
that  it  would  be  useless  to  insist  any  farther  at  present,  sent 
an  express  message  to  Savonarola  5  to  state  that  he  accepted 
his  excuses.     So  the  Friar,  having  retired  to  his  convent, 

11  Discessus  meus  maximae  iacturse  huic  populo,  et  modicae  isthie 
utilitatis  foret." 

Dum  hoc  coeptum  perficiatur  opus,  cuius  gratia  haec  impedimenta, 
ne  proficiscar,  nutu  divino  accidisse,  equidem  certus  sum." 

3  He  here  alludes  to  the  "  Compendium  Revelationum." 

4  Vide  Appendix  (to  the  Italian  edition),  doc.  xxiv. 

5  In  his  sermon  of  the  18th  of  February,  1498,  Savonarola  related  the 
history  of  all  the  briefs  received  from  Rome.  And  in  mentioning  his 
reply  he  says:  "He  {the  Pope)  accepted  my  excuses  very  graciously." 
Vide  sheet  20-22  of  Venetian  edition,  1540. 


l'S  life  AND  TIMES. 

his  health,  and  only  addressed  «  mal,  ihort 

the  brotherhood.     I  [e  was  replaced  in  the 

I  by  It. i  Domenico  ol  IV  ho  did  his  best 
to  expound  his  master's  doctrines  and  imitate  his  style 
and  mode  of  delivery,  although  unable  to  approach  him 
m  originality,  energy,  or  eloquence.1     Nevertheless  the 

I  le   went   very   gladly   to   hear   him,   for  all   loved   the 
rward  sincerity  of  His  character,  and  knew  that 
he  acted  as  Savonarola's  mouthpiece. 

But  while  everything  was  going  on  in  this  quiet  and 
ceftd  manner,  suddenly,  on  the  8th  of  September,  a  new 
and  unexpected  brief  arrived  from  Rome,  addressed  to 
the  brethren  of  Santa  Croce,  the  foes  of  St.  Mark's,  desig- 
nating Savonarola  as  "  a  certain  Fra  Girolamo^  a  seeker 
after    novelty,    and     disseminator    of    false    doctrines." 2 

II  This  man's  wits  have  been  so  perturbed  by  the  changes 
in  Italian  affairs,"  the  brief  continued,  "that  he  seeketh  to 
make  the  people  believe  that  he  hath  a  mission  from  God 
and  holdeth  discourse  with  God,  although  unable  to  prove 
this,  either  by  miracles  or  the  direct  evidence  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  as  the  canonical  law  would  prescribe.  We 
have  shown  great  patience  towards  him,  in  the  hope  that 

1  One  of  Fra  Domenico's  sermons  is  to  be  found  at  the  end  of 
Savonarola's  "Prediche  sopra  i  Salmi,"  and  bears  the  date  of  the  29th  oi 
September. 

a  "And  then,  after  some  days  had  passed,  i.e.,  about  the  whole  of  one 
month  and  half  of  another,  the  before-mentioned  brief  having  been 
issued  towards  the  end  of  July,  there  came  another  brief  dated  about  the 
8th  of  September,  full  of  vituperations,  and  including  no  less  than  eighteen 
blunders.  And  the  first  of  these  was,  that  the  brief  was  addressed  to  the 
Monastery  of  Sta.  Croce,  and  therefore  went  to  Sta.  Croce,  whereas  it  was 
intended  for  St.  Mark's.  And  it  was  further  said  in  that  brief:  Quemdam 
Hierony?num  Savonarofam,  i.e.,  a  certain  Jeronimo  Savonarola,  even  as 
though  he  (the  Pope)  knew  nothing  of  me,  and  had  not  written  to  me  so 
affectionately  less  than  a  month  and  a  half  before  !  Then  there  were  many 
other  trifling  errors,  which  honour  forbids  me  to  mention  here  ;  but  by 
the  many  blunders  in  his  briefs  after  so  short  an  interval  thou  mayest 
see  that  the  Pope  has  been  misled"  (Sermon  of  the  18th  of  February, 
1498). 


ANOTHER  BRIEF  FROM  THE  POPE.  x%* 

he  would  repent  and  retrieve  his  transgressions  by  making 
submission  to  us  and  desisting  from  that  scandalous  severt 
ance  from  the  Lombard  Congregation,  to  which  our  con- 
sent   was    extorted    by  the    specious    devices    of  certain 
monks."     The  brief  wound  up    by  referring   the  whole 
affair  to  Fra  Sebastiano  de  Madiis,  Vicar-General  of  the 
Lombard    Congregation,  ordering   Savonarola    to    recog- 
nize the   latter's  authority,  to  go  without  delay  to  any 
place  to  which  he  might  be  summoned,  and  meanwhile 
to  refrain  from  every  description  of  preaching,  whether 
public    or   private.       The    Convent    of    St.    Mark    was 
declared    to    be   joined    to   the    Lombard    Congregation 
and    Fra    Domenico,   Fra    Silvestro,  and    Fra    Tommaso 
Busini  were  instructed  to  repair  to  Bologna  within  nine 
days.     All    this    under    pain    of  excommunication,   lata 
sent  enti  a.1 

Why  should  the  Pope  have  been  so  suddenly  stirred  to 
hostility  after  accepting  the  Friar's  excuses  ?    Why  should 
a   brief,  solely  concerning  Savonarola    and    his   brethren 
have  been  addressed  to  the  friars  of  Sta.  Croce,  the  foes  of 
St.  Mark's?     Undoubtedly  for  the  purpose  of  increasing 
its    publicity,  and    preventing   its  concealment.     But  the 
cause  of  the  Pope's  sudden  change  was  only  understood 
later.     The  dangers  predicted  in  Savonarola's  last  sermon 
in  July  all  came  to  pass,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  invectives 
against  tyrants  and  Parliaments  was  clearly  justified  by 
Piero    de'    Medici's    attempt.     This    indeed   took    place 
shortly    afterwards,    although    its    connection    with    other 
events  compelled  us  to  relate  it  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

DrtnW115;^^1^11  PublishÌnS  th^s  brief>  gave  it  the  date  of  the  16th  of 

i    rhnncrpH97;      ^%k?e'r  ^  t0  ^  ^^  ^    believed   that    *    should 

De  changed  to  the  8th  of  September,  1496.  But  since  then,  the  fresh 
iocuments  brought  to  light  by  Signor  Gherardi  have  enabled  us  to  ascer- 

ffThl  £•  ^atTetv°  bG  8tu  °f  SePte™ber>  1495,  as  given  in  Codex  2053 
)f  the  Riccardi  Library,  sheet  cix.  Vide  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti," 
ice,  p.  250  and  fol.  ' 

26 


AND  TIM 

li  hly  important  to  the  Pope  that  Savon- 

wild  be  reduced  to  silence  ;  but  in  order  to  prevent 

the  l>urT'  '  t0  a,m  :l  1,imv  at 

the  R  public,  lie  gave  the  qi  i  dispute 

.}K.  ju,  or  severance  of  certain  convents,  and  V 

it  t0  |   hv  others.     The  Congregation  of   S 

M  irk'a  -nee  di  I,  Savonarola's  authority  would  be  at 

an  end,  and  should  he  leave  Tuseany,  in  obedience  to  the 
COmmanda  of  the  Lombard  Superior,  he  would  speedily 
tall  into  Alexander's  hands.1 

Savonarola  had  understood  all  this  from  the  first,  and 
w  is  deeply  incensed  bv  it  ;  but  his  position  was  one  of 
extreme  difficulty.  He  was  reluctant  to  complicate  the 
matter  bv  openly  rebelling  against  the  authority  of  the 
l\.pe,  but  was  determined  not  to  allow  the  Republic  to 
be  crushed  without  exciting  the  Florentines  to  resistance. 
He  freely  expressed  these  sentiments  in  a  letter  of  the  15th 
of  September  of  this  year  addressed  to  a  brother  of  his 
Order  in  Rome,  saying  :  "  It  is  known  to  all  the  world 
that  the  charges  made  against  me  are  false,  and  will  bring 
great  infamy  on  those  prelates  and  the  whole  of  Rome. 
I  well  know  that  my  accusers  have  no  just  cause  of  attack, 
for  verily  they  are  stoning  me  for  a  good  deed  ;  but  I 
dread  them  not,  neither  fear  I  their  power,  for  the  grace 
of  God  and  a  pure  conscience  suffice  me.  I  know  the 
root  of  all  these  plots,  and  know  them  to  be  the  work  of 
evil  minded  citizens  who  would  fain  re-establish  tyranny 
in  Florence,  and  are  agreed  with  certain  Italian  potentates. 
All  these  men  seek  my  death  ;  thus  I  can  no  longer  go 

«  "It  was  the  Pope's  desire  to  re-unite  the  said  Congregation  of  Tuscany 
with  the  old  and  general  Congregation  of  Lombardy  in  order -to  remove 
this  Friar  from  the  city  of  Florence,  and  annul  the  Congregation  of  his 
followers  and  adherents  ;  and  all  this  had  been  brought  about .  by  tne 
adversaries  of  the  present  government,  and  more  especia  ly  by  those  who 
hoped  that  the  city  would  turn  in  favour  of  the  Holy  League  and  the 
Medici  House"  (Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  124). 


SA  FONAR  OLA'S  REPLY.  ,q, 

abroad  without  a  guard  of  armed  men.     Nevertheless   it 
there  be  no  other  way  of  saving  my  conscience,  I  am  re- 
solved to  make  submission,  so  as  to  avoid  even  a  venial  sin 
™r  the  Ff ent  I  suspend  judgment  and  take  no  hastv 
decision,  following  in  this  the  precepts  of  the  Fathers  "  «' 
In   pursuance  of  this  intent  he  forwarded   a  detailed 
reply  to  the  Pope  on  the  29th  of  September. 2     In  this  b- 
lamented   that    his    enemies   should    have    succeeded    in 
deceiving  the  Holy  Father  regarding  events  witnessed  by 
the  whole  people.     «  As  to  my  doctrines,"  he  continued 

■  1  have  always  been  submissive  to  the  Church  ;  as  regards 
prophecy,    I    have    never    absolutely   declared    myself   a 
prophet,  although  this  would  be  no  heresy  ;  but  I  have 
undoubtedly  foretold  various  things,  of  which  some  have 
already  been  fulfilled,  and  others  that  will  be  verified  at 
some  future  time.     Moreover,  it  is  known  to  all  Italy  that 
the  chastisement  hath  already  begun,  and  how  solely  by 
means  of  my  words  there  hath   been  peace  in  Florence 
the  which  failing  all  would  have  suffered  greater  woes  " 
And    hereupon   he   reminded   the    Pope   that   the    brief 
ordaining  the  separation  (of  the  convents)  had  not  been 
extorted  by  a  ftw  friars,  but  at  the  request  of  all,  and 

■  This  letter  was  published  by  Mons.  Peirens,  to  whom  it  had  been 
g.ven  by  Abate  Bernard,,  who  had  discovered  it  in  a  codex  of  the  Marcia" 
t  brary  of  Ven.ce  (class  ix.  4,),  with  the  date  15th  of  September     406 

B?e  »  trt  WaS  rhf g6d  by  ^°nS'  Perrens  to  that  of  '5*  of  September 
lath  ,t  ,?rdl  haS  pr0V,ed  that  he  was  riSht  i»  so  doing.  It  is  true 
that   n  the  old  Codex  3053  of  the  Riccardi  Library  (sheet  cxvi')  the  lette? 

sha,ed'49i  b,",ther?  ÌS  an  added  note  f0  'he  effect  that  the  e  e 
and  IL,  %  P  aCed  d,^eCtIy;after  the  blief  °f  the  8th  °f  September,  149c 
to  H96         °r'Sln  I495  had  been  afterwards  erroneously  altered 

s-xt,','m  «^Ttfu  FlatriS  Hi,er°nymJi  Savonarola,  ad  Alexandrum  Papam 
2?  ..^"S  was  wrongly  dated  29th  of  September,  1497,  by  Mons 
Quétif  We  judged  it  to  be  a  blunder,  and  supposed  that  it  should  be 
changed  to  29th  of  September,  1496.  But  Gherardi  (in  his  before  men 
honed  work)  proved  that  the  real  date  to  be  assigned  to  it  was  that  of 
ru  of  September,  1495,  as  g.ven  in  an  anthentic  copy  of  the  brief  itself 
Other  Cod.ces  bear  different  dates,  but  the  real  one  is  that  w  given. 


sg8  \ND  TIMES, 

I  after  "  I  hen,  n  to 

to  the  ^:.  the  1    mbard  \  •■ 

ry  our  ju  ;  ^ 

rrela    between  congn  pubi 

What  can  hai  en  birth  to  all  this,  M< 

Bl      ed    Father,  save   the   false    accusations   and   lying   re- 
f    the     enemies   of    this     Republic,    the     winch     I 
i  many  dangers  and  restored  to  true 
religion  and  freedom,  by  destroying  factions,  reforming 
manners,    and    establishing    peace?      And    besides,''    con- 
ch: ivonarola,  citing  the  authority  of  many   Fathers 
the  Church,  "  it  is  lawful  for  all  to  pass  from  one  rule 
r  that  is  stricter  and  more  severe.     Our  reunion 
ith    the   Lombard    friars    at    this    moment    would  only 
deepen  the  rancour  already,  unhappily,  existing  between 
the  two  congregations,  and  give  rise  to  fresh  dispute  and 
fresh   scandal.     And  finally,  inasmuch  as  your  Holiness 
declares  that  you  desire  this  union  so  as  to  prevent  others 
from   lapsing  into   mv  errors,  and   inasmuch  as  it  is  now 
most  plain   that  I  have   not   lapsed   into  error,  the  cause 
being     non-existent,    neither    should    its    effect     remain. 
Having  therefore   proved   the   falsity  of  all    the  charges 
brought  against  me,  1  pray  your  Holiness  to  vouchsafe  a 
reply  to  my  defence,  and  to  grant  me  absolution.     I  preach 
the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Fathers,  have  departed  in  nothing 
from  their  precepts,  and  am  ready,  if  I  should  be  in  error, 
not  only  to  correct  myself,  but  to  avow  it  publicly,  and 
make  amends  before  the  whole  people.     And  now  again 
I  repeat  that  which  I  have  always  said,  *.*.,  that  I  submit 
■   myself   and    all    my   writings    to    the    correction    of  the 
Holy  Roman    Church."     At  the   same    time  Savonarola 
addressed  many  other  letters  to  friends  of  some  influence 
in  Rome,  repeating  the  arguments  he  had  adduced  to  the 
Pope  in  his  own  favour,  and  most  earnestly  recommending 
his  cause  to  all. 


THE  POPE'S  DECEITFUL  REJOINDER. 


189 


With  his  usual  acuteness  and  sagacity,  Alexander  VI 
grasped    the    difficulty    of    the     case,    and    hastened    to 
proceed    with  an   astuteness   truly   worthy   of  a   whilom 
law  student  of  Barcelona.      Seeing  that  the  Friar  was  re- 
solved neither  to  dissolve  his  congregation  nor  depart  from 
Florence  ;  seeing  that  Piero  de'  Medici's  preparations  were 
going  on,  and  that  this  was  a  most  critical  moment  for 
the  Republic,  and  considering  that  the  sole  object  of  any 
real    importance    to    himself,    at    this   juncture,    was    to 
exclude    the    Friar    from    the    pulpit,    he    desisted    from 
threats    and    recurred    to    flattery.     Accordingly   on    the 
1 6th  of  October  another  brief*  was  despatched,  in  which 
the  Pope  replied  to  Savonarola's  letter  as  though-  rejoicino- 
over  the  recovery  of  a  strayed  sheep.     "  In  other  letters," 
so    he    said,    "we    have    manifested    our    grief   to    thee 
regarding  these   disturbances  in   Florence,  of  which  thy 
sermons  have  been  the  chief  cause  ;  forasmuch  as  instead 
of  preaching  against  vice  and  in  favour  of  union,  thou 
dost    predict   the    future,    the    which    thing   might    give 
birth  to  discord  even  among  a  pacific  people,  much  more 
therefore   among  the   Florentines,  in  whom   there  be  so 
many  seeds  of  discontent  and  party  spirit.     These  were 
the  reasons  for  which  we  bade  thee  to  our  presence  ;   but 
now    that,   by    thy  letters    and    the    testimony  of  many 
cardinals,  we  find  thee  prepared  to  yield  obedience  to  the 
Roman  Church,  we  do  greatly  rejoice,  feeling  assured  that 
thou  hast    erred   rather  from  overmuch   simplicity  than 
from  badness  of  heart.     Wherefore  we  again  reply  to  thy 
letters,    and   in    virtue    of  thy    vow    of  holy    obedience 
command    thee  to    abstain  from    all  sermons  not  only  in 
public,  but  in  private,  so  that  no  man  may  say  that  after 
preaching  in  the  pulpit  thou  hast  been  reduced  to  con- 

I'To!|!is1br;ef  al,so  Quéf'f  h*s  assigned  the  date  of  16th  of  October, 
1497.     We  believed  it  to  be  wrong,  and  Signor  Gherardi  (p.  259)  repro 

oTooer!1r4905nSmal   ^   discovered  by   hi™elf,   and    dated    loth"  of 


39o  {KOI  S. 

i  v. :':  en  in  this  course  until 

.  htime  as   thou    m  DC   able   to  seek  our  presence 

:    honour*  -when    we   will 
a  joyful  and  fatherly  spirit— *or  until  v. 

U  have  come  to  a  riper  decision  as  to  the  course  to  be 
ribed  for  the.  ;  and  •  uitable  p  to 

ttlc  these  matters.      And  if,  as  we   doubt   not,  thou  wilt 
.  we  shall  then  revoke  all  our  preceding  briefs,  so  that 
tranquilly  attend  to  thy  spiritual  welfare."1 

By  tune  this  brief  of  the  i  6th  of  October  was 

i   long  time  on   the   way,2   and    thus    Savonarola,    while 

awaiting  the  reply  to  his   letter,  was  enabled  to  occupy 

the    pulpit    during    that     month    and    deliver    the    three 

rmons  to  which  we  have  referred,  and  which  contributed 
much  towards  the  failure  of  the  Medici  expedition. 
But  on  receiving  the  ostensibly  affectionate  brief  that 
wound  up  by  condemning  him  to  silence,  his  position 
became  more  difficult  than  before.  He  thoroughly  com- 
prehended that  all  this  paternal  suavity  was  a  mere 
device  to  seal  his  lips  at  the  moment  when  the  Re- 
public had  most  need  of  his  words  :  it  was  a  stroke  of 
the  Borgia's  usual  craft  that  was  now  understood  by  all. 
In  fact  the  letters  of  the  Florentine  ambassador  in  Rome 
gave  information  that  the  Pope's  anger  was  growing  daily 
more  violent,  and  that  he  was  absolutely  determined  to 
seize  the  Friar's  person.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  Piero  de' 
Medici's  expedition  speedily  failed,  and  there  being  no 
longer  any  pressing  need  for  Savonarola  to  raise  his  voice 
in  defence  of  the   Republic,  he  held  his  peace  so  as  to 

1  "  Later  came  another  brief,  saying  that  I  had  propagated  doctrines 
fitted  to  sow  discord  among  the  most  pacific  people,  and  many  other 
false  things,  and  he  therefore  suspended  me  from  preaching"  (Sermon  of 
flie  iSth  of  February,  1498).  . 

a  This  is  proved  by  the  letters  of  the  Ferrarese  ambassador  in  Flor- 
ence (Cappelli,  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,  &c).  Vide  Prof.  Cosci's  work 
in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Series  IV.,  vol.  iv.  p.  306. 


SAVONAROLA'S  ANXIETIES. 


391 


give  his  foes  no  fresh  pretext  for  attack.  In  fact,  during 
Advent  in  1495  he  never  once  ascended  the  pulpit,  and 
Fra  Domenico  continued  to  take  his  place  in  Sta.  Maria 
del  Fiore. 

The  mind  of  Savonarola  must  have  been  deeply  agitated 
during  those  months  of  silence,  and  when  still  so  enfeebled 
by    disease.     He    saw    that  he   was   being  forced   into  a 
struggle    with    Rome,   to    defend    his    doctrines    against 
obviously   calumnious   accusations,  and   his  life  from  the 
snares  laid  for  him  by  party  hatred.     If  he  took  thought 
for  his  own  safety,  he  would  have  to  neglect  the  political 
reforms   already  making  such  satisfactory    progress,   and 
the   moral   crusade   that  had    already  led   to  such  happy 
results.     This  was  precisely  the  end  desired  by  his  foes. 
As  to  the  charges  of  being  a  heretic,  a  disseminator  of 
scandal,  a  seducer  of  the  people,  and  so  on,  they  were  not 
believed,  even  by  those  who  brought  them  forward.     The 
Pope,    as  we  shall  soon  see    even  more  plainly,  had  no 
fault  to  find  with  the  Friar's  teachings;  but,  together  with 
the^  Arrabbiati    and    Duke  Ludovico,    attacked    him  on 
entirely  personal  and  political  grounds,  in  order  to  exter- 
minate his  party  by  his  downfall.     So  long  as  the  struggle 
wore    its    true    aspect    of    a    purely    political    conflict, 
Savonarola  had  always    faced  it  with  a  bold  front  ;  but 
now  the  ground  was  being  shifted,  the  political  question 
cunningly  veiled  in  the  guise  of  a  religious  dispute,  and 
he  realized  all  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  his  position. 
Had  it  been  really  a  question  of  dogma,  he  would  have 
submitted  to  the  authority  of  the  Church  ;   but  the  Pope 
merely  taxed  him  in  general  terms  with  the  dissemination 
of  false  doctrines,  and  commanded  him  to  hold  his  peace. 
Therefore  he  must  either  forsake  the  people,  in  order  to 
obey    commands,    solely    aimed    at    the    destruction    of 
Florentine  liberty,  or    he    must    rebel  against  the  papal 
authority,  bring  his  own  cause  before  the  public,  and  thus 


/  IFF  F/MFS. 

Uldd    and   di  00   in    the   Church.      He    was 

ed    by   this,   but   unhesitatingly    accepted 

■.  in  the  hope  that  a  fresh  attempt  would  be  made 
by  well-..         ed  magistrates  and  cardinals  to   bring  the 

t;  to  .1    milder  trame    of  mind.      Indeed,  Savonarola's 

leti  this  period  prove  that  he  was  then  most  firmly 

olved  never  to  return  to   the  pulpit   without  permission 
m   Rome.1      But,  notwithstanding  his  silence,  he  had  no 
ubts  regarding  the  justice  of  his  cause.      He  wished  to 
a\  using  scandal  in    the  Church,  but   could   not   re- 

co, the    validity    or"   orders    sent    for   political    ends 

and  inspired  by  his  enemies'  calumnious  reports.  The 
increasing  iniquities  of  the  Pope  and  his  children,  who 
were  accused  of  incestuous  intrigues,  and  of  murders 

by  poison,  struck  terror  into  all,  and  stirred  Savonarola  to 
irrepressible  indignation.  Accordingly,  it  was  at  this  time 
that  his  theories  as  to  the  best  mode  of  checking  the 
evils  oppressing  the  Church  first  took  a  definite  shape. 
Many  good  and  experienced  Catholics  maintained  the 
opinion  that  Alexander's  election  was  null  and  void,  having 
been  obtained,  as  all  knew,  by  simony,  and  that  the  only 
way  to  put  an  end  to  the  numerous  scandals  of  which  he 
was  the  cause,  would  be  to  summon  a  council  to  depose 
him.  The  leader  of  this  party  was  the  pugnacious  Car- 
dinal of  St.  Piero  in  Vincoli,  afterwards  Pope  Julius  II.2 

1  Vide  Savonarola's  letter  to  Fra  Antonio  of  Holland,  to  which  we 
Shall  allude  farther  on.  It  is  included  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition.  ,       u  _  .. 

2  Padre  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  San  Marco,"  p.  225  and  fol.  :  Julianus 
Robureus,  Card.  S.  Petri  ad  Vincula,  in  Gallias  aufugit,  iram  Alexandri 
veritus,  cum  celebrandum  Concilium  cecumenicum  diceret,  nimirum  ad 
erigendam  Ecclesiam  a  simoniacis  conculcatami  Rainaldo  ad  an.,  i492- 
The  said  Cardinal,  on  being  made  Pope,  issued  a  Bull  (14th  of  January, 
1505)  in  confirmation  of  the  Lateran  Council,  declaring  Alexander  s 
election  null,  and  incapable  of  convalidation,  even  by  the  subsequent 
homa-e  of  the  Cardinals.  Vide  Padre  Marchese,  p.  226,  note  I.  I  he 
same°writer  remarks  on  this  subject  (p.  231),  that  since  Alexanders 
election  has  had  the  continued  approval  of  the  Church,  no  Catholics  can 


SAVONAROLA^  APPEAL  TO  KING  CHARLES    *>i 

He  styled   the  Borgia  an  infidel  and  a  heretic,  and  was 
constantly  in  waiting  on  King  Charles,  doing  his  utmost 
to   induce   him  to  assemble   a   council,   and  achieve    the. 
reform  of  the  Church.     Nor  was  the  monarch  opposed  to 
the   idea,   for  his  ambassador,   De  Commines,  frequently 
repeats  :   «  A  little  more  and  this  reform  would  have  been 
carried  out."'      The  first  time  the  French  passed  through 
Rome,  no  less  than  eighteen  cardinals  joined  Della  Rovere 
in    pressing    the    king    to    procure    the    desired    reform 
And  on  two  occasions  the  French  guns  were  pointed  on 
Castle  St.  Angelo,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  Alexander's 
person,  and  summoning  the  council  by  force  ;  2  but  then, 
Charles,  being  always  most  hesitating  when  on  the  brinkof 
a  resolve,  ended  by  taking  the  advice  of  Brissonet,  who 
had   great    influence    over  him,  and  had  received    much 
favour  and  many  bribes  from  the  Pope. 

None  could  be  more  anxious  than  Savonarola  to  urge 
on  the  council  and  procure  the  desired  reform  ;  and 
although  he  had  sometimes  hesitated  to  push  the  matter 
for  fear  of  raising  scandal  in  the  Church  whose  unity  was 
his  most  cherished  aim,  the  fresh  infamies  perpetrated 
by  the  Pope  now  put  an  end  to  his  hesitation.  Knowing 
that  he  might  count  on  the  sure  support  of  the  Cardinal 
of  San  Piero  in  Vincoli,3  so  long  as  he  abstained  from 
treating  the  subject  in  the  pulpit,  he  continued  to  write 
pressing  letters  to  King  Charles,  beseeching  him  to  carry 
out  the  promised  reforms. 

concur  in  the  opinion  of  Julius  II.  But,  he  adds,  although  this  opinion 
did  not  bar  Cardinal  della  Rovere's  path  to  the  Papal  Chair,  it  led  he 
way  to  Savonarola's  martyrdom.  ' 

1vLlPrer5°itJ(S.aV0nar0la)  qU?  restat  de  l'Eglise  seroit  reformé  à 
1  espce.  Cela  n  est  pas  encore  advenu,  mais  en  fut  bien  près,  et  encore  le 
mamtient  :  ■'  (Commines,  «  Mémoires,"  &c,  bk.  viii.  chap.  if.). 

Marchese,  p.  227  ;  Guicciardini  "  Storia  d'Italia,"  bk.   i.  chap    iv  - 
Ramaldo,  ad  an.,  1495,  No.  1.  P         ' 

3  We  learn  from  the  documents  of  Savonarola's  trial  that  the  Cardinal 
had  occasionally  sent  him  words  of  encouragement  and  incentive. 


://.\v. 
I  f  the  I         ,  in  fact,  which  we  find  addressed 

to  the  kuv^  post  amissit  litanij  were  written 

this  ind  lead  as  1  of  oth 

In   the  in   the   prei         •    quoted   mi  the 

:   Mav,  Savonarola  always  speaks  as  a  prophet 
che  Lord:    "Remember/1   he  says,  "that   I    repeatedly 
anni  your  descent  into  Italy,  when  it  was  expected 

by  W  :.e  ;    I    have   predicted   vmir  success,  predicted  your 

perils.     Tlie  Lord  hath  punished  ye,  because,  deviating 

Hi         imands,  ye  have  abandoned  His  work.     And 

Still    heavier   punishments  await  ye   if  ye   return    not    to 

the  right  path.      I  tell  ve,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  that 

if  your   ways  be   not    changed,  if  ye   maintain   not  your 

rn   promises,   if  ye   fail   to  perform   that   which   hath 

D    commanded    ye    through    my    lips,   the    Lord   will 

or  election  as  the  chosen  minister  of  His  will, 

and   elect    another    in   your    stead. "     The   death   of   the 

Dauphin,2   a  few   months  after  this  time,  confirmed   the 

bereaved   monarch's    faith    in    the    truth   of  Savonarola's 

prophecies.     But   even  this  was   not  enough. to  put  an 

end  to  the  eternal  hesitancy  by  which  he  seemed  fated  to 

disgust  all  the  world. 

Meanwhile  Savonarola  kept  silence,  devoted  himself 
to  study,  and  corresponded  with  his  kinsmen  who  were 
then  suffering  from  poverty  and  domestic  trouble. 
These  letters  show  that,  like  all  men  of  true  greatness, 
he  was  constant  and  unchanging  in  his  family  affections. 
He  urged  upon  his  brothers  the  necessity  of  aiding  one 
another,  since,  for  his  part,  having  renounced  the  world, 
he   could    only  help   them   by   his  words.     Nevertheless 


1  These,  hitherto  unknown,  letters  to  which  we  have  before  alluded, 
are  undated.  They  were  discovered  by  us  in  the  above-mentioned 
Codex  2053  of  the  Riccardi  Library,  together  with  the  letter  dated  26th 
of  May,  1495.      Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxv. 

a  Charles  Orlande,  who  died  in  childhood,  at  the  beginning  of  1496. 


SA  VONAROLA'S  WORDS  TO  HIS  MOTHER. 


395 


he  heartily  shared  in  their  joys  and  their  sufferings.*     On 
the  death  of  his  brother  Borso  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his 
mother  in  which  he  pours  out  his  tenderness  for  her  who 
was  the  object  of  his  dearest  earthly  love,  and  the  con- 
fidant of  his    most   secret  thoughts.2      This   is   a   truly 
remarkable  letter,   not    only  on  account  of  the   delicate 
feelings  expressed  in  it,  but  as  a  proof  of  the   identity 
of  this    affectionate    son  with   the   impassioned  preacher 
we    have  seen    launching  thunderbolts   from    the  pulpit, 
in  the  presence  of  an  excited  throng.     We  find  the  same 
ideas,  the  same^  words  ;  he  is  always  mindful  of  his  lofty 
prophetic  mission  ;    he  addresses  exhortations  even  to  his 
mother  on  the  godly  life  and   the  vanity  of  the  flesh, 
and  concludes  by  announcing  the  approach  of  his  death. 
"  I  would  that  your  faith  were  as  that  of  the  holy  Jewish 
woman  of  the  Old  Testament,  so  that  ye  might  be  able, 
without  shedding  a  tear,  to  see  your  children   martyred 
before  your  eyes.     Dearest  mother,  I  say  not  this  in  order 
to  comfort  ye;  but    to   prepare  ye,  lest  I  should    have 
to  die." 

About  this  time  his  health  began  to  mend,  and  his 
need  of  activity  revived  with  increased  strength.  But 
what  was  he  to  do  ?  He  would  not  return  to  the  pulpit 
without  permission  from  Rome,  and  Fra  Domenico's 
sermons,  although  directed  by  himself,  could  scarcely 
obtain  the  same  great  results  as  his  own.  Nevertheless 
Savonarola  always  found  some  way  of  doing  good,  and, 
when  unable  to  achieve  much,  contented  himself  with 
little.     The  Carnival  of  1496  was  now  at  hand,  and  the 

1  Vide  the  letter  to  his  brother  Alberto,  dated  28th  of  October  149: 
included  in  the  correspondence  edited  by  Padre  Marchese. 

8  We  discovered  this  letter  in  the  Magliabecchian  Library,  and  com- 
municated  it   to  Padre   Marchese,  by  whom   it  was   published   in  the 

Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Appendix  viii.,  with  the  remark,  that  "  even 
were  all  the  writings  of  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola  perished  or  destroyed 
this  letter  would  be  sufficient  proof  of  the  sincere  and  steadfast  piety  of 
his  soul."  r     J 


396  '     S  UFI 

r   bei:  d,  the  Arrabbiati  were  preparing  t  i 

cele'  in  the  old  M  style,  in  order  to  vent 

the  and  filthy  insta  which,  as   they 

tOO    long    been    tv  A:;  1    therci;; 

determined  to  thwart  them  even  in  this  iii.it • 
But  ir  proved  a  harder  task   than  might  have  b< 
ed     The  Fior  i  had  always  been  much  given 

!  festivi  ier  the  Medici,  had  in 

in   these   pleasures  to  an  unlimited  and  almost  incredible 

nt  During  this  holiday  period  the  whole  city  ' 
a  scene  of  wild  revelry;  drunkenness  and  debauchery 
prevailed,  and  public  decorum  was  cast  to  the  winds. 
Savonarola's  sermons  had  undoubtedly  wrought  a  great 
change  ;  but  certain  carnival  customs  were  so  deeply 
rooted,  that  neither  new  doctrines,  altered  laws,  nor  the 
severe  prohibitions  of  the  magistrates,  had  availed  to 
extirpate  them.  And,  as  was  only  natural,  the  boys  of 
Florence  took  special  delight  in  these  revels.  They 
were  accustomed,  during  those  days,  to  continually  stop 
people  in  the  streets  by  barring  the  road  with  long  poljs, 
and  refusing  to  remove  them  until  they  had  extorted 
enough  money  to  pay  for  their  mad  feastings  by  night. 
After  these  carousals  they  made  bonfires  in  the  squares, 
round  which  they  danced  and  sang,  and  finally  pelted  one 
another  with  stones  in  so  brutal  a  fashion  that  no  year 
passed  without  some  of  the  combatants  being  left  dead 
on  the  ground.  This  mad  and  bestial  game  of  stones, 
as  the  chroniclers  style  it,  was  frequently  forbidden  and 
the  players  threatened  with  the  severest  penalties  ;  but 
none  of  these  measures  had  the  slightest  effect.  All  the 
leading  citizens,  the  Eight,  even  the  Signory  itself,  had 
exhausted  their  efforts  in  vain.  By  nightfall  the  boys 
were  so  excited  with  the  revels  of  the  day  that  no  penalty 
availed  to  keep  them  in  check.  At  last  Savonarola 
undertook  the  task.     After  the  brilliant  results  achieved 


THE  REFORM  OF  THE  CHILDREN.  397 

during  the  past  years,  in  the  reformation  of  politics  and 
morals,  and  being  prevented  by  the  changed  condition 
of  affairs  from  continuing  those  important  crusades,  he 
planned  a  third  and  simpler  reform,  that  he  styled  the 
reform  of  the  children. 

Foreseeing    that    it    would    be    extremely    difficult    to 
entirely  abolish  the  old  customs,  he  decided  to  transform 
them     by    substituting    religious    for    carnival     gaieties. 
Accordingly,  at  the  same  street  corners  where  the  children 
formerly  assembled  to  demand  money  for  their  banquets, 
he  caused   small   altars  to   be  erected,  before  which  they 
were  to  take  their  stand  and  beg  contributions,  not,  how- 
ever, for  purposes  of  self-indulgence,  but  for  alms  to  the 
poor.     Sing  as  much  as  ye  will,  he  said  to  the  boys,  but 
sing  hymns  and  sacred  lauds  instead  of  indecent  songs. 
He  wrote  some  hymns  for  them  himself,  thus  returning 
to  the  poetical  pursuits  which  he  had  so  long  forsaken  ; 
and  commissioned  the  poet  Girolamo  Benivieni  to  com- 
pose other  verses  of  the  same  sort.     Then,  that  all  might 
be  conducted  with  due  decorum,  he  charged  Fra  Domenico 
to  collect  all  the  children  and  choose  some  leaders  from 
among    them,   and   several   of   the  latter   waited   on   the 
Signory  to  explain  the  proposed  reform.    Having  obtained 
the  sanction  of  the   government,  the   boys   of  Florence, 
exulting   in    their    novel    importance,   eagerly  undertook 
their    appointed    work.     The    city    was    by    no    means 
quiet  even    in    this     carnival,    nor    was    it    possible    to 
walk    the    streets    without    molestation  ;     but    although 
the  children  were  as  importunate  as  of  old,  it  was  now 
for   the   charitable   aim   prescribed  by   Savonarola.     And 
thus,  in  the  year  1496,  the  game  of  stones  was  suppressed 
for  the  first  time  ;  there  was  no  more  gluttonous  feasting, 
and   three  hundred  ducats  were   collected   for  the  poor. 
Then,  on  the  last  day  of  carnival,  a  grand  procession  was 
arranged,  in  which,  attracted  by  the  novelty  of  the  thing, 


191  LIFE  Al       TIMES. 

the    whole    populat  part.      The    children    went 

ring   hymns  and   entering  all   the 
principaJ   church  which   they  handed   over   the 

sums  collet        to  the  "  f  St.  Martin,"  ; 

tribut  the  lt  :  -  poor  "  (  -  non).1 

Some  i  (raised   bv  those  who  always  mur- 

mured against   every  good  work   that   proceeded    from 

.  ;   hut   thl  ter   part   of  the  citizens,  and  all 

worthy  men,  declared   that  the  Friar   had  again   achieved 
a  task  in  which  every  one  else  in  Florence  had  failed.2 

Bv  this  time  the  Ten  of  War,  or,  as  they  were  now 
entitled,  the  Ten  of  Liberty  and  Peace,  being  still  com- 
posed of  Savonarola's  adherents,  had  succeeded  in  obtaining 

1  This  carnival  procession,  the  first  organized  by  Savonarola,  is  left 
unmentioned  by  the  biographers  ;  but  Paolo  Somenzi  gives  a  minute 
description  of  it  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  saying  that 
the  children  were  10,000  in  number  !  This  letter  is  dated  16th  of 
February,  and  we  give  it  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc. 
xxvi.  Landucci  speaks  of  the  procession  at  page  125  of  his  "  Diario," 
saying  that  on  the  16th  of  February  it  was  calculated  that  there  were 
more  than  six  thousand  children  of  from  five  or  six  to  sixteen  years  of 
age.  At  page  12S  he  mentions  another  procession  on  the  27th  of  March 
(Palm  Sunday),  in  which  five  thousand  boys  and  a  great  number  of  girls 
took  part. 

2  The  biographers  have  much  to  say  of  these  recreations  and  the 
reform  of  the  children.  Nardi  tells  us  :  "Among  other  things  it  seemed 
specially  remarkable  how  at  this  time  was  ceased  and  willingly  dropped 
that  foolish  and  bestial  game  of  stones  which  used  to  be  carried  on 
during  carnival,  and  was  so  inveterate  and  ancient  a  custom,  that  even  the 
severe  and  terrifying  edicts  of  the  magistrates  had  never  been  able  to 
repress,  much  less  root  it  out  "  ("  Istorie  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  96). 
Savonarola  himself  considered  that  he  had  achieved  great  results  in  that 
carnival  :  "  Thou  knowest  how  in  past  times,  neither  the  power  of  the 
magistrates,  nor  prohibitions  and  penalties,  ever  succeeded  in  putting 
down  the  evil  custom  of  throwing  stones  during  carnival,  and  how  every 
year  some  were  killed  by  it  ;  but  now  a  poor  Friar,  by  a  few  words  and 
prayers,  hath  put  an  end  to  it.  Secondly,  thou  knowest  that  many  sins 
were  committed  in  carnival,  and  now  even  children  go  to  confession,  and 
this  carnival  hath  been  like  unto  Lent,  the  which  must  surely  be  the  work 
of  heaven.  Thirdly,  these  children  used  to  go  about  begging  in  order 
to  buy  staves  and  burn  brooms,  and  feast  and  drink  ;  but  now  they  have 
collected  more  money  for  the  poor,  than  thou  with  all  thy  wisdom 
wouldst  ever  be  able  to  obtain  "  (First  Lenten  Sermon,  1496). 


HE  IS  ALLOWED  TO  RESUME  HIS  SERMONS.  399 

from  Rome  his  nomination  as  Lenten  preacher.1     They 
had  repeatedly  addressed    the  Pope  on   the  subject,  and 
solicited    many    of    the    cardinals,    and    particularly    the 
Cardinal  of  Naples,  to  induce  him  to  revoke,  were  it  only 
by  word  of  mouth  (viva  vocis  oraculo),  the  decree  for 
Savonarola's   suspension.     And  they  had  also  written  to 
Niccolò   Pandolfini,  Bishop  of  Pistoia,2    and    to   Messer 
Ricciardo     Becchi,    the    Florentine    ambassador,    saying  : 
"  You  could  do  nothing  that  would  be  more  grateful  and 
welcome  to  all  your  fellow-citizens,  or  better  appreciated 
by  the  good  sense  of  this  whole  population. "  3     Indeed 
it  was  apparently  owed  to  the  efforts  of  the  Cardinal  of 
Naples  and  others  that  the  Pope's  mood  was  somewhat 
softened;    since,   although    no    fresh   brief  revoking    the 
decree  of  suspension  was    issued,  these  intercessors   ob- 
tained leave  for  Savonarola  to  preach,  in   the  hope  that 
he    would    now   adopt    a    more  temperate    tone   towards 
Rome.4     And  so  great  was  the  anxiety  of  the  Florentines 
to  welcome  him  back  to  the  pulpit,  that  on  the  nth  of 
February,  1496,  the  Signory  unanimously  decreed  that  he 
was  to  preach  during  the  ensuing  Lent.5 

That  the  Pope  was  bent  at  this  moment  on  conciliating 
Savonarola  is  indubitably  proved  by  the  fact  that,  precisely 
in  the  month  of  January,  1496,  the  Dominican  convent  of 
Prato,  having  fallen  into  a  shamefully  corrupt  state,  was 
annexed  to  the  Tuscan  Congregation,  under  the  Prior  of 
St.  Mark's,  who  sent  some  of  his  monks  to  accomplish 

1  Appendix  (to  the  Italian  edition),  doc.  xxvii. 

■  These  letters  are  comprised  in  Gherardi's  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  6^ 
and  fol. 

3  Letter  of  the  26th  of  January,  1496,  included  in  the  "  Documenti  8 
published  by  Padre  Marchese. 

4  This  is  mentioned  by  Burlamacchi,  and  in  the  "Vita  Latina  ;"  and 
additional  proof  of  it  is  also  to  be  found  in  one  of  Pandolfini's  letters  to 
the  Ten  (24th  of  March,  1496),  published  by  Padre  Marchese,  "Docu- 
menti," p.  149. 

5  The  debate  is  given  in  Gherardi's  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  65. 


AND   TIMES. 

m«      1         fftir  w.is  directed  and  i  out  ]  j 

the  general  of  the  Dominicans,  G      chino  Tui  .o 

.   t  rather  spurred  to  the  task  by  the  Signory.1 

A  new   :      r  m  for  the  Prato  c  t  in  the 

:    Fra  Antonio  d'Olanda,  who  immediately  be- 

Savonarola    I  lid    him  a  preacher,  and    received 

the  reply  :  "  It' permission  be  granted  me  to  preach,  I  will 
Fra   Domenico  of  Pescia.     Wherefore  offer  up 

and     I     trust     we     shall     succeed."  2       Another 
event  vine   public  mention  seems  to    have  occurred 

just  at  this  time,  although  no  exact  date  is  given  by  the 
'many   historians    who    relate  it.      The   Pope    had    handed 

vonarola's  sermons  to  a  learned  Dominican  bishop, 
hoping  that  the  latter  might  discover  them  to  contain 
some  matter  deserving  condemnation  ;  but  after  careful 
perusal  the  prelate  returned  the  volume  with  the  words: 
'•  Most  Holy  Father,  this  Friar  says  nothing  that  is  not 
wise  and  honest;  he  speaks  against  simony  and  against 
the  corruption  of  the   priesthood,  which  in   truth  is  very 

eat  ;  he  respects  the  dogmas  and  the  authority  of  the 
Church  :  wherefore  I  would  rather  seek  to  make  him  my 
friend,  even,  were  it  needful,  by  offering  him  the  cardi- 
nal's purple."  Whether  the  Pope  was  now  beginning  to 
fear  this  Friar  who  was  not  to  be  silenced,  and  conse- 
quently desired  to  conciliate  him,  or  whether  he  was  trying 
to  set  some  new  snare  for  him,  it  is  undoubted  that,  by 
means  of  a  Dominican,  expressly  sent  from  Rome  for  the 
purpose,  a  cardinal's  hat  was  offered  to  Savonarola  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  henceforth  change  the  tone  of  his 
sermons.  His  astonishment  on  receiving,  just  at  this 
moment,  so   unexpected  an   offer,  and   the  indignation  it 

■  The  whole  story  of  this  junction  of  the  Prato  convent  with  that  of  St. 
Mark  is  explained  by  Comm.  Cesare  Guasti  in  Gherarcli's  "Nuovi 
Documenti,"'  pp.  29-61. 

2   Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxviii. 


HIS  INDIGNANT  REJECTION  OF  THE  PURPLE.  401 

aroused  in  him,  are  scarcely  to  be  described.  He  now 
possessed  evident  proofs  that  Rome  made  a  traffic  of  the 
holiest  of  things,  and  in  the  fulness  of  his  wrath  refused 
any  reply  at  the  time,  merely  saying  to  the  bearer  of  the 
scandalous  proposal  :  Cf  Come  to  my  next  sermon,  and  you 
shall  hear  my  reply  to  Rome."  J  Such  were  the  auspices 
under  which  Savonarola  began  his  Lenten  course  of  1496, 
the  most  daring  that  he  had  hitherto  delivered.  Accord- 
ingly a  minute  account  will  be  given  of  them  in  the 
following  chapter. 

1  This  fact  is  not  only  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  the  "Vita 
Latina,"  sheet  28',  and  Burlamacchi,  page  85,  but  is  also  narrated  by 
Bzovio  ("Annales,"  an.  1494),  by  Fontana  and  Souveges,  and  declared 
to  be  beyond  doubt  by  Padre  Marchese,  Meier,  Perrens,  &c.    Savonarola 
himself  made  several  allusions  to  it  in  his  sermons  and  writings.     "  I 
desire  neither  hats  nor  mitres,  be  they  great  or  small  ;  I  desireVought 
save  that  which  thou  hast  given  to  thy  saints  ;  it  is  death  ;  a  crimson 
hat,  a  hat  of  blood  that  I  desire."     Vide  his  "  Prediche  delle  Feste,"  1496 
Predica  xix.  #  And  in  other  sermons  he  frequently  said  :  "  Had  I  cared  to 
accept  dignities,  thou  knowest  well  that  I  should  not  now  wear  a  ragged 
cloak;"   and  in   his   dialogue,  "De   ventate   prophetica,"   chap,  ^he 
clearly  confirms  the  fact  that  he  had  been  frequently  tempted  not  only 
by  threats,  but  by  numerous  promises.   The  authenticity  of  the  fact  is  there- 
fore beyond  dispute,  nor  is  it  contradicted  by  any  of  the  biographers. 
There  is  merely  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  date.      It  seemed  best  to' 
mention  it   at   this   point,  because  the  Lenten  discourses  immediately 
following  seem  to  us  to  contain  the  reply  indirectly  given  to  Rome  ;  nor 
is  it  possible  to  assign  any  other  date  to  the  affair. 


27 


CHAPTER  III. 


W-i^niA   RE7UR&CS    TO    THE  T  U LP  IT  <&S  LENTEN 
PREACHER    IN    l't'JO. 

=5r*  HJcL    17th   or    February,    1496,   was   a 
-Vq     memorable     day     in    Savonarola's     life. 


day  in 
He  reappeared  in  the  pulpit  over- 
flowing with  grief  and  indignation. 
After  having  battled  through  an  in- 
^5~è-2^2  creasingly  hard  struggle  with  the  Court 
of  Rome,  he  was  now  granted,  as  it  were,  a  covert  per- 
mission to  preach,  and  at  the  same  time  an  endeavour  had 
been  made  to  seduce  him  by  the  offer  of  a  cardinal's 
hat.  He  clearly  saw  that  his  contest  with  the  Pope 
was  daily  becoming  fiercer,  and  that  the  latter  sought 
to  have  his  blood.  Doubtless,  had  he  alone  been  con- 
cerned, he  would  have  willingly  given  his  life  for  the 
peace  of  the  Church  ;  but,  in  destroying  him,  it  was  also 
intended  to  destroy  the  Republic,  of  which  he  was  the 
universally  recognized  and  principal  support.  Conse- 
quently he  must  defend  himself  in  order  to  defend  the 
religion  and  freedom  of  an  entire  people,  who  by  his 
means  had  expelled  their  oppressors  and  restored  Chris- 
tian faith  and  morality.  Certainly,  none  could  doubt  the 
truth  of  his  religious  doctrines  ;  neither  the  Pope  who 
dangled  the  cardinal's  crimson  before  his  eyes,  nor  the 
Arrabbiati  who  hated  him  as  an  uncompromising  reformer 


A  MEMORABLE  SERMON. 

of  morals   and  could  not  brook  the  excessive  rigour  of  his 
piety.     Nevertheless  they  had  joined,  as  we  have  seen,  in 
veiling  the  political  question  under  the  guise  of  a  religious 
dispute,  ,n  the  hope  of  thus  being  able  to  vanquish'him 
with  greater  facility.     They  were  determined  to  silence  at 
all  costs  the  voice  that  had  dared,  in  the  midst  of  corrupt 
and  Pagan  Italy,  ,n  face  of  a  Pope  whose  crimes  and  lusts 
inspired  terror  m  all,  to  uphold  political  freedom  and 
Christian    virtue.      And    now,  strong  in   his  own    good 
conscience  Savonarola   came  prepared  to  make  a  darin* 
defence,  and  to  champion  his  cause  before  the  whole  worlcf 
Ihe  crowd  flocked  with  redoubled  eagerness  to  hear 
again  the  voice  that  the  thunderbolts  of  Rome  had  for 
long  months  kept  silent.     As  the  floor  of    the  Duomo 
was  insufficient    for  the  multitude,  a  lofty  amphitheatre 
with  seventeen  rows  of  seats  was  erected  against  the  wall 
of  the  nave.     It  rose  to  the  level  of  the  lower  windows 
and    was    occupied    by    the    children   of  Florence,    now 
prominent  members  of  Savonarola's  congregation,  and  to 
whom  his  words  were  frequently  addressed.    The  Sio-n0ry 
had  been  obliged  to  adopt  many  precautions  to  prevent 
the  disturbances  planned  by  the  Friar's  opponents.     His 
nfe,  in  fact,  was  perpetually  in  danger,  for  the  Arrabbiati 
were  evidently  determined  to  kill  him  the  first  time  they 
could  take  him  by  surprise  in  the  streets.     It  was  also 
known  that  Duke  Ludovico  had  sent  hired  assassins  to 
attack  him  ;  accordingly  the   guards  of  the   Eight   and 
some  of  the  Gonfaloniers  of  the  Guilds  patrolled  the  city 
to  maintain  order.  } 

No  sooner  had  the  Friar  issued  from  his  convent  than 
the  shouts  and  joyful  cries  of  the  expectant  people  rose 
to  the  sky,  and  he  was  immediately  surrounded  by  a 
large  body  of  well-armed  friends  to  protect  him  from 
insult  on  his  way  to  the  Duomo.  On  that  day  all  men's 
passions  were  strung  to  a  high  pitch.     It  was  the  most 


S  LIFE  ANI 

:  d  life;  he  had  nt\         en 

he  w  •   about  to 

theme,  and  knew  that   his  sermon 

uld   be   instantly  reported   to   the    Pontiff,  to   « 

tempting    baits   he    had   this   day  promi  'v.      Ofl 

pulpit,   he   stood   erect   and    ca  I    a   firm 
.    the   church,   while   his   eyes    flashed    like 
coals.      The   crowd    was    packed   so   closely  that 
no  man   could   stir,   the    silence    so   great   that  one   could 
most     hear     the     preacher's     hurried     breathing    as    he 
laboured    to    control    his    agitation.       Presently,    calming 
himself  with  an  effort,  he  quietly  began   his  discourse  in 
ape  of  a  dialogi. 
11  How  is  it,  O  Friar,  that  thou  hast  tarried  so  long  in 
idleness,  without  coming  to  the  camp  to  thy  soldiers'  aid  ? 
— My  children,  I  have  not  been  in  idleness;  on  the  con- 
trary^ I  come  from  the  camp,  and  have  been  defending  a 
stronghold,   the   which,    had    it    been  captured,   you   also 
might  have  been  destroyed  ;   but  now,  by  God's  grace  and 
through    vour    prayers,    we    have    saved   it.   .   .   .   Come, 
brother,  didst  thou  perhaps  fear  to  be  killed  ? — No,  my 
children,  certainly  not  ;   for  had   I  been  afeared,  I  should 
not  have  come  here,  where  I  am  now  in  greater  peril  than 
before. — Then,  dost  thou  not  scruple  to  preach  ? — Not  I. 

But  why  not  ?     We  hear  that  an  excommunication  hath 

been  sent,  and  that  thou  hast  been  forbidden  to  preach. — 
Hast  thou  read  this  excommunication  ?  Who  hath  sent 
it  ?  But  even  if  it  were  so,  rememberest  thou  not  how 
I  told  thee  that  even  if  it  came,  it  would  be  useless  and  of 
no  avail  to  these  wicked  men  full  of  deceit  ?  .  .  .  What 
then  hath  happened  ?  Friar,  thou  keepest  us  overmuch 
in  suspense.  Now  I  will  tell  ye  all,  if  ye  will  hearken 
with  patience. 

"  I  have  said  and  bethought  me  :  before  proceeding,  cus~ 
todiam  vias  meas  ;  that  is,  Ì  will  look  to  my  ways,  if  they 


HIS  DECLARATION  OF  ORTHODOXY.  4o5 

te  pure  of  all  contamination.  Beholding  so  much  oppo- 
sition from  so  many  parts  against  a  poor  man  who  is  not 
worth  three  farthings,  1  have  said  in  my  heart  :  peradven- 
ture  thou  hast  not  looked  well  to  thy  ways,  and  therefore 
thy  tongue  hath  betrayed  thee;  and'l  have  looked  to  my 
ways  one  by  one.  1  have  chiefly  examined  them  as  to 
faith,  for  with  grammar  and  logic  have  I  no  more  con- 
cern ;  and  certes,  as  regards  faith  my  ways  are  wholly 
pure  ;  for  I  have  ever  believed  and  do  believe  all  that  is 
believed  by  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  and  have  ever  sub- 
mitted and  do  submit  myself  to  Her.1  .  .  .  I  have  written 
to  Rome,  that  if  peradventure  I  may  have  preached  or 
written  any  heretical  thing,  ...  I  am  willing  to  amend  me 
and  to  retract  my  words  here  in  public.  1  am  ever  pre- 
pared to  yield  obedience  to  the  Roman  Church,  and  declare 
that  whosoever  obeyeth  her  not  shall  be  damned.  ...  I 
declare  and  confess  that  the  Catholic  Church  will  surely 
endure  to  the  day  of  judgment  ;  ...  and  inasmuch  as 
there  be  divers  opinions  as  to  the  real  definition  of  this 
Catholic  Church,  I  rely  only  on  Christ  and  on  the  decision 
of  the  Church  of  Rome."2 

After  this  explicit  declaration,  by  which  the  orthodoxy 
of  his  belief  is  placed  beyond  doubt,  he  touched  on  the 
more  daring  part  of  his  doctrines.       He  then 'said  that 

'Sermon  of  the  17th  of  February.  Vide  "  Prediche  di  Frate  Hieronymo 
da  Ferrara.  Impresso  nella  Ciptà  di  Firenze  ad  instantia  di  Ser  Lorenzo 
Vivuoli  lanno  mcccclxxxxvi  (1497)  a  dì  octo  di  Febbraio."  Other 
editions  were  published  in  Venice  in  1514,  1519,  i539j  and  1543,  but  con- 
tain many  mutilations,  as,  for  example,  that  of  15 14. 

2  The  two  latter  passages,  i.e.,  that  beginning  with  the  words,  "  I  have 
written,"  and  the  other  with  "  /  declare  and  confess?  occur  in  the  last  of 
these  Lenten  sermons,  delivered  in  Easter  week  {ottava  di  Pasqua).  We 
give  them  at  this  point,  in  pursuance  of  our  usual  method  of  arranging  as 
much  as  possible  in  their  proper  categories  the  ideas  scattered  through 
the  sermons,  to  prevent  over-frequent  recurrence  to  the  same  topics.  In 
the  first  and  last  of  these  sermons  on  Amos  and  Zechariah,  Savonarola 
repeated  several  times  his  submission  to  Rome,  always  referring  to  the 
subject  in  almost  identical  words. 


althougl  Ilìa» 

i  implies  that  we  are  bound  to<  rcry 

con  our  SU]  I    the    I" 

it  give-  •  mmand  contr 

the  rules  of  my  i         ;  the  Pope  may  not  rive  me  any 

command   opposed   tO   charity,  or  contrary  to   the  Gospel, 

I  i  not  believe  that  the  Pope  would  ever  seek  to  do  so; 
but  were  he  so  to  do,  I  should  say  to  him,  Now  thou  art 
no  ]         r,  thou   art  not  the  Church  of  Rome,  thou  art  in 

r.1  For  I  would  even  say,  Whenever  it  be  clearly  i 
that  the  commands  of  superiors  are  contrary  to  God's 
commandments,  and  especially  when  contrary  to  the 
precept  of  charity,  no  one  is  in  such  case  bound  to 
nee,  for  it  is  written,  Opart  et  obedire  magis  Deo 
quam  hominibus.  .  .  .  But  if  the  case  were  not  clear,  or 
there  were  the  slightest  doubt,  then  we  must  always 
obey."  These  premises  established,  he  proceeds  to 
touch  on  his  own  case,  saying  that  he  cannot  hold  him- 
self bound  to  obey  any  one  who  would  remove  him 
from  Florence,  inasmuch  as  all  the  inhabitants,  even 
the  women,  know  that  his  removal  is  desired  solely 
from  motives  of  political  hatred,  and  that  it  would  bring 
injury,  not  only  to  liberty,  but  to  religion.  "  Were  I  to 
clearly  see  that  my  departure  from  a  city  would  be 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  ruin  of  the  people,  I  would 
obey  no  living  man  that  commanded  me  to  depart, 
.  .  .  forasmuch  as  in  obeying  him  1  should  disobey 
the  commands  of  the  Lord  ;  and  likewise  because  I 
should  presume  that  my  superior  had  no  intention  to  do 
evil,  but  had  been  misled  by  false  reports.  O  thou  that 
writeth  so  many  lies  to  Rome,  what  wilt  thou  write  now? 
I  know  well  what  thou  wilt   write. — What,  O    Friar? — 

1  These  ideas  are  not  only  expressed  in  the  sermon  of  the  17th  of 
February  and  that  given  in  Éaster  Week,  but  throughout  all  the  Lenten 
series,  of  which,  indeed,  they  are,  as  it  were,  the  basis  and  foundation. 


HE  JUSTIFIES  HIS  RETURN  TO  THE  PULPIT  407 

Thou  wilt  write  that  I  have  said  that  one  need  not  obey 
the  Pope,  and  that  I  will  not  obey  him.  I  say  not  so: 
write  that  which  I  have  said,  and  thou  shalt  see  that  it 
will  not  be  suited  to  thy  purpose/'  "  In  fact,  the  doctrine 
expounded  by  Savonarola  was  entirely  Catholic,  and  differ- 
ing in  no  respect  from  that  laid  down  by  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  and  many  doctors  and  fathers  of  the  Church  ; 
nevertheless  it  was  of  a  kind  that,  by  a  few  verbal  altera- 
tions, might  easily  be  made  to  appear  heretical  ;  and  this 
was  precisely  what  his  enemies  attempted. 

Resuming  the  thread  of  his  discourse,  he  proceeded  to 
say  that,  having  examined  his  ways  and  found  them  to  be 
clean,  since  his  doctrine  had  always   been  in  conformity 
with  the  Church  ;  and  although  convinced  that  the  briefs 
sent  from  Rome  were  invalid,  inasmuch  as  they  were  solely 
inspired   by  lying    reports,  and    opposed  to   the    law  of 
charity,  he  had  nevertheless  resolved  to  be  prudent,  and 
had  therefore  held  his  tongue  so  far,  and  had  intended  to 
remain  silent.      "  But,  when  I  perceived  that  many  of  the 
righteous  were    growing  lukewarm,   the   wicked  gaining 
strength,  and  the  work  of  the  Lord  being  overthrown,  I 
boldly  decided  to  return  to  the  pulpit.     First  of  all,  how- 
ever, I  sought  the  Lord,  saying  :  I  was  rejoicing  in  my 
peace  and  tranquillity,  and  Thou  drew  me  forth,  by  show- 
ing me  Thy  light  ;  and  thereupon  I   became  even  as  the 
moth  that,  tempted  by  the  light,  doth  burn  its  wings.     O 
Lord,  my  wings  of  contemplation  are  consumed  ;  I  have 
embarked  on  a  stormy  flood,  assailed  on  all  sides  by  con- 
trary winds.     I  would  fain  reach  the  port,  yet  can  find 
no  track  ;   would  fain  repose,  yet  find  no  resting-place  ; 
would    fain    remain    still    and    silent,   but    may   not,    for 
the  word  of  God  is  as  a  fire  in  my  heart,  and  unless  I  give 
it  vent,  will  consume  the  marrow  of  my  bones.     Come, 

1  Sermon  i.,  "  sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria.* 


4o8  YD  TIME 

(  )  I  I  hou  wouldst  have  mc  steer  through  ti 

let  Thy  will 

rmon  I         \i  addressing  a  few 

.         ,  whom  he  believed  to  be  nearly  all 

.  ind  then  old,  in  whom  he  had  much  less 

tC  in  ye,  0  young  men,  is  my  hope  and  the 

f  the  Lord.     The  city  of  Florence  will  be  well 

erned  by  ye,  bet  Hive  not  the  evil  tendencies 

IT  fathers,  who  know  not  how  tO  free  themselves 
.  innical  rule,  nor  understand  the  greatness  of 
this  gift  of  liberty  that  the  Lord  hath  bestowed  on  the 
peo; 

u  But  as  for  ye,  old  men,  ye  pass  your  days  in  evil 
speaking  at  clubs  and  in  workshops,  and  in  your  letters  ye 
:  forth  many  lies  from  Florence.  Wherefore  many 
that  I  have  thrown  Italy  into  disorder;  and  this  hath 
^jen  charged  against  me  in  writing,  even  in  official  docu- 
ments. Oh,  ye  fools  !  §>uis  vos  fascinavit  non  ohe  dir  e 
levitati?  Where  are  my  hosts  and  my  treasure  with 
which  to  disturb  Italy?  Not  by  me  is  Italy  disturbed, 
but  I  foretell  that  she  will  be  disturbed. 

u  1  foretell  that  the  scourge  will  be  hastened  by  your 
sins.  Thou  unbelieving  one,  a  mighty  war  shall  strip  thee 
of  thy  pomp  and  thy  pride.  A  mighty  pestilence  shall 
make  ye  cast  aside  your  vanities,  O  women  ;  as  for  thee, 
thou  murmuring  populace,  thy  tongue  shall  be  stilled  by 
a  great  famine.  Citizens!  unless  ye  live  in  the  fear  of 
God,  and  love  of  free  government,  the  Lord  shall  bring 
sorrow  on  ye,  and  only  fulfil  to  your  children  His 
promises  of  happiness  to  Florence."  l 

Thus  finished  the  sermon  in  which  Savonarola  had 
given  an  epitome  of  all  that  he  wished  to  express 
throughout  Lent.     His  doctrines  are  daring,  his  charges 

1  Sermon  i.,  "sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria." 


HIS  L  OFTY  CO  VRA  GÈ.  4o9 

against  Rome  are  audacious,  the  words  in   which  he  de- 
scribes the  coming  scourge  are  words  of  fire  ;  hut  he  says 
nothing  that  can  be  accused  of  heresy.     We  ought  rather 
to  admire  the  prudence  with  which  he  always  refrained 
in  the  pulpit  from   any  mention   of  Borgia's   simoniaca] 
election,    or  of  the  hope  of  a  council,    and  avoided  all 
open   allusion  to  the  offers   received  from   the  Pope    to 
which  he   only  indirectly  replied.     The   magnanimity  of 
his    nature    forbade    his    taking    advantage    of    a    fact, 
that,     however    useful    to    himself,    would    have    spread 
scandal   in  the   Church.     During  the  whole  of  Lent  we 
find  Savonarola  constantly  worthy  of  himself;  essentially 
catholic,  but  at  the  same  time  with  an  amount  of  moral 
courage  and   independence   such   as    few    have    possessed 
either   before  or    after  his    time,  fearing    nothing  in  the 
world,  allowing  nought  to  check  his  progress.      He  is  the 
sole  defender  of  the  people's  freedom,  of  the  freedom  of 
his  own  reason  and  his  own  conscience  ;  nevertheless  he 
holds  his  standard  aloft  in  the  pulpit,and  firmly  confronts  all 
the  princes  of  Italy  and  the  ill-advised  thunders  of  Rome. 
Neither  does  he  fear  the  poison  and  steel  of  the  Arrabbiati, 
who  are  threatening  his  life  on  all  sides— in  the  highways! 
in  Church,  and  even  in  the  pulpit. 

During  the  whole  of  Lent  he  was  unceasing  in  his 
terrible  denunciations  against  the  vices  of  Rome,  and  the 
false,  hypocritical  religion  of  the  day.  The  second  Sunday 
he  delivered  a  sermon  on  this  subject  that  has  become 
famous,  less  for  its  audacity,  which  was  not  unusual, 
than  because  it  was  one  of  those  interdicted  by  the  Roman 
Court  i  He  began  by  giving  a  strange  interpretation  of 
the  following  text:  " Audite  verbum  hoc,  vacche  pimnies 
quss    estis   in    Monte  Samariae."     «  Well,  then  :    who   be 

discing f  hT  >  wa!  etc[Tl  friom  nearly  evcry  copy of  thcse  Lcnten 

discourses,  but  it  is  to  be  found  in  one  or  two  copies  in  the  Maccabeo 
cnian  Library,  and  in  one  belonging  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark. 


.tio  ONAR  :  VD  TIMES. 

thos  ■  I      ould  preach  the  I  [oly  Scrìptui 

.  .  .  I  I  pc  idi  r.  If  thou  kn<  the 

li.  ire  thou  wouldst   not  speak   thus.     Rather 

houldst    h  preach   Tullius   or  Virgil, 

then  I  Bhould  not  have  tested  thee;  but  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture will  test  thee  at  all  points.  Well  !  I  will  preach  the 
,  I  will  obey  th<  Tell  me,  how  wouldst  thou 
these  words? — O  vacca;  pingues.  .  .  .  Forme 
these  fat  kine  signify  the  harlots  of  Italy  and  Rome.  .  .  . 
Are  there  none  in  Italy  and  Rome  ?  One  thousand, 
ten  thousand,  fourteen  thousand  are  few  for  Rome  ; 
for  there  both  men  and  women  are  made  harlots." 
\: id  pursuing  this  strain,  he  describes  the  vices  of 
Rome  in  terms  scarcely  to  be  repeated  at  the  present 
day.  He  then  turns  to  the  people,  accusing  them  of  a 
false  and  hypocritical  religion,  only  taking  satisfaction 
in  material  things.  "  Ye  are  corrupt  in  all  things,  in  your 
speech  and  your  silence,  in  that  which  ye  do  and  that 
which  ve  leave  undone,  in  your  belief  and  your  unbelief. 
Ye  speak  against  prophecy  ;  and  behold  there  cometh 
one  to  tell  ye  a  strange  dream,  and  ye  have  faith  in  it. 
He  tellcth  ye  :  fast  on  a  certain  Saturday,  at  a  certain 
hour,  and  ye  fast,  and  believe  ye  are  saved.  I  tell 
ye  that  the  Lord  willeth  not  that  ye  fast  on  such  a  day 
or  at  such  an  hour,  but  willeth  that  ye  avoid  sin 
throughout  all  the  days  of  your  life.  Instead,  ye  are  good 
for  one  hour  of  the  day,  in  order  to  be  bad  all  your  life. 
Observe  the  ways  of  these  men  during  the  last  three  days  of 
Holy  Week.  See  how  they  go  about  seeking  indulgences 
and  pardons  !  Come  here,  go  there,  kiss  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul, 
this  Saint  and  that  !  Come,  come,  ring  bells,  dress  altars, 
deck  the  churches,  come  all  of  ye,  for  three  days  before 
Easter,  i  \nd  then  no  more.  God  mocketh  your  doings, 
heedeth  not  your  ceremonies,  .  .  .  for,  Easter  passed,  ye  will 
be  worse  than  before.     All  is  vanity,  all   hypocrisy  in  our 


HIS  INVECTIVES  AGAINST  IIYTOCRISY. 


411 


times  ;    true  religion  is  dead."1     And  elsewhere  :   "  How 
is  it  that  if  I  were  to  say  :    give  me  ten  ducats  for  one  in 
need,  thou  wouldst  not  give  them,  but  if  I  tell  thee  :  spend 
a  hundred  for  a  chapel  here  in  St.  Mark,  wouldst  thou  do 
it  ?     Yes  !    in   order  to  have  thy  coat    of  arms    placed 
there,  for  thine  own  glory,  but  not  for  the  glory  of  God. 
.   .  .  Look    through    all     convent    buildings,    and    thou 
wilt  ^  find  them  full  of  their  founders'  armorial  bearings. 
I  raise  my  head  to  look  above  a  door,  thinking  to  see  a 
crucifix,  and  behold  there  is  a  shield  ;   I  raise  my  head 
again   a  little   further   on,   and   behold    there    is    another 
shield— armorial    bearings    everywhere.     I    don   a    vest- 
ment, thinking  that  a  crucifix  is  painted  on  it  ;  but  arms 
have  been  painted  even  there,  the  better  to  be  seen  by  the 
people.     These,  then,  are  your  idols,  to  which   ye  make 
sacrifice  ?  "  2     Then,  after  describing  and  condemning  the 
corruption  of  the  times,  and  especially  of  the   clergy,  he 
always  repeats  his  predictions  of  the  coming  chastisement 
of  Rome  and  of  Italy. 

1  Prepare  thee,  I  say,  for  heavy  shall  be  thy  chastise- 
ment, O  Rome  !  Thou  shalt  be  girdled  with  steel,  put  to 
the  sword,  to  fire  and  flames.  .  .  .  Wretched  Italy  !  how 
I  see  thee  struck  down  ;  wretched  people  !  how  I  see  ye  all 
oppressed  !  3  .  .  .  Italy,  thou  art  stricken  with  a  grave 
disease.  .  .  .  Thou,  Rome,  art  stricken  with  a  mortal 
malady,  usque  ad  mortem.  Thou  hast  lost  thy  health,  and 
hast  forsaken  the  Lord;  thou  art  sick  with  sins  and  tribu- 
lations. ...  If  thou  wouldst  be  healed,  forsake  feasting; 
forsake  thy  pride,  thy  ambition,  thy  lusts,  and  thy  greed  : 
these  be  the  food  that  have  caused  thy  sickness,  these  that 
bring  ye  to  death.  .  .  .  Italy  Jaugheth  at  this,  Italf 
maketh   mock  of  it,  refuseth  medicine,  sayeth   that    the 

1  Sermon  of  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent. 

9  Sermon  of  the  Saturday  following  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent 

3  Sermon  of  Easter  Week. 


;.v/>  TIM, 
....()    ve    unbelieving   one;,  since  ye 

k  n  nor  b  ted,  thus  saith  the  I  «ord: 

I  :!1  full  i  a    sanguinary  dec  I ;,  .  .  . 

tuli  of  iniquities,  harlots,  and  miserable  panders,    I   will 

whelm  her  with    the   scum    of  the   earth  ;   will 
her  princ  I    trample  the  pride  of    Rom   ,      These  in- 

di capture  her  sanctuaries,  and  defile  her  clune1 
lUCh   as   these  have    been    made  dens   of   vice,  I 
will   make   them   stables   for   horses   and  swine,  the  which 
will    be   le  ;    to   God    than   seeing   them  m 

haunts  of  prostitutes.     When  trouble  and  tribulation  draw 
nigh,  men  will  have  no  peace  ;  they  will  seek  to  be  convert 

lOUt  beine  able;  they  will  be  confused  and  bewildered. 
.  .  .  Then,  O  Italy  !  trouble  after  trouble  shall  befall  thee  ; 
troubles  of  war  after  famine,  troubles  of  pestilence  after 
war;  trouble  from  this  side  and  from  that.  There  will 
be  rumours  upon  rumours,  now  rumours  of  barbarians  on 
this  side  ;  then  rumours  of  barbarians  on  that.  Rumours 
from  the  east,  from  the  west;  from  all  sides  rumour  alter 
rumour.  Then  men  will  yearn  for  the  visions  of  the 
prophets,  and  will  have  them  not,  for  the  Lordsaith,  'Now 
do  I  prophesy  in  my  turn.'  Men  will  Jean  on  astrology, 
and  it  will  profit  them  nothing.  The  law  of  the  priesthood 
shall  perish,  and  priests  be  stripped  of  their  rank  ;  princes 
shall  wear  haircloth  ;  the  people  be  crushed  by  tribulation. 
All  men  will  lose  courage,  and  as  they  have  judged,  so 
shall  themselves  be  judged."1 

In  another  sermon  we  find  the  following  description  of 
the  plague  that  was  to  come  upon  Italy  ;  "  Believe  ye  this 
Friar,  that  there  will  not  be  enough  men  left  to  bury  the 
dead  ;  nor  means  to  dig  enough  graves.  So  many  will  lie 
dead  in  the  houses,  that  men  will  go  through  the  streets 
crying,  'Send  forth  your  dead  !  '  And  the  dead  will  be 
heaped  in  carts  and  on  horses  ;  they  will  be  piled  up  and 

1  Sermon  of  the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent. 


HIS  PREDICTIONS  OF  PESTIIENCE.  4 , 

burnt  Men  will  pass  through  the  streets  crying  aloud 
«  Are  there  any  dead  ?  Are  there  any  dead  ?  •  Then  some 
persons  will  come  forth  and  say,  «  Here  is  my  son,  here  is 
my  brother  here  is  my  husband  !  •  .  .  .  Again  will  they 
go  through  the  streets  crying,  'Be  there  no  more  dead 
here?  And  the  people  shall  be  so  thinned  that  few  shall 
remain.    ' 

Savonarola  continued  throughout  Lent  to  preach  in  this 
strain.     He  first  described  the  sins  of  Rome  and  of  Italy 
then  announced  the  scourge,  and  always  ended  bv  Galline 
the  people  to  repentance.     «  Heu  !    Heu  !  fuge  'de  terra 
Aquiloni;.     Fly  from  the  land  of  Aquilon  (the  northi- 

lt   K0nVV1f,,and/^Urn   t0  Christ-   •  •  •  Behold,  the 
sky  shall  be  darkened  ;  behold,  it  will  rain  fire  and  flames 

stones  and  rocks  ;    it  will  be  wild  weather.   .  .      I  have 
placed  ye  between  four  winds,  saith  the  Lord— namelv 
between  prelates,  princes,  priests,  and  bad  citizens      Fly 
horn  their  vices,  gather  ye  together  in  charity.     Furre   O 
Sion,  qua:  habitas  apud  filiam  Babilonis.  Thn  is  'fly 

from  Rome   for  Babylon  signifies  confusion,  and  Rome 
hath  confused  all  the  Scriptures,  confused  all  vices  together 
confused  everything.     Fly,  then,  from  Rome,  and  come  tò 
repentance.    2 

This  continued  description  of  the  woes  of  Italy  is  in 

truth,  so  graphic  and  vivid,  that  Savonarola  seems  almost 

transported  into  the  future  by  his  own  fancy,  and  to  see 

all  these  things  with  his  own  eyes.     No  less  extraordinary 

is  his  persistency  in  announcing  the  approach  of  his  own 

end,  and  in  always  reiterating  :  «  Not  yet  hath   the  day 

come  for  ye  to  wreak  your  will  on  me,  sed  adhuc  modicum 

tempus  vobiscum  sum.3  ...  I  have  said  unto  the  Lord  : 

'  Sermon  of  the  Tuesday  after  the  third  Sunday. 

Sermon  of  Wednesday  after  the  fifth  Sunday  in   T  Pnf      r„  ,11  ,t,„ 

25J5S   We  harV,  •faithfu"y  ^en  SavonaroKact  words    bm  have 

"  ^/,reeseCònsTtyhee«yetr nSaand  fplaÌner  «niSSS  bteod£ 

V  *&%£^^$2&£fc£  <hird  Sunday  in  Lent, 


SAVI       '  VS  /-/.  S. 

I    [cave    1  >.   ■   to    take  thought  of   this   deed;    I   am 

hand      And  1  [e  I  i  : 

!  M  -.     Ir  will  be  with  them  even  as  it 

(it  to  destroy  Me  by  nailing  Me 
on   :  ,   and    il         .1    did    make    My  name   kno 

thr  ut  the  earth.     Therefore,"  concluded         narola, 

»<  HI  iptain,   I    will    fight  even  unto  the 

But  althou  ;h  still  in  an  attitude  of  resistance,  although 
still  .:  to  bow  to  the  Pope's  will,  the  latter  had  suc- 

led  in  putting  him  on  his  defence.      Up  to  this  moment 
he  b  nt  his  life  in  directing  and  spurring  the  multi- 

-,  infusing  into  it  his  ideas  and  his  will,  and  continually 
enlarging  his  field  of  action  ;  but  now,  to  the  serious  hurt 
of  the  people,  his  circle  of  activity  was  narrowed  :  he 
was  obliged  to  think  of  defending  his  own  doctrines  and 
his  own  life.  His  enemies  were  multiplying  on  all  sides, 
and  had  resolved  that  even  if  the  Republic  remained 
standing,  its  founder  at  least  should  perish  ;  and  they 
were  already  closing  in  round  the  poor  Friar.  He  was 
defending  himself  against  their  attacks  with  increased 
energy;  was  proclaiming  to  Italy  and  the  whole  world 
that  they  were  trying  to  destroy  the  Republic  by  his  death, 
to  overthrow  the  inviolable  rights  of  the  human  reason 
and  human  conscience  ;  but  meanwhile  he  was  gradually 
being  forced  to  relinquish  the  reformation  of  morals  and 
politics.  His  position  was  essentially  changed,  daily 
becoming  more  difficult,  and  encompassed  by  greater 
dangers. 

Nevertheless  he  did  not  leave  politics  entirely  aside  this 
Lent,  since  an  opportunity  occurred  of  recurring  to  the 
subject  for  several  days.  The  new  hall  of  the  Greater 
Council  was  just  completed  at  this  moment.  Its  con- 
struction had  been  entrusted,  in  the  first  days  of  the  new 
1  Sermon  of  the  Monday  after  the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent. 


HE  GIVES  TWO  SERMONS  ON  POLITICS. 

Government,  to   the  famous  architect,  Cronaca,  but  the 
work  was  very  slacklv  carried  on  until  Savonarola  began 
to  urge  him  to  haste  m  his  sermons.     He  then  brought  it 
on    with  so  much  speed    that  the  people   declared^  that 
angels  must  have  had  a  hand   in   it.     On   the   2cth  o 
February  a  new  Signory  was  elected  by  a  ereat  meeting 
of  the    councilors.        Gladdened  by  [his  folemn     v  7 
Savonaroh  devoted  two  of  his  Lenten  sermons  to  politica 
topics.*    He  dwelt  upon  the  mode  of  conducting  elections 
and  sternly  condemned  the  party  spirit  always  influencing 
them  in  Florence.     «There  be  many   that  go  about  thf 
city  scattering  notices  to  the  effect  that  this  or  that  man 
should  not  be  elected.     I  tell  ye  :   Never  obey  the  sug- 
gestions of  those  papers.     If  those  whom  ye  would  not 

Sow  tT i  ad'  yC  mayoPellIy  Proclaim  it  in  council, 
now  that  there  is  no  tyrant  to  oppress  ye.  Wherefore 
come  forth,  and  say  frankly,  Such  an  one  is  not  fit  for  this 
office.  But  ,f  he  be  a  good  man,  let  him  be  chosen."  3 
Elsewhere  he  says  :  «  I  am  told  there  be  some  in  the 
council  who  when  one  is  about  to  be  balloted,  say  of  him 
Let  us  give  him  the  black  or  white  bean,  because  he  is  of 
this  or  that  party  Et  quad  feius  est,  I  am  told  there  be 
many  that  say,  He  is  one  of  the  Friar's  men,  let  us  give 
him  the  black  beans.4  What  !  have  I  taught  you  thus  ? 
■  Rinuccini  states,  in  his  "  Ricordi  Storici ,"  p.  clix    that  I  72,  m*m 

magnates  were  admitted  to  the  council  m  right  of  their  office  and  tha^ 
a  few  young  men  were  also  admitted  before  attaining  the  a-e  nrescrihed 
by  law.^  But  even  mcluding  these,  the  number  cool/whSiSffl 

2  The  24th  and  25th  of  February. 

3  Sermon  of  the  25th  of  February 


4i6  &  \fES 

I  h:.  Christ  '    no 

more  in  tl  no  pui 

Lei 
hold  to  be 
'.  ■equently  told  yt  bei 

ild  here  !  ivonar*  n  in  his 

ind  in  the  real  ! 

the  Savonarola  depicted  by  many 
of  his  biographers,  both  ancient  and  modern.     Where  do 

:\nd  the  party  spirit   that,  according   to   some,  was   the 
sole  of  his  actions  ?      Where  the  desire  to  exalt  his 

own  friends  at  others'  expense?  Where  the  narrowness, 
where  the  Lick  of  magnanimity  attributed  to  him  ?  We 
find  him,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  a  man  of  lofty  ideas,  most 
noble  principles,  purely  disinterested,  and  desirous  of 
liberty  and  justice  for  all,  even  including  those  who  were 
seeking  his  death. 

On  "this  important  occasion,  after  having  insisted  at 
length  on  the  necessity  of  conducting  the  elections  with- 
out party  spirit,  he  urged  the  citizens  to  be  steadfast  to 
their  Greater  Council,  their  new  Government,  and  their 
liberty.  And,  in  order  to  heighten  the  attachment  of  the 
people  to  the  present  state  of  things,  he  gave  in  either 
sermon  a  long  description  of  tyrants,  and  the  evils  brought 
by  them  on  cities  subject  to  their  yoke.  "  The  term  of 
tyrant,"  he  said,  "signifieth  a  man  of  the  worst  kind,  who 
would  grasp  all  for  himself,  give  nothing  to  others,  an 
enemy  to  God  and  to  man.  The  tyrant  is  proud,  lustful, 
and  avaricious  ;  and  as  these  three  vices  contain  the  germs 
of  all  others,  it  follows  that  he  hath  the  germ  of  every 
vice  of  which  man  is  capable.  Likewise  all  his  senses  are 
perverted  :  his  eyes  by  looking  on  wantonness  ;  his  ears 
by  hearing  flattery  of  himself  and  censure  of  other  men  ; 
his  palate  by  the  vice  cf  gluttony,  and  so  forth.  He 
1  Sermon  of  the  second  Sunday  in  Lent. 


ON  THE  EVILS  OF  TYRANNY. 

corrupts  magistrates,  robs  widows  and  orphans,  oppresses 
the  people,  and  favours  those  that  incite  him  to  defraud  the 
Commune.     He  is  devoured  by  suspicion,  and  has  spies 
everywhere  ;  he  desires  all  to  seem  bashful  in  his  presence, 
and    be   his   slaves  ;    hence,   where   there    is   a  tyrant,  no 
man   may   act  or  speak  freely.     In  this  wise  the  people 
become  pusillanimous,  all  virtue  is  extinguished,  all  vice 
exalted.     Behold,  O  Florence,  thy  fate,    if  thou  wouldst 
have  a  tyrant.     He  is  the  cause  cf  all  the  sins  committed 
by    the   people  ;    wherefore  he    will  be  called  to  render 
account  of  them  to  God,  and  will  bear  the  penalty  of  his 
misdeeds.     Thou,  O   citizen,  that  followeth   the  tyrant, 
thou    art    no    less    miserable    than    he.     Thy    tongue    is 
enslaved  when  addressing  him,  thy  eyes  when  regarding 
him,  thy  person  is  subject  to  him,  thy  goods  at  his  dis- 
posal ;  thou  art  beaten  with  rods,  and  must  yet  give  him 
thanks  !     Thou  art  debased  in  all  ways.     And  such,"  he 
said  in  conclusion,  "  are  the   miseries  of  the  tyrant  and 
his  followers,  the  which  miseries  weigh  them  down  in  this 
life,  and  bring  them  to  eternal  perdition  in  the  next."  I 
This    description  was    repeated    by  the   preacher  in  the 
minutest  detail,2  with  a  complete  exposition  of  the  life  and 
passions  of  a  tyrant  and  of  his  various  acts  of  oppression. 
It  was  an  appalling  and  terrible  picture,  not  only  painted 
in  vivid  colours,  but  often  with  truly  artistic  skill.     And 
Savonarola   persistently  displayed   it   to   the  eyes   of  the 
people,  and  always  concluded  with  these  words  :  "  Behold, 
O  Florence,  that  which  thou  seekest."  Nor  was  he  speaking 
at  random.     On  the  27th  of  April  a  plot  was  discovered, 
by  which  it  had  been  designed  to  tamper  with  the  votes 
and  procure  the  election  of  the  enemies  of  the  Republic. 
Accordingly,  three   of  the  ringleaders  were  sentenced  to 

1  Sermon  of  the  25th  of  February,  1496. 

'  He  had  already  given  an  equally  eloquent  description  of  the  same 
kind  in  his  treatise  "Sul  Governo  di  Firenze." 

28 


YD   TIMES. 

inmentj  and  many  citizens  publicly  lepri- 
ni.; iti).1 

Iv         thia  Lent,  Savonarola  also  addressed  the  chil- 
dren, a  number  of  whom  occupied  scats  in  the  great 
theatre  raised  in  the  Duomo,     He  exhorted  them 

and   to  diligence  in  Study  ;    he  was  anxious  that 

all    should    know    at     least    the     elements    of    grammar, 

their  parents   to  c    neither   expense   nor 

UT   to    that    effect.      I  le    also    urged    them    to    avoid 

assuming   the  ecclesiastical   robe  at   too  early   an   age,  and 

them    other    good    advice.2       Then,    Palm    Sunday 

at   hand,  he   arranged   a   very    edifying   and   solemn 

ion  tor  the  children.      The  election  of  the  officials 

of  the    Monte  di   Pietà   had  just   then    taken    place,    and 

being  an  earnest  promoter  of  that  institution,  Savonarola 

red  that  its  inauguration  should  be   celebrated   by  the 

children. 3      Accordingly,   early    in  the  morning  of   Palm 

Sunday,   a   tabernacle    was    erected   in    church,  decorated 

with    a    painting    representing    Jesus    Christ    riding    into 

asalem  on  an  ass.     Savonarola  then  preached  a  sermon 

full   of  wise   counsel   to  the    assembled    children,    ending 


1  Those  sentenced  to  imprisonment  in  the  Stinche,  as  leaders  of  the 
plot,  were  Filippo  Corbizzi  (the  man  who  had  called  the  meeting  of 
theologians  in  the  Palace  for  the  purpose  of  accusing  Savonarola), 
Giovanni  Benizi,  and  Giovanni  da  Tignano.  According  to  Rinuccini, 
page  clx.,  the  Signory,  after  hearing  the  verdict  of  the  Colleges,  of  the 
Eight  of  balia,  and  the  Ten  of  Liberty,  sentenced  them  to  ten  years' 
confinement  and  perpetual  exclusion  from  all  public  offices.  According 
to  Landucci,  however,  page  130,  the  three  ringleaders  were  condemned 
to  confinement  for  life,  and  twenty-five  others  reprimanded  {ammoniti). 

a  Sermons  of  Saturday  following  the  first  Sunday,  and  Monday  after 
the  third  Sunday  in  Lent. 

3  "  I  hear  that  the  officers  of  the  Monte  di  Pietà  have  been  elected  : 
should  be  well  pleased  that  this  undertaking  should  begin  well.  The 
children  shall  march  in  procession  in  honour  of  this,  .  .  .  and  it  shall  be 
arranged  at  what  point  a  collection  of  money  should  be  made"  (Sermon 
of  the  Wednesday  before  Palm  Sunday).  He  repeated  the  announce- 
ment in  other  sermons  during  this  week,  and  throughout  Lent  fre- 
quently spoke  in  favour  of  the  Monte  di  Pietà. 


CHILDREN'S  PROCESSION  ON  PALM  SUNDAY.  419 

with  these  words  :   "  O  Lord,  from  the  mouths  of  these 
little  ones  shall    thy   true  praises  proceed.     Philosophers 
praise  thee  according   to  the   light   of    the  world,  these 
little  ones  according  to  the  light  of  heaven  ;  philosophers 
praise    thee    from    self-love,    and   these  from   simplicity  ; 
philosophers    praise  thee   with  their  lips,  and  these  with 
their  works."     Then  turning  to  the  multitude,  and  raising 
the  crucifix  in  his  hand,  he   said  :    "  Florence,   behold  ! 
this  is  the  lord  of  the  universe,  and  would  fain  be  thine. 
Wilt    thou    have    him    for    thy    king?"     Thereupon    all 
assented   in  a  loud  voice,   and  many  with   tears,  crying: 
"Long  live   Christ  our  King!"!     Savonarola  then   left 
the  pulpit  amid  the  enthusiastic  cries  of  the  people  and 
the  murmurs  of  the  Arrabbiati,  who,  although  standing 
aloof  at  some  distance,  carefully  kept  him  in  view.     In 
the  afternoon  the  children,  all  in  white  robes  with  olive 
wreaths  on  their  heads,  and  red  crosses  or  palm  branches 
in  their  hands,  carried  the  tabernacle  in  procession  through 
the  town,  and  having  visited  all   the  churches,  halted  on 
the  Piazza  to   sing  a  song  composed  by  Girolamo  Beni- 
vieni  on  the  future  felicity  of  Florence.2     Then,  having 
gleaned  a  good  harvest  of  coin,  they  gave  it  to  the  Monte 
di  Pietà.     Thus  the  institution  was  brilliantly  inaugurated 
by  the   urchins,  who,   under  Savonarola's  guidance,  had 
forsaken  carnival  gaieties  and  devoted  themselves  to  good 
works. 3 

^  But  with  the  exception  of  the  two  sermons  respectively 
given  on  the  days  of  the  opening  of  the  Greater  Council 
and  of    the    Monte    di    Pietà,    no    political    nor    social 

1  Vide  the  Sermon  given  on  Palm  Sunday. 

•  ''Viva  ne  nostri  cor,  viva,  O  Fiorenza."  It  is  printed  among  Savona- 
rola's poems  in  the  Florence  edition  of  1847,  pp.  17-20.  It  is  also  given, 
with  a  commentary,  in  the  "  Poesie  "    of  G.  Benivieni  :  Florence,  1500. 

3  Burlamacchi,  p.  1 10  and  fol.  ;  "  Vita  Latina,"  &c.  Vide  the  sermon 
given  on  the  Wednesday  before  Palm  Sunday,  and  on  that  Sunday  itself. 
'I  his  event  is  also  mentioned  by  the  chroniclers,  among  others,  by 
Landucci,  at  p.  128. 


420  V 

quest  treated  in  tfa  of  this  Lenten 

mtinued  to  ;       ch  in  the  i  in  in  which 

he  1  ,     nd  on  the  ei  hth  day  after  Ea  ter, 

a  [a  une,  recapitulating  and  winding  up  all  the  * 

linced  in  I  t  of   these    Lenten    sermons.       [n 

two    Bermona    contain    all    the    principal    1 
that   lie   purposed   to   expound   at   that   time,   and,    on   the 
v    of    Lent,    Sai  lared    his    entire 

sub:  n  to  the  authority  of  the   Roman  Church,  saying 

that  the  Church  would  stand  firm  for  ever,  and  that  who- 
ever should  leave  her  fold  would  be  eternally  lost.  I  le 
acknov.  |  the  authority  of  the  Pope  in  the  words  of 

the  New  Testament  :  "  Thou  art  Peter,  and  on  that  rock 
will  I  build  mv  church  ;  and  that  which  thou  bindest  on 
earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven."  But  after  this  he  again 
repeated  :  "  Nevertheless  we  are  not  compelled  to  obey 
all  commands.  When  given  in  consequence  of  lying 
reports,  they  are  invalid  ;  when  in  evident  contradiction 
with  the  law  of  charity  laid  down  by  the  Gospel,  it  is 
our  duty  to  resist  them,  even  as  St.  Paul  resisted  St. 
Peter.  We  are  bound  to  presume  that  no  such  commands 
will  be  imposed  on  us,  but  in  case  they  were  imposed,  we 
must  then  reply  to  our  superior,  saying  :  Thou  dost  err, 
thou  art  not  the  Roman  Church,  thou  art  a  man  and  a 
sinner."  These  were  the  identical  words  he  had  used  in 
the  first  sermon.  And  in  repeating  them  he  now  quoted 
many  authorities  in  support  of  his  ideas,  and  elucidated 
them  by  many  examples.  u  If  my  superior  command  me 
to  forsake  poverty,  I  resist  ;  if  thy  confessor  give  thee  a 
command  that  is  contrary  to  God's  will,  thou  must  resist 
and  condemn  him  :  for  when  the  matter  is  quite  plain, 
we  should  fear  nothing,  and  persevere  in  the  right  path." 
But  although  justified  by  the  verdict  of  the  Fathers, 
these  ideas  were  held  to  be  very  audacious,  and  in  fact 
they    wrere    equivalent  to  a  war    cry.      Even    Savonarola 


THE   VISION  OF  THE  CRUCIFIX.  421 

might  have  hesitated  to  proclaim  them  from  the  pulpit, 
had  he  not  been  convinced  that  Pope  Alexander's  election 
was  null,  and  had  not  cherished  a  strong  hope  that  a 
council  would  soon  be  called  to  remedy  the  woes  of  the 
Church,  and  put  an  end  to  the  abominable  scandals, 
infamies,  and  crimes  by  which  she  had  so  long  been  pro- 
faned. 

Then,  as    to    the   individual   case  of  his  dispute  with 
Rome,  he  again  said  on  that  day  :   "  Do  not  all  know  that 
the  brief  was  sent  to  favour  those  enemies  of  the  Republic 
and  myself  who    spread  lies   and   calumnies    concerning 
me  ?     Do  not  all  know  that  my  departure  hence  would 
not  only  place  my  life  in  the  utmost  jeopardy,  but  also  be 
very  injurious  to  this  people  and  the  cause  of  freedom? 
For  would  not  good  morals   be  cast  aside,  and  religion 
overthrown  ?     This  and  none  other  is  our  enemies'  desire. 
Thus  I  can  only  suppose  that  the  PontifThath  been  deceived 
by  my  detractors'  lying  reports  ;  and  therefore  I  prefer  to 
obey  that  which  I  hold  to  be  his  real  intent  :  I  cannot 
suppose  that  he  seeketh  the  ruin   of  an   entire  people." 
And  he  again  repeated  the  prophecy  of  his  own  doom  : 
"  What  will  be  the  end  of  the  war  thou  art  carrying  on? 
If  thou  wouldst  know  the  general  result,  I  tell  thee  it  will 
end  in  victory  ;  but  if  thou  wouldst  know  what  will  be 
its  result  as  regards  myself  in  particular,  I  tell  thee  it  will 
end  in  death  and  being  cut  to  pieces.     Rest  assured,  how- 
ever, that  all  this  will  serve  to  spread  abroad  this  doctrine, 
the  which  proceedeth  not  from  me,  but  from  God.     I  am 
but  a  tool  in  His  hands;  wherefore  I  am  resolved  to  fight 
to  the  death."     He  then  related  how,   on  the  preceding 
night,  he  had  beheld  a  vision  in  which  he  seemed  to  see 
a  crucifix  arise  betwixt  Rome  and  Jerusalem.     From  this 
poured  a  river  of  blood,  in  which  unbelievers  appeared 
very  eager  to  plunge,  while  Christians  entered  it  almost 
reluctantly.     Then  darkness  covered  the  earth,  and  there 


VD  TIMES 

Sit  and  lightning  accompanied  by  a  terrible 
uproar,     Hereupon  the  orator  made  this  vision  ?: 

eloquent  and  vivid  descriptions  of  the 
f  Italy,  in  which  these  Lenten  tbound, 

and  ■         wrought  the  aerie         n  end.1 

Many  pages  of  these  sermons  afford  excellent  pro 
that,  under  different  circumstances  and  with  a  different 
of  Study,  Savonarola  would  have  been  the  greatest 
of  Italian  orators.  His  impetuous  utterances  burn  with  a 
fire  of  new  and  genuine  eloquence.  His  language  is 
thoroughly  original,  for  even  in  the  very  manner  in  which 
his  ideas  are  conceived  he  has  a  special  style  of  his  own  ; 
his  forcible  imagery  seizes  the  fancy,  and  almost  takes  it 
by  storm.  And  if  we  remember  his  singular  vigour  ot 
gesture  and  accent,  we  shall  be  able  to  understand  the 
enormous  enthusiasm  he  aroused  in  the  people  of  Florence. 
In  fact,  the  impression  produced  by  him  this  Lent  far 
exceeded  that  of  the  preceding  years.  The  fame  of 
these  sermons  on  Amos  and  Zechariah  was  noised  through- 
out Italv,  and  even  beyond  the  Alps.  On  the  one  hand 
the  enthusiasm  of  his  followers  was  increasing  to  fanaticism, 
while  on  the  other  the  hate  of  his  adversaries  was  nearing 
its  climax.  The  potentates  of  Italy  raised  cries  of  pro- 
test ;  the  Pope  was  burning  with  fury,  and  it  seemed  as 
though  the  Vatican  itself  were  shaken  by  the  thunders 
of  the  Friar's  eloquence.  His  courage  in  daring  to  assert 
the  irresistible  might  of  charity,  of  liberty,  of  justice,  of 
faith,  and  of  reason,  and  still  more  to  cry  it  aloud  in 
defiance  of  the  threats  of  a  Pope  stained  with  infamy  and 
bloodshed,  was  truly  unprecedented,  and,  by  awakening 
an  echo  wherever  the  sentiment  of  goodness  still  survived, 
threw  men's  minds  in  a  turmoil.  But  of  the  different 
passions  raging  on  all  sides  we  must  speak  in  the  follow- 
ing chapter. 

•  Last  sermon  of  the  Lenten  course  on  Amos  and  Zechariah. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


VARIOUS  WRITINGS  CONCERNING  THE  WORKS  OF  SAVON- 
AROLA. LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  HIM  BY  "DIFFERENT 
POTENTATES,  ANT>  HIS  REPLIES.  THE  FLORENTINE 
AMBASSADOR'S  INTER  VIE  W  WITH  THE  POPE.  SA  VON- 
AROLoA  RETURNS  TO  THE  PULPIT  AND  PREACHES 
ON  FESTIVAL  DAYS  ON  TEXTS  FROM  RUTH  AND 
MICAH. 

(1496.) 

,OR  the  due  comprehension  of  the  effect  of 
Savonarola's  sermons  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  read  the  letters  written  in  Florence 
at  that  period.1  The  Florentines  seem 
to  have  been  positively  unable  to  think 
of  anything  excepting  the  Friar,  and 
equally  unable  to  confine  themselves  to  truth.  Some 
write  that  he  (the  Friar)  scoffs  at  the  bull  of  excommunica- 
tion that  has  just  arrived  ;  2  that  he  speaks  of  the  Pope 
as  worse  than  a  Turk  ;  the  princes  of  Italy  as  worse  than 
heretics  :  others  assert  that  he  intends  to  reveal  from  the 
pulpit  all  the  crimes  of  his  persecutors,  and  that  he  is 
about  to  prophesy  still   more  marvellous   things.     Some 

1  Many  of  these  letters  are  in  the  Manuscript  Miscellanies  of  the 
National  Library  of  Florence.  See,  among  others,  Class  xxxvii.. 
Cod.  288. 

3  "  I  can  tell  thee  that  Fra  Girolamo  says  many  bold  things.  Among 
the  rest,  he  has  received  a  decree  of  excommunication,  yet  makes  a 
mock  of  it,  as  thou  knowest  he  has  often  done.  "  Lettera  di  Roberto 
Giugni  a  Lorenzo  Strozzi  alle  Selve,"  18th  of  March,  1495  (Florentine 
style).     See  the  above-mentioned  "  Miscellanea,"  at  sheet  108. 


ime  ih  t  of  Fior  others,  on 

that  he  will  soon  reduce  the  enemies  of  the 

.  even  if  he  v 
me  miraculous  way,     And   thus  with  the 
rations  of  hatred  and  deceit  on  the  one  hand,  ami 

II  and  fanaticism  on  the  other,  men's  minds 
•  disturbed,  and  they  had  continual 

h  food  tor  their  passions. 

At  the  same  time  the  press  was  deluged  by  such  a 
swarm  of  strange  pamphlets  as  to  threaten  the  land  with 
a  new  and  fantastic  literature.  And  here,  too,  while  some 
of  these  publications  exalted  the  Friar's  name  to  the  skies, 
others  found  no  words,  accusations,  nor  insults  strong 
enough  to  assail  him.  Although,  as  regards  literary  merit, 
these  compositions  are  almost  unworthy  of  notice,  they 
so  vividly  pourtray  the  circumstances  and  men  of  the 
time,  that  it  is  necessary  to  devote  a  few  words  to  them. 
One  of  the  most  noted  of  these  pamphlets,  entitled  the 
"Oraculum  de  novo  saxulo,"1  by  Giovanni  Nesi,  a  some- 
what celebrated  disciple  of  Marsilio  Ficino,  was  full  of 
-Platonic  ideas.  The  mere  title  of  the  work  proved  the 
author  to  be  a  follower  of  Savonarola.  It  contained  an 
account  of  a  remarkable  vision  he  had  beheld,  in  which, 
finding  himself  transported  to  the  other  world,  he  carries 
on  a  long  conversation  with  the  shades  of  Eneas  and 
Plato,  and  describes  the  latter  as  the  precursor  of  Chris- 
tianity. He  then  meets  the  celebrated  Pico  della  Miran- 
dola, who,  guiding  him  through  the  heavenly  spheres, 
shows  him  how  Savonarola's  doctrines  are  verified  therein. 
During  this   celestial  excursion    Pico    extols  •  the    Friar's 


1  This  pamphlet  was  dedicated  to  Pico  della  Mirandola  the  younger. 
It  was  written  in  September,  1496,  and  published  ex  archetypo  ser 
Laurentius  de  Morgìanìs  anno  sa/u/ts,  1497.  One  copy  of  it  is  in  the 
National  Library  of  Florence.  Nesi  was  the  author  of  several  sermons, 
tractates,  and  devotional  essays. 


PAMPHLETS  ON  SAVONAROLA'S  DOCTRINES.  425 

intellect,  character,  and  heart,  and  concludes  by  saying  : 
Sed  quid  plura  ?  Ch'isti  est  in  omnibus  emulator  egregius. 
A  preacher  in  the  church  of  Santi  Spirito  now  assailed 
the  new  doctrine,  daily  hurling  insults  at  Savonarola  and 
challenging  him  to  the  ordeal  by  fire.1  Savonarola  de- 
spised the  man  and  paid  no  attention  to  his  attacks  ;  but 
Messer  Filippo  Cioni,  a  Florentine  notary,  replied  to  him 
with  an  "Epistle,"  and  Maestro  Paolo  da  Fucecchio 
published  a  pamphlet  in  defence  of  the  Prior  of  St. 
Mark's.2  Another  adversary,  in  order  to  inflict  a  deeper 
wound  on  Savonarola,  feigned  to  be  one  of  his  supporters, 
and  published  a  letter  repeating  in  the  form  of  doubts  all 
the  usual  accusations,  namely  :  of  disseminating  scandal  in 
the  Church,  disobeying  Rome,  assuming  to  be  a  pro- 
phet, and  so  on. 3  Domenico  Benivieni,  brother  to  the 
poet  of  the  same  name,  and  author  of  a  great  number  of 
religious  compositions,  immediately  wrote  an  "  Epistle  " 
unmasking  the  coarse  hypocrisy  of  this  anonymous 
assailant,  and  afterwards  produced  numerous  dialogues  and 
tractates  in  defence  of  his  master's  doctrines  and  prophe- 

1  This  was  Fra  Leonardo,  an  Augustine  monk.  "  Here  is  what  the 
preacher  of  Santo  Spirito  told  us  yesterday  morning  :  that  we  were  de- 
ceived in  Fra  Girolamo;  and  that  if  he  would  enter  the  fire  for  one 
quarter  of  an  hour,  he  himself  would  undertake  to  stay  in  it  for  two. 
And  he  likewise  exhorted  all  present  that  they  should  pray  and  beseech 
God,  that  in  case  anything  said  by  the  above  Fra  Girolamo  be  true,  the 
Lord  send  a  judgment  on  him  (Fra  Leonardo),  and  strike  him  dead." 
Another  of  Giugni's  letters,  dated  12th  of  March,  1495  (Florentine  style). 
See  the  before-quoted  "  Miscellanea,"  sheet  109. 

2This  pamphlet  was  reprinted  by  Quétif  in  his  "  Aggiunte  "  to  the 
"Life  of  Savonarola."  It  contains  all  the  accusations  made  by  the  hos- 
tile preacher,  the  replies  of  Maestro  Paolo  da  Fucecchio,  and  has  Cioni's 
"Epistola"  as  a  preface.  There  is  nothing  in  it  of  any  importance,  ex- 
cepting the  curious  point  that  Maestro  Paolo,  relying  on  the  Council  of 
Constance,  maintains  that  the  authority  of  councils  is  superior  to  that  of 
the  Popes.     But  he  does  not  pause  to  discuss  the  subject. 

3  "  Epistola  responsiva  a  Frate  Hieronimo  da  Ferrara  dell'  ordine  dei 
frati  predicatori  da  l'amico  suo."  It  was  printed  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
but  without  any  date.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  the  National  Library  of 
Florence. 


s 

I  ;  '.etc  historv  i  Friar'i 

rruption  and 
rom  which  the  Florentines  had  been  rescued  by 

i  the  nc\.  I  that  the  truth  of  this 

ed    by   the    righteousness  of  all 
:  md  by  its  perfect  accordance  with  the  precepts  of 

Scripture  ;  and,  enumerating  the  Friar's  numerous  predic- 
tions, wound  up  by  noting  those  which  were  already  fill- 
filled  or  in  course  of  fulfilment. 

During  the  heat  of  this  discussion  a  certain  Fra  Angelo, 
an  anchorite,  began  to  send  forth  from  his  hermitage  in 
Yallomnrosa  a  series  of  printed  epistles  to  the  different 
Italian  States.  In  one  addressed  u  Ai  Signori  e  popolo 
di  Firenze,"  he  repeatedly  confirmed  the  promises  Savona- 
rola had   made,  and  claiming   to  have   been   specially   in- 

•  "TiactatO  in  defensione  et  probazione  della  doctrina  e  prophetie 
predicate  da  Fra  Girolamo."  Florence,  May  2S,  1496.  This  tractate 
is  in  fifteen  chapters  ;  it  contains  a  full  account  of  Savonarola's  preach- 
ings, and  many  of  his  visions  and  prophecies.  "  Dialogo  di  M.  Domenico 
Benivieni,  canonico  di  San  Lorenzo,  della  verità  della  dottrina  di  Fra 
Hieronymo,"  undated.  This  dialogue  enumerates  many  printed  and 
manuscript  pamphlets  concerning  the  Friar  and  his  works  ;  among  others 
one  by  Bartolommeo  Scala:  "Contro  i  vituperatori  del  nuovo  governo 
(a  Latin  copy  dated  Florence,  11  Kal.  Octobris,  149/),  is  in  the  National 
Librarv).  A  lengthy  "Trattato,  con  lettere  ai  principi,"  by  Fra  Paolo 
Nolano';  an  "Epistola  invettiva  a  proposito  della  lettera  a  Carlo  Vili.," 
&c.  Benivieni's  reply  to  the  feigned  disciple  is  entitled,  "  Epistola  di 
M.  Domenico  Benivieni  a  uno  amico,  responsiva  a  certe  obiectioni  et 
calumnie  contro  a  Frate  Hieronymo  da  Ferrara." 

Benivieni  also  wrote  a  great  number  of  other  epistles,  sermons,  dia- 
logues, and  religious  tracts,  one  of  which  deserves  mention  on  the 
score  of  its  singularity.  The  "  Scala  spirituale  sopra  il  nome  di  Maria." 
The  five  letters  forming  the  name  are  used  as  the  initials  of  five 
mottoes,  representing  the  five  steps  of  *his  Stairway  {Scala),  of  which 
the  author  speaks.  Thus  Benivieni  wasted  his  time  !  Not  to  swel» 
the  list  of  these  productions  ad  infinitum,  we  need  only  include  one  by 
Pico  the  younger:  "  Defensio  Hiero  :  Savonarola?  adversus  Samuelem 
Cassinensem,"  per  Jo.  Franc.  Picum  Mirandulanum,  ad  llieron.  Torni- 
elum.  Anno,  161 5,  in  Metropoli  qua  Francia  mixta  Suevis.  This  pam- 
phlet, which  is  not  identical  with  the  later  Apologia  by  the  same  author, 
is  in 'the  Guicciardini  Collection,  together  with  an  older  and  undated 
edition. 


POLITICAL  EPISTLES  OF  FRA  ANGELO.        427 

spired  by  the  Holy  Scripture,  declared  that  he  had  dis- 
covered ih  the  Apocalypse  a  prediction  of  the  descent  of 
Charles  VIII.  into  Italy  and  of  his  expedition  to  the  East 
to  re-establish  the  Christian  Empire  ;  and  stated  that  he 
had  written  to  announce  these  coming  events  to  the 
Churches  of  Asia  and  Africa.  In  another  epistle  addressed 
"  Al  Senato  e  Doge  di  Venezia"  he  said  that  he  disap- 
proved of  their  policy  and  that  of  the  League,  since  the 
latter  in  opposing  Charles  opposed  the  will  of  the  Lord, 
who  had  appointed  the  monarch  to  this  new  enterprise.1 

This  anchorite,  inditing  from  his  hermitage  calcula- 
tions of  the  respective  forces  of  Turkey  and  France,  and 
discussing  the  probabilities  and  consequences  of  war  in  the 
East,  was  a  truly  singular  phenomenon  !  All  Florence 
was  now  absorbed  in  politics  ;  every  one  full  of  designs 
for  the  future  ;  men  of  all  parties  had  now  taken  up  the 
pen.  In  fact,  political  pamphlets  were  beginning  to 
multiply  faster  than  ever,  for  in  this  way  the  Arrabbiati 
vented  their  passions  and  their  irrepressible  hatred  for 
Savonarola,  whom  they  sought  to  injure  by  every  possible 
means.  The  Eight  daily  discovered  fresh  plots  against 
the  Friar's  life,  and  were  frequently  obliged  to  put  some  of 
the  conspirators  to  the  question  ;  while  more  than  once,  it 
is  said,  the  crime  was  so  close  on  accomplishment  that  its 
would-be  perpetrators  had  to  be  sentenced  to  death.2  But 
even  this  failed  to  cow  the  Arrabbiati  ;  on  the  contrary, 
their    courage  was    unabated,  and    when   foiled    in    their 

1  One  of  the  letters  addressed  to  the  Signory  of  Florence  was  written 
in  June,  1496  ;  another  in  January,  1497,  was  in  reply  to  some  who  had 
said,  "  Have  we  not  enough  of  friars  without  also  being  tormented  by 
anchorites  ?  "  The  epistle  to  the  "  Senate  and  Doge  of  Venice  "  was  also 
written  in  January,  1497.  The  greater  part  of  the  pamphlets  mentioned 
in  this  chapter  are  contained  in  the  National  Library,  and  registered  in 
the  last  catalogue  of  the  fifteenth  century  writers,  drawn  up  by  Morolini, 
Some  are  also  included  in  the  Guicciardini  and  Capponi  collections 
in  the  same  library. 

■  Vide  Giugni's  letter  of  the  18th  of  March,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred. 


S  il  ir.  AMD  TIMES. 

man  I   recourse  to  th     |  This 

'i,  now  that,  iri  consequence 

or'  the  briefs  from  Rome,  the  Friar  had  •-  i  his 

r.      Accordingly    numerous   epistles  in   verse   and 

,    sonnets,    songs,    ballads,    and    C  <ns    of    all 

kinds,  were  employed   to  heap  contumely  on  his  head. 
A    certain    (  mo    Muzi    wrote    a   ballad    beginning 

I  these  lines  : 

0  popolo  ingrato, 

Tu  ne  vai  preso  alle  gridi, 
E  dricto  a  una  guida 
Piena  d'ipocrisia.1 

Not  content  with  attacking  Savonarola,  these  men  also 
turned  against  the  magistrates,  and  censured  their  con- 
duct. 

Che  i  ducati  e  i  marroni, 
Le  some  dei  capponi, 
Giovenchi,  han  si  gran  forza, 
Che  rompono  ogni  scorza 
Ch'  è  innanzi  alla  giustizia.' 

And  he  continued  in  so  insolent  a  strain,  that  the  Eight 
prohibited  him  from  holding  any  office  for  five  years,  and 
fined  him  sixty  gold  florins. 3 

1  O  ungrateful  people, 
Thou  art  caught  by  a  cry, 
And  follow  a  guide 

All  full  of  hypocrisy. 

3  For  ducats  or  chestnuts,  oxen  or  loads  of  capons,  have  strength  U 
burst  the  rind  of  justice. 

3  This  indecent  ballad  {frottola  inonesta),  as  it  was  styled  by  the  Eight, 
was  never  published  ;  but  the  author  gave  several  copies  to  a  friend, 
charging  him  to  send  one  to  Savonarola,  affix  one  on  the  door  of  the 
Duomo/ another  on  the  Palace  of  the  Signoria,  and  others  in  various 
places.  A  copy  of  the  ballad,  together  with  the  sentence  of  the  Eight, 
dated  16th  of  January,  1496  (Florentine  style),  is  in  the  Florence  Archives. 
It  has  been  published  in  the  "  Giornale  storico  degli  Archivi  Toscani," 
vol.  ii.  p.  81. 


ATTACKS  MADE  BY  THE  ARRABBIATI.        429 

But  the  best  idea  of  the   scurrilities  employed   by  the 
Arrabbiati  is  to  be  gained  from  the  "  Defensione  contro 
all'Arca  di  Fra  Girolamo  "  of  Francesco  Altoviti.1     The 
author  claims  to   have  suffered  exile  and   every  kind  of 
persecution  from  tyrants,  to  be  specially  devoted  to  liberty, 
and  now  moved   to  attack  Savonarola   in  defence  of  its 
cause.      "  It  would  seem,"  v/rites  Altoviti,  <c  that  this  man 
is   so    blinded    and    inflamed    by  vice,  so    dominated  by 
pride,  that  even   as  he  has  falsely  asserted  to  have   dis- 
coursed with  the  Almighty,  so  he  believes  that  he  is  to 
have  the  power  of  a  dictator  over  the  State  and  its  forces, 
in  order  to  give  laws  to  the  city  and   even  to  the  whole 
world,  like  unto    Moses,  and    to    compel  the    pontifical 
power  to  accept  them  by  force  of  threats."     He  laments 
that  the  Friar  should  have  abolished  the  festivities  of  St. 
John's  Day,  destroyed  the  carnival,  and  put  an  end  to  all 
gaiety  in  Florence  ;  and  then,  being  at  a  loss  what  to  say 
next,  adds,  cc  He  wishes  to  play  the  tyrant,  and  though  he 
has  sometimes  spoken  against  tyranny,  has  now  lowered 
his  tone,  because   Piero  has  become  his  friend."     "  And 
now  there  is  no  doubt  but  where  Fra  Girolamo  is,  there  too 
is  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  those  who  desire  Fra  Girolamo 
desire  Piero  de'  Medici  likewise.     Wherefore,  in  order  to 
extinguish  thoroughly  the  name  of  the  tyrant,  it  is  needful 
to  extinguish  the  name  of  the  Friar,  for  he  is  the  father  of 
the    tyrant,    and  the  officer   of   the  tyrant,"   and  so  on. 
What  greater   absurdity  could  be  imagined?     Yet,  this 
was  the  language  daily  used  by  the  Arrabbiati. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  neither  were  the  Frateschi 
uniformly  pacific;  they,  too,  occasionally  vented  their  bile, 
as  may  be  seen  by  the  following  verses  : 

Voi  ridete,  e  con  sonetti 
Dispregiate  il  divin  verbo  ; 
Ma,  spectate  il  duro  nerbo 
Che  le  spalle  vi  rassetti. 
•  A  fifteenth  century  copy,  undated,  is  in  the  National  Library. 


ìi£S 

li,  ■  SCOI  «re  ; 

tggit  a  i     tri 

ic  siete  a  £ 

•  re 
•  che  mai  falla 
La  a  col  lupplicio.1   .   .   . 

compc  ■  sometimes  issued  in  the  shape 

(  r   pamphlets,    Sometimes   as   fly    sheets,  circulated   an, 
the  people  troni  hand  to  hand,  or  affixed  to  street   corners. 
More    often,   however,   they  were   in    the    torni   of  VC1 

which    were    sung    about    the    city   and    shouted  by   the 

gnoni    and   Arrabbiati   at   one    another  whenever  they 

met     in     the     streets.       But    the     political    character    of 

uiarola's  adherents  is  not  to  be  learned  from  the 
writings  in  which  they  returned  insult  for  insult.  It 
will  be  best  ascertained  from  the  still  greater  number  of 
compositions  in  prose  and  verse  in  praise  of  the  name  and 

.deur  of  the  Florentine  nation,  and  in  which  new  laws 
and  rerorms  are  proposed,  and  the  nature  of  those  al- 
ready established  is  discussed. 

Mention  may  here  be  made  of  a  few  short  tracts 
addressed  to  Savonarola  and  his  community  by  Fra  Santi 
Rucellai.  They  are  entitled  "  Sul  Cambio,"  "  Sul  Monte 
Comune,"  and  "  Sul  Monte  delle  Fanciulle," 2  and,  in 
treating  of  some  of  the  chief  institutions  of  the  Florentine 
Republic,  also  afford  much  valuable  information  on  the 
financial  condition  of   the   city  at   that   time. 3     But    the 

1  With  laughter  and  verse  ye  mock  at  the  divine  word,  but  wait  till 
the  hard  lash  straightens  your  backs.  Buzz  then,  ye  bluebottle  flies  ; 
crawl,  ye  blackbeetles  ;  whirling  hornets,  use  your  venomous  stings  ! 
But  remember  that  justice  and  chastisement,  will  never  fail  ye.  .  .  .These 
verses  were  printed,  and  are  in  the  National  Library.  See  the  fifteenth 
century  writers,  "Custodia"  G.,  No.  14. 

2  "On  Exchange,0  "On  the  Communal  Bank,"  "On  the  Maidens' 
Bank." 

3  These  unpublished  tracts  are  in  the  National  Library,  CI.  xxix.,  Cod. 
207.  That  on  Exchange  is  the  least  important  ;  the  second  explains  the 
institution  of  the  Communal  Bank,  which,  as  all  know,  was  a  bank  for  the 


TRACTS  BY  ADHERENTS  OF  THE  FRIAR.       431 

writings  of  greatest  value,  as  giving  Jife-portraits  of  the 
Friar's  adherents,  were  produced  by  men  of  the  people, 

voluntary  or  forced  loans  contracted  by  the  Republic  in  case  of  war  or 
other  emergencies  under  promise  of  repayment.  u  Very  soon,  however," 
says  Fra  Santi  Rucellai,  "  the  government  ceased  to  refund  the  capital, 
paying  instead  5  per  cent,  interest.  Then  the  interest  was  reduced  to  3 
per  cent.,  and  now  this  3  per  cent,  is  sometimes  paid,  sometimes  not." 
Things  went  from  bad  to  worse.  At  first  a  bank-bond  {luogo  di  Monte) 
of  100  florins  could  be  realized  for  80,  then  for  only  66  or  50  ;  I  have 
seen  its  value  sink  to  30,  to  25,  and  to  20  florins,  and  now  since  this  last 
war,  it  is  only  worth  10  per  cent.  Incredible  though  it  seem,  this  was 
the  state  of  the  Florentine  Republic  during  the  war,  of  which  we  shall 
have  to  speak  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 

The  third  treatise  is  on  the  Maidens'  Bank,  a  very  ingenious  institution 
of  the  Republic,  and  one  that  was  highly  valued  by  the  Florentines.  It 
was  founded  in  the  following  manner.  When  the  Republic  found  itself 
unable  to  redeem  its  debts  to  the  citizens,  it  endeavoured  to  find  a  way 
of  reconciling  public  with  private  interests,  and  accordingly  founded 
this  Monte  delle  Fanciulle.  This  was  the  point  of  view  taken  :  If  a 
bank-bond  of  100  florins  can  only  realize  16,  evidently  its  holder's  capital 
is  only  16  and  not  100  florins.  Now,  any  person  depositing  one  of  these 
bonds  in  the  Maidens'  Bank,  and  leaving  it  there  without  interest  for 
sixteen  years,  shall  receive  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  year  the  sum  of 
100  florins  in  full.  Thus,  by  the  deposit  of  ten  bank-bonds,  a  dowry  of 
1,000  florins  could  be  formed,  and  so  on  in  proportion.  In  order  to  ob- 
tain a  dowry  of  100  florins  at  the  end  of  twelve  years  it  was  necessary  to 
deposit  bonds  to  the  effective  amount  of  twenty-four  instead  of  sixteen 
florins.  The  Commune  appointed  special  officers  to  determine  the  market 
value  of  the  bonds,  for  this  underwent  daily  variations,  and,  on  learning 
in  how  many  years  the  dowry  would  be  required,  fixed  the  amount  to  be 
paid.  This  arrangement  was  advantageous  to  private  individuals,  and 
very  profitable  to  the  government,  since,  if  the  maiden  for  whom  the 
dowry  was  constituted  chanced  to  die,  the  bank  retained  the  deposit, 
and,  if  the  girl  took  the  veil,  the  bank  was  only  bound  to  pay  the  real 
value  of  the  deposit. 

The  bonds  issued  by  the  Maidens'  Bank  were  always  held  sacred,  and 
were  scrupulously  redeemed  by  the  Communal  Bank.  Nevertheless,  in 
the  course  of  the  last  war  (1496)  the  finances  of  the  Republic  were  in  so 
exhausted  a  state,  that  when  a  dowry  fell  due,  only  one-fourth  of  the 
promised  capital  was  paid  in  cash,  and  even  from  this  the  expenses  of 
the  contract  were  deducted  ;  while  the  rest  of  the  sum  was  retained  at  an 
interest  of  7  per  cent.  By  this  measure  even  the  bonds  of  the  Maidens' 
Bank  were  reduced  in  value,  and  were  then  sold  for  the  first  time  at  75 
per  cent.  The  continual  variations  in  the  value  of  the  bonds  of  the 
Communal  Bank  gave  rise  to  a  speculative  mania  similar  to  modern 
speculations  on  the  stock  exchange,  and  its  fatal  consequences  are 
frequently  lamented  by  the  historians. 


\ND  77'/. 
.  only  v-  n >te  from  sp 

r    their    own  '  LCtion.      One    of'    tl 

work   .  Berve    I  I  .1  notion   of  the    : 

. .  retiosa  ha  l  tornei     1 

1  .ell. 1  ci: t .1  di  Fir  The 

9  in  tir  the  great   love  I   bear   to 

pie,  1     ave  taken  it  into  my  head  to  write  this 

work,  and  ;   tor  day  and   night  I  : 

impelled    to    the    task,   and    could    tell   of   such    mira. 

[it  on  me  by  it,  that  I  myself  am  amazed  thereat." 
chi  is  a  true  type  of  the  fanaticism  that  Savonarola's 
sermons  had  roused  in  the  people  :  politics  and  religion 
are  strangelv  jumbled  in  his  brain  ;  he  reasons  as  one 
constrained  by  a  superior  power  to  offer  advice  to  the 
Republic,  and  is  overflowing  with  enthusiasm,  natural 
talent,  and  devotion  to  freedom.  His  pamphlet  shows 
complete  ignorance  of  the  first  rudiments  of  literary  art, 
joined  to  remarkable  political  sagacity;  his  suggestions 
give  evidence  of  rare  common  sense,  and  we  might 
suppose  them  to  be  based  on  a  consummate  experience 
of  public  affairs.  He  proposes  that  the  Greater  Council 
should  be  relieved  from  the  duty  of  attending  to  numerous 
minor  details,  inasmuch  as  these  not  only  take  time  owed 
to  things  of  greater  moment,  but  serve  to  prevent  many 
from  attending  the  meetings.1  He  writes  on  the 
M  Decima,"  and  shows  the  enormous  advantage  of  a 
single  tax  of  this  sort,  severely  condemns  arbitrary 
imposts,2    since,  as    he   justly    says,   "our    city    is    being 

1  This  mode  of  burdening  the  council  and  the  Signory  with  petty 
affairs  was  noted  and  censured  by  all  the  Florentine  historians  of  the 
period.  We  find,  for  instance,  that  in  the  month  of  March,  I495>  the 
Greater  Council  was  twice  summoned  to  vote  a  bill,  in  order  that  two 
citizens  might  be  granted  permission  to  change  their  abode  from  one 
quarter  of  the  town  to  another.  Florence  Archives  "e  Provvisioni," 
Register  1S7,  sheets  10  and  11. 

3  As  before  noted,  the  "  arbitrio,"  was  levied,  almost  hap-hazard  on 
the  supposed  profits  of  the  different  trades  and  professions,  and,  con- 
sequently, to  the  injury  of  ail.     The  clergy  were  exempt  from  this  tax. 


FIRST  SUGGESTION  01  THE  MILITIA. 


433 


crushed  by  them."     He  approves  of  the  tax  on  church 
property,*  and  would   like  to  see  a    limit  imposed  upon 
dowries,  «  since  then  no  gentleman  nor  artizan  would  be 
prevented  from  marrying  his  daughter."  2     jn  tnis  book 
we  find  the  first  suggestion  of  the  citizen  militia,  after- 
wards founded   by  Machiavelli,  and  which   so   heroicallv 
aided  in  the  defence  of  the  Republic.     Cecchi  argues,  in 
fact,  that  certain  officers  should  be  elected  to  give  a  military 
training  to  all  able-bodied  men  within  and  without  the 
walls.     «  For  thus,  besides  the  advantage  of  the  pay-money 
circulating  among  the  citizens,  be  assured  that  one  thou- 
sand  of  our  own   men   will  do   better   work  than   three 
thousand  foreigners.     By  these  laws,"  he  says  in  conclu- 
sion, "bad  men  will  be  made  good,  and  all  Florence  dwell 
in  happiness.     Likewise,  in  a  short  space  of  time,  these 
(citizen  soldiers)  will  give  reform,  peace,  and  unity  to  all 
Italy,  since  all  will  come  to  learn  here,  this  city  being  the 
centre  and  core  of  Italy/'  3 

1  With  his  usual  regard  for  justice,  Savonarola  was  in  favour  cf  th* 
taxation  of  church  property.  The  "  Provvisione  "  of  the  8th  of  December" 
1495,  entitled  Officiahum  Presbiterorum  Ordinario,"  imposed  a  minimum 
tax  of  50,000  florins  on  all  those  exempted  from  ordinary  burdens  that 
is  to  say  on  the  clergy.     See  also  Landucci's  "  Diario/'  p.  1 19. 

1  The  author  fixes  a  maximum  for  marriage  portions.    "  At  the  highest 
no  one  should  give  a  dowry  of  more  than  500  broad  florins  :  artiza°ns  of 
300  ;  peasants,  of  50  ;  those  exempt  from  taxation,  of  100." 

3  The  National  Library  has  no  copy  of  this  very  rare  pamphlet,  and 
we  first  heard  of  it  from  the  learned  Englishman,  Mr.  Seymour  Kirkup, 
who  had  a  vamable  library  of  Italian  books  and  manuscripts.  It  consists 
of  twenty-eight  sheets,  and  in  the  last  of  these  is  a  note  to  the  effect  that 
the  pamphlet  was  completed  on  the  24th  of  February,  1496  (Florentine 
yle)i  uhT^aS  Prmted  hY  Francesco  di  Dino,  and  most  diligently  cor- 
rected by  Domenico,  son  of  Ruberto,  son  of  Ser  Mainardo  Cecchi  »  The 
title  of  the  work  is  also  noteworthy  as  bearing  the  true  Piagnone  stamp  • 
Jesu,  a  holy  and  precious  Reform  proposed  by  Domenico,  son  of  Ru- 
berto, son  of  Ser  Mainardo  Cecchi,  for  the  preservation  of  the  city  of 
Florence  and  the  common  weal  :  and  this  is  the  good  and  true  light  and 
treasure  of  every  one  and  of  the  city,  and  will  cause  justice  to  be  ob- 
served and  virtuous  government.  And  take  good  note  of  everythino-  for 
this  is  the  true  and  right  path,  by  which  all  may  attain  to  great  happiness, 
and  afterwards  in  a  brief  space  all  Italy  and  the  whole  universe  likewise, 

2Q 


S  ///•/:  AND  tsm. 
We    n  this  review  of  popular   literature   bv 

ranking    with    Cecchi'a    prose   the  -   of    an   author 

signing  himself':   /,  Gì  :      ri,  neither  noble  nor  .  but 

a   Tailor  of  hi 'orc/;::\l      I  [e  13  as  enthusiastic  as  Cecchi  tor 
:        Republic,  is  inspired    by  the   sanie   patriotic   zeal,  .. 
although  a  ruin  of  small  learning, writes  less  ungrammati- 
.1  with  fewer  orthographical  blunders.     In  one  of 

his  sonnets  he  attacks  those  who,  although  always  seeking 
j,  refuse  to  serve  their  country  in  moments  of  danger, 
and  extoh  others  who  have  joined  in  the  campaign  against 
In  another  sonnet  his  reproofs  are  directed  against 
the  Bigi,  who  hypocritically  feign  themselves  Piagnoni  ;  and 
he  warns  them  that  they  will  not  succeed  in  their  intent  : 

O  prete,  o  frate,  o  secolare  strano, 
Sia  chi  vuol,  che  non  terrà  la  bocca 
Al  popolo  fiorentino  alto  e  sovrano. 
Che  chi  al  popol  vorrà  porre  il  freno, 
Cadere  lo  vedrò  in  un  baleno.3 

He  wrote  some  octaves  in  praise  of  patriotism  and  obedi- 
ence to  the  Greater  Council,  several  terzine  to  the  future 
glory  of  Florence,  and  others  censuring  the  policy  of 
Duke  Ludovico,  the  Venetians  and  the  rest  of  the  League, 
and  threatening  the  Pisans  with  speedy  defeat  : 

Però  bisogna  che  il  Pisano  cali 
Co'  ferri  a'  piedi  giù  nella  sentina, 
Po'  ch'è  stato  cagion  di  tanti  mali. 
E  la  famosa  patria  fiorentina 

as  they  may  learn  from  this  book."  The  Kirkup  Library  was  dispersed 
soino  years  ago.  Another  copy  of  the  Cecchi  pamphlet  is  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Signor  O.  Tommasini  of  Rome,  and  is  quoted  by  him  in  his  "  His- 
tory of  Machiavelli." 

1  "To.  Giovanni  non  sere  né  messere,  ma  sarto  fiorentino."  We  dis- 
covered these  verses  in  the  National  Library,  and  have  published  them 
in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxix. 

3  Neither  priest,  nor  friar,  nor  stranger  layman,  be  he  who  he  will, 
shall  curb  the  jaws  of  the  high  and  sovereign  people  of  Florence.  For 
were  one  to  try  to  bridle  the  people,he  would  surely  be  overthrown  in  a  flash. 


WRITINGS  OF  ARRABBIATI  AND  PIAGNONI.  435 

In  alia  stae  come  bel  falcone, 
E  la  Lega  niente  la  domina  ; 

• 
Però  non  creda  nessun  sottoposto 
Uscire  delle  branche  al  gran  lione. 
E  chi  lo  ingannerà,  tornerà  tosto, 
A  suo  dispetto,  sotto  il  suo  artiglio, 
Come  Cristo  superno  ha  ben  disposto.* 

On  examination  of  these  and  many  other  writings 
which  were  then  in  general  circulation  we  are  instantly 
struck  by  the  immense  difference  between  Arrabbiati  and 
Piagnoni.  Whereas  the  Friar's  adherents  are  entirely 
honest  and  sincere,  his  adversaries  are  full  of  exaggera- 
tion, calumny,  and  deceit,  and  have  no  belief  in  their&own 
words.  Also,  if  setting  aside  the  writings  of  the  Arrab- 
biati, we  turn  our  attention  to  those  of  the  Piagnoni,  we 

shall  find  them  to  be  divided  into  two  distinct  classes 

the  political  and  the  religious.  There  is  an  immense 
distance  between  the  one  and  the  other,  not  only  on 
account  of  difference  of  subject,  but  in  their  tone 
and  manner  of  diction.  Men  of  the  people  discuss 
politics,  men  of  learning  religion  ;  the  former  are  quite 
unlettered  ;  the  latter  know  Latin  and  Greek,  Aristo- 
telian and_  Platonic  philosophy.  Nevertheless,  as  re- 
gards intrinsic  worth,  the  writings  of  the  people  are 
decidedly  the  best.  In  fact,  all  these  different  pamphlets 
were  the  outcome  of  either  political  or  religious  energy. 
Whereas  the  first  flourished  in  Florence,  like  a  tree  grown 

■  Wherefore  the  Pisan  must  be  loaded  with  chains  and  cast  into  the 
pit,  since  he  has  caused  us  such  mighty  ills.  And  the  famous  land  of 
b lorence  shall  soar  on  high  like  unto  a  beauteous  falcon,  and  the  League 
shall  have  no  power  over  it.  .  .  .  Yet  let  no  subject  (land)  think  to  escape 
from  the  lion  s  jaws.  And  he  who  would  trick  the  lion  will  soon,  despite 
his  struggles,  feel  again  the  grip  of  his  talons,  even  as  Christ  above  hath 
wisely  ordained.  At  the  end  of  the  ottave  is  written  :  finis  the  iSth  day 
a  J"1/'1^  5  and  at  the  end  of  the  following  terzine;  «finis  the  <*oth 
day  of  November,  1496."  They  treat  of  the  war  with  Pisa,  the  withdrawal 
oi  the  Emperor,  and  so  on. 


<36  ÌROZJtS  I.I  li:  AND  TIMES. 

in    i  :iial    soil    which    quickly  -    forth 

ts,  the  otl    r,  I    tered  by  Savonarola  w 
st  tender-  mbled  i  plant  set  in  barren 

id    only    kept    alive    by   unremitting    care    . 

The  Florentines  were  an         itially  political  race,  and, 
expulsion  of  the  Medici,  immediately  resumed 

their  old  habits  of  thought;  so  that  it  now  seemed  as 
though  the  Republic  had  never  ceased  to  exist.  Accord- 
ingly, while  v.  that  the  popular  writers,  from  a  sense 
of  incapacity  or  perhaps  of  reverence,  always  abstain  from 
religious  topics,  we  find  them  continually  occupied  in 
discussing  and  writing  on  politics.  Their  spelling  and 
grammar  may  be  feeble,  but  their  very  blunders  assist 
the  ingenuous  manifestation  of  their  individuality  :  they 
are  always  full  of  life  and  ardour,  full  of  spontaneous 
originality.  But  if  it  be  asked  whether,  in  this  re- 
awakening of  the  old  Florentine  spirit,  there  were  any 
learned  men  devoted  to  politics,  and  if  so,  what  were  the 
merits  of  their  writings,  we  should  have  to  reply  that 
the  genius  of  Machiavelli,  Guicciardini,  and  Giannotti 
began  to  bud  under  this  Republic,  and  flowered  in 
the  sun  of  its  freedom  :  all  three  were  the  undoubted 
offspring  of  the  revolution  of  1494,  the  revolution 
initiated  by  the  Friar.  For  during  that  period  we  find 
political  life  active  and  flourishing  in  all  directions. 
New  laws  and  reforms  are  discussed  with  marvellous 
skill,  and  carried  out  with  the  utmost  prudence  ;  a 
new  generation,  full  of  vigour,  is  springing  up,  and  men 
of  riper  age  show  experience  in  the  business  of  the 
State.  Even  military  affairs  were  conducted  with  success. 
Piero  Capponi,  as  the  leading  spirit  of  the  war,  in- 
creased his  reputation  in  the  Pisan  campaign  ;  and  the 
name  of  the  valiant  Antonio  Giacomini  had  already 
become    famous.      fVU    undertakings,  in    fact,  were    con- 


POLITICAL  GENIUS  OF  THE  FLORENTINES.   437 

ducted  in  a  way  that  would    have  done   honour  to  the 
most  warlike  of  republics,  and  was  especially  admirable 
in  the  case  of  Florence,  which  had  barely  shaken  off  the 
yoke  of  its  sixty  years'  slavery.     And  although  the  chief 
merit  of  this  energetic  and  zealous  exercise  of  freedom 
is  due  to  Savonarola,  the  founder  of  the  new  Republic, 
the  germs  which,  fostered  by  his  care,  so  soon  flowered 
and  bore  good  and  lasting  fruit,  must  have  been  already 
latent  in  the  Florentine  people.     Their  freedom,  in  fact, 
outlived  the  Friar's   death:    after    being    crushed  by   the 
blows  of  many  enemies,  it  revived  with  increased  glory  : 
again    assailed    by    powerful  hosts,   it    was    finally    over- 
thrown, but  its  fall  was  heroic,  and  its  glory  has  lasted 
for  ever. 

But,  on  turning  our  glance  to  the  religious  life  of  this 
same  people,  things  wear  a  very  different  aspect.  We 
always  find  something  forced  and  ephemeral  in  it,  some- 
thing that  defies  definition,  but  is  patent  to  all  acquainted 
with  the  chronicles  of  the  time  and  the  religious  works 
of  Savonarola's  disciples.  The  latter,  indeed,  can  only 
faintly  reproduce  their  master's  ideas,  and  give  feeble 
echoes  of  his  words.  No  original  thought  ever  issues 
from  their  mind,  no  vigorous  line  from  their  pen.1 
In  spite  of  its  boasted  new  birth  in  religion,  this  people 
has  left  posterity  no  record  of  its  faith.  Savonarola's  is 
the  sole  figure  that  is  truly  and  supremely  religious; 
he  seems  to  be  the  only  real  human  being  in  the  midst  of 
a  dream-world,  where  all  is  changing  and  evanescent. 
It  must  not,  however,  be  implied  that  there  was  no  great 
religious  reform,  no  universal  moral  improvement;  but 
this  multitude  that  spontaneously  reconquered  its  freedom, 
could   only  be  kept  steadfast  in   its  faith    by  the  daily 

■  Fra  Benedetto  might  be  cited  as  an  exception  ;  but  he  is  only 
original  and  eloquent  in  the  narration  of  real  events  :  when  touching  on 
religious  questions  he  never  rises  above  the  level  of  commonplace. 


in f.  AND 

•  ■'     Friir's  sermons.     His  voice  on 

their  bea  Ml  can 

that   it'  the  R  of  the  Florentines  survive!  f 

religion. 

A                         rola    tried   to   hide  it  from    himseli 

he  must  :         frequently           sen  thi  lit     At  these 

he  hurled  bitter  reproofs  on  his  mucl           ved 

ed    them    with    the    awful  wrath    of   the 

Lo:\               nounced  that  their  promised  felicity  would 

be  replaced  by  terrible  chastisements.  But  he  had  an 
intense  need  of  trust  and  hope  ;  the  natural  course  of 
events  was  no  longer  to  be  checked,  and  it  was  fatally 
g  him  along.  When  he  first  spoke  to  them  or" 
religion  and  morals,  the  Florentines  were  roused  to  love 
of  liberty  ;  he  had  then  favoured  their  desires  by  comi- 
ng and  promoting  the  foundation  of  a  new  Republic, 
and  *ely  became  the  idol  of  the  multitude.     But 

he  sought  to  make  politics  and  free  institutions  serve  the 
cause  of  religion,  whereas  the  Florentines  wished  to 
subordinate  religion  to  freedom.  Whenever  the  Friar 
lost  sight  of  politics,  he  could  no  longer  command  his 
hearers'  attention.  Hence  he  was  obliged  to  proclaim 
J  us  Christ  King  of  Florence  ;  to  represent  himself  as 
the  mouthpiece  of  the  Virgin,  when  he  counselled  from  the 
pulpit  the  formation  of  the  new  government,  and  declared 
that  the  Almighty  Himself  had  ordained  the  abolition  of 
Parliaments.  He  was  continually  obliged  to  compare  the 
new  order  of  government  with  the  hierarchy  of  the 
angels,  and  the  successive  days  of  the  Florentine  rebellion 
with  the  seven  days  of  the  Creation  !  In  point  of  fact, 
even  while  Savonarola  seemed  omnipotent  over  the 
Florentines,  their  religious  indifference  proved  an  in- 
superable obstacle  ;  it  was  the  only  result  achieved  by  thfe 
Medici  that  he  could  never  entirely  destroy.  The  people 
leapt  from  doubt  to  fanaticism,  and  from  fanaticism  back 


THE  SECRET  OF  SA  VONAROLA'S  TO  WER.       439 

to  doubt,  and  his  best  efforts  notwithstanding  he  never 
succeeded  in  making  them  truly  devout. 

This  is  a  very  important  fact,  and  one  deserving 
of  serious  attention,  since  only  by  its  aid  can  we  com- 
prehend the  unexpected  catastrophe  of  the  strange  drama 
of  Savonarola's  life.  His  aim  was  to  be  the  regenerator 
of  religion  ;  but  the  Florentines  adored  him  as  the 
founder  of  the  Republic.  If  they  showed  so  much  ardour 
in  defending  him  against  the  Pope,  it  was  because  the  latter 
sought  to  reinstate  the  Medici  in  Florence,  and  therefore 
they  upheld  their  own  freedom  in  defending  the  Friar. 
But  if  Alexander  Borgia,  whose  interest  in  religion  was 
of  the  slightest,  had  succeeded  in  separating  the  one 
cause  from  the  other,  Savonarola  could  have  no  longer 
counted  on  the  same  zeal  ;  the  ground  would  have  yielded 
beneath  his  feet. 

Meanwhile — to  resume  our  interrupted  narrative — in 
consequence  of  Savonarola's  sermons  on  Amos  and 
Zechariah,  the  fame  of  the  new  doctrine  was  noised 
throughout  the  world.  It  excited  much  attention  even 
in  the  East,  where  the  Sultan  caused  the  sermons  to  be 
translated  into  Turkish  for  his  own  reading.1  From 
France,  Germany,  and  England  Savonarola  received  letters 
from  new  followers  whom  these  sermons  had  converted 
to  his  views.2  And  at  the  same  time  the  Italian  princes 
addressed  him  sometimes  in  terms  of  flattery  and  then 
of  reproach,  inasmuch  as  all  these  potentates,  being  more 
or  less  uneasy  in  their  conscience,  considered  themselves 
personally  touched  by  his  invectives  against  tyranny  and 
vice. 

The    Duke    of  Ferrara,  however,    who    was   his    true 


1  Burlamacchi,  p.  71. 

a  Savonarola  often  alluded  to  this  in  his  sermons.  "Even  from 
Germany  letters  come  to  us  from  men  having  faith  in  these  things." 
Vide  "  Prediche  sopra  l'Esodo,"  sheet  39.     Florence,  1498. 


•d  a  e  •  and  affi         ite  con 

i    him,  ti  h    his   ambassador   in   Florence. 

e     him  good    advice    and    Bent    him    his 

in  return.1     On  the  other  bandi  Paolo  Somenzi, 

the  M  ,  who   had   always   been  a  pertinacious 

tit,    Was    now    lisina    his    best    efforts    to    persuade 

:    Duke  I  m  loviCO,  also, 
re  well  a  declared  enemy  of  the  Friar. 

(  >n   the    i  2th   of  April,  1496,  this  man,  Somenzi,  sent 
•  a  letter  from  Savonarola,  earnestly  hogging  him 
jive   it  a  gracious  reply,  because  tc  this  Friar  is  now 
of  the  people, and  has  the  power  to  make  it  submit 
to    vour    Highness."     Savonarola's     letter    has    not    been 
served,   but  we  see   by  the  reply  that   he   must   have 
expostulated    with    the     Duke     for    giving     ear     to     his 
detractors,   and   urged   him    to  do   penance  for   his   sins. 
.    .  lovico's  answer    is   so    excessively  gracious    as   to    be 
almost    ironical.      He    excuses    himself    on  the    score    of 
having  heard  that  the  Friar  spoke  ill  of  him,  and  incul- 
cated, from  the  pulpit,  the  duty  of  disobeying  the  Pope  ; 
nevertheless    he   promises   to   believe    no    more   of  these 
calumnies.     As  to  his  own  sins,  says  the  ingenuous  Duke, 
he   is   not   conscious    of   having    committed  any,  having 
always  led  the  life  of  a  good  Christian.     Would  Savona- 
rola kindly  inform  him  what  penance  he  should  perform  ! 
By   the  Duke's  order,  Somenzi  brought  this  letter  to 
St.  Mark's,  repeated  his  visit   on   several   occasions,  and 
tried   by  soft  words  to  induce  Savonarola   to  make   the 
Florentines  join  the  League.     He  also  promised  that  his 
master  would  gain  him  the  favour  of  his  brother,  Cardinal 
Ascanio,  who  was  very  powerful  in  Rome,  and  hitherto 
one  of  the  most  zealous  in  spurring  the  Pope  to  excom- 

1  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxx.,  some  of  Savonarola's 
letters  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.  Others,  including  those  of  the  Duke, 
are  given  in  A.  Cappelli's  "  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  &c. 


SA  FONAR  OLA'S  LETTERS,  44 1 

rnunicate   him.     But  Savonarola  was  neither  to  be  con- 
quered   by  threats    nor    by    blandishments,   and    on    the 
25th  of  April  sent  Ludovico  a  very  dignified  reply.     "  It 
is  not  true  that  I  have  ever  absolutely  asserted  that  the 
Pope  should  be  disobeyed.     This  would  be  reprehensible, 
as  being  contrary  to  the  precepts  of  our  faith,  from  which 
I  have  never  swerved  and  never  intend  to  swerve.     The 
same  calumniators  have  told  you  that  I  speak  ill  of  your 
Lordship,  but  I  allude  to  no  special  person  when  urging 
repentance  upon   all.     And  if  your  Highness  be  in  the 
spiritual  mind  you  give  me  to  understand,  you  have  only 
to  persevere  in   it,   and    can  need  no   better  judge   than 
your  own  conscience."     He  also  told  the  orator,  Somenzi, 
that  he  was  by  no  means  hostile  to  the  Duke,  and  was 
ready  to  do  all  he  could  for  his  welfare  ;  but  at  the  same 
time  «  was  no  fitting  instrument  for  that  which  was  now 
asked  of  him.,,     And   he   added   that    "  the  Florentines 
refused    to    enter    the  League,   for    fear    lest    the  Duke, 
together  with  the  other  powers,  should    aim  at  destroying 
the    popular   government,    and    playing   the    despot    in 
Florence."  I 

In  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same  reasons,  Savonarola 
was  obliged  to  write  to  Galeotto  Pico,  prince  of  Mirandola, 
who  was  then  oppressing  his  States  with  cruel  tyranny, 
and  therefore  deemed  that  he  too  had  been  attacked  in 
the  preacher's  sermons.  The  Friar  again  denied  having 
made  any  personal  attacks,  repeated  that  his  mission  was 
only  to  announce  the  scourge,  and  urge  all  to  repentance.* 
The  prince,  who  was  brother  to  the  famous  Giovanni 
Pico  della  Mirandola,  and  father  of  Giovanni  Francesco 
Pico,  the  biographer  of  Savonarola,  had  a  very  different 
nature  from  that  of  his  kinsmen.     His  life  was  a  series  of 

1  Vide  Appendix    to   the   Italian   edition,   doc.   xxxi.,   the    letters   of 
Somenzi,  Savonarola,  and  the  Duke. 
-  This  letter  has  no  date.     It  was  published  by  Padre  Marchese  in  the 
Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Letter  iv. 


AND  i . 

of  cruel: '  I  long  thcr 

in  a  di  i.     Accordingly 

.  now  c  i  histone,and  on  the  26th  rch, 

biro  a  very  ni'  CCJ      unsel  ) 

to  lb  finer  1  I 

(  .  and  recur  to  piety.     ( 

know  ;i    that    severe    chastisement 

await  :,  and   thai  shall    he  scourged  in  your  sub- 

vour  flesh,  and  your  kindred.  Likewi  !  1  announce 
to  you  that  your  life  is  near  its  end;  that  if  you  obey 
not  my  words,  you  will  go  to  hell,  and  this  letter  will  be 
brought  u]  nst  you  before  the  judgment-seat  of  God, 

and  leave  you  no  way  of  escape."1  And  Gio.  Francesco 
irks  on  this  head:  "  My  father  was  then  in  the 
prime  ot  health  and  strength,  and  seemed  likely  to  have  a 
long  life  ;  nevertheless  he  only  survived  two  years  after 
this  truly  prophetic  letter,  and  from  that  moment  our 
family  history  has  been  a  long  and  sanguinary  tragedy 
that  still  seems  far  from  its  end."  2  The  unhappy  youth 
certainly  did  not  foresee  that  he  was  to  be  one  of  the 
saddest  victims  of  the  disasters  Savonarola  had  foretold. 
On  the  night  of  the  5th  of  February,  1533,  he  was  mur- 
dered by  the  hand  of  his  own  nephew  ! 

But  of  all  these  enraged  potentates  the  Pope  was  by  far 
the  most  incensed,  inasmuch  as  he  had  only  given  Savon- 
arola a  verbal  permission  to  resume  his  sermons,  and 
hoped  that  the  Friar  would  lower  his  tone.  The  Signory, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  expressly  commanded  him  to  re- 
enter the  pulpit,  and  he  had  shown  himself  more  violent 
and  aggressive  than  ever.  Alexander,  therefore,  continued 
to  address  threatening  reproofs  to  the  Florentine  orator, 
Mcsser  Riccardo  Becchi,  not  only  complaining  of  the  Friar, 
but    still    more   of  the    Signory  for    upholding  him  and 

■  This  letter  also  was  published  by  Padre  Marchese,  Letter  v. 
•  To.  Franc.  Pici,  "Vita  Hier.  Savonarola,"  chap.  xxi. 


VIRULENCE  OF  TUE  POPE'S  WRATH. 


443 


basoy  truckling  to  his  will  by  refusing  to  join  the  League 
Consequently  on  the  10th  of  March,  i496,  a  Pratica  was" 
held  to  consult  on  what  should  be  done,  but  no  conclusion 
was  reached     No  one  wished  to  desert  the  French  alliance  • 
all  distrusted  Ludovico  and  the  Pope,  and  all  considered 

M™  £7         2  s    ^T   WSre  indisPensably  required. 
Nevertheless,    dreading    Jest    Borgia   should    proceed   to 
violence,  they  made  an  effort  to  pacify  him.     Even  Piero 
Capponi,    although    one    of    Savonarola's   adherents     re 
marked      with    soldierly    good    sense,    that    thev    must 
remember   what   great    harm    Papal    edicts    had    often 
wrought  on  the  city    «  and  especially  on  our  merchants 
in  divers  parts  of  Christendom."'     The  Ten  wrote  re 
peatedly  to  the  orator  and  the  cardinals   in  Savonarola's 
defence  ■*  but  the  Pope  was  only  the  more  enraged,  and 
curtly  refused  to  grant  any  spiritual  indulgences  atked  by 
the  Florentines  at  that  time.     It  was  decided  to  try  to 
soften  his  anger  by  sending  him,  as  had  been  proposed  at 
M  lir  '  "I1  ambassad°r-extraordinary  in  the  person  of 

Messer  Niccolò  Pandolfini,  Archbishop  of  Pistoia.  But 
directly  the  prelate  entered  the  Pope's  presence,  the  latter 
greeted  him  with  harsh  complaints  against  the  Florentines 
for  remaining  faithful  to  France,  refusing  to  join  The 
Holy  League  for  the  expulsion  of  the  barbarians,  and  thus 
by  their  obstinacy  bringing  Italy  to  ruin.    He  then  spoke 

5  £""?  and  thou§h  his  words  were  few,  they  dis- 
played the  depth  and  virulence  of  his  ill-repressed  wrath 

RennKr  ed  Pi  ArchbishoP  tried  to  exculpate  the 
Republic  in  the  best  way  he  could.  As  regarded  the 
French  alhance,  he  alleged  the  binding  nature  of  treaties 
and  the  constant  hatred  shown  to  the  Republic  by  thè 
Venetians  and  the  Duke.  Then,  as  to  the  Friar  he 
reminded  His  Holiness  how  he  had  himself,  through  the 

I  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti/'  pp.  67-68. 
Ibid.  pp.  63-74. 


AND  TIMI 

.',  autfa         I  him  to  retome  hit  sermons; 
;lcr  t:  -rv  could  believe 

Bui     If    this  point   he 

interrupted  by  the  Pope,  who  Well, 

Fra  Girolamo  just  now  ;  i 

when  we  can  speak  of  him  to 

As  to  the  rest,  you  give  me  nothing  but 

ind   arc  trying  to   keep    Your  foot   in  both  stirrups 
j."  1       Thus  the  first  interview  was  brought  to  an 

Meanwhile  the  Pope  summoned  a  consistory  of  finir- 
ai Dominican  theologians,  charging  them  to  hold 
an  inquiry  on  Savonarola's  conduct  and  doctrines,  so  as 
to  discover  some  mode  of  condemning  and  inflicting 
re  punishment  on  his  followers  as  well  as  on  himself. 
But  it  was  strange  to  see  how  the  principal  charge  brought 
against  Savonarola  by  this  assembly  of  theologians  was 
that  of  having  been  the  cause  of  all  Piero  de  Medici's  mis- 
fortunes.2  What  other  proof  can  be  needed  that  the 
whole  question  was  one  of  political,  not  of  religious  strife? 
The  Ambassador  Becchi  did  not  remain  idle  while  this  was 
going  on  ;  but  profiting  by  the  favour  and  assistance  of 
certaìn  of  the  Cardinals,  went  round  to  all  the  others, 
trying  to  win  them  over  to  the  side  of  the  Republic,  and 
endeavouring  to  gain  time,  since  nothing  else  could  be 
done  at  the  moment. 3 

Meanwhile   Savonarola,  his  sermons  being   ended,  had 
gone  after  Easter  to  Prato,  where  he  had  preached  on  the 

1  In  a  letter  of  the  24th  of  March,  1496,  addressed  to  the  Ten,  Pandol- 
fini  gives  a  minute  report  of  this  dialogue.  Vide  the  "Documenti" 
published  by  Padre  Marchese  in  the  "  Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  pp. 

3  This  at  least  is  the  only  accusation  mentioned  by  the  Ambassador, 
Messer  Riccardo  Becchi,  who  gives  a  full  account  of  this  consistory  in  his 
letter  of  the  5th  of  April,  1496.  "  Documenti  "  published  by  Padre  Mar- 
chese, Ibidem,  p.  152. 

*  Vide  the  same  "  Documenti." 


M  Ak-Il.ln    FIC  IN'  - 


SA  VONAROLAS  SUCCESS  IN  PR  A  TO.  445 

prophet  Joel  from  the  steps  of  the  chapter  house,  and 
afterwards  delivered,  in  the  refectory,  a  sermon  on  faith 
before  all  the  Professors  of  the  Pisan  University,  which, 
by  reason  of  the  war,  had  been  transferred  to  this  town. 
His  success  was  immense  ;  great  numbers  of  people  had 
journeyed  from  Florence  to  hear  him,  and  tf  all  the  land  or 
Prato,"  says  an  old  biographer,  "seemed  turned  into  a 
church/' 1  Several  learned  doctors  were  converted  on  this 
occasion.  A  certain  Messer  Olivieri,  a  canon  of  the 
Duomo  of  Florence  and  a  skilled  Aristotelian,  said  to  his 
pupils  :  "  Let  us  cast  away  our  books  and  follow  this  man, 
for  we  are  scarcely  worthy  of  him."  Marsilio  Ficino, 
then  considered  the  first  philosopher  of  his  age,  expressed 
himself  almost  ecstatically  regarding  the  excellence  of 
Savonarola's  doctrines.  It  was  then,  too,  that  the  famous 
Niccolò  Schomberg  was  converted,  who  afterwards  assumed 
the  robe  of  St.  Mark,  became  Archbishop  of  Capua, 
and  finally  a  Cardinal.2 

x  "Biografia  Latina,"  sheet  21*,  where  there  is  also  mention  of  some 
sermons  given  in  Lucca. 

2  This  journey  is  noticed  in  a  letter  of  the  Ten  to  Becchi.  Padre  Mar- 
chese records  this  letter  in  a  note  at  page  172  of  his  "  Documenti,"  but 
wrongly  dates  it  1498,  instead  of  the  16th  of  April,  1496.  It  runs  thus  : 
"  At  this  present  we  hear  that  he  (Savonarola)  has  gone  to  Prato  and 
Pistoia  ;  and  we  cannot  refrain  from  laughing  at  what  you  tell  us  people 
are  there  saying  about  the  government  of  the  city  depending  on  him, 
for  he  has  never  meddled  in  it,  nor  has  any  of  our  citizens  ever  confided 
the  least  thing  to  him  concerning  it."  And  in  another  letter  of  the 
30th  of  March,  1496,  the  Ten  wrote  :  "  We  marvel  that  so  many  things» 
should  have  been  said  there  about  the  Friar,  as  you  write  to  us  ;  for 
they  are  all  fables  and  fictions  invented  by  some  one  that  seeks  to  accuse 
him  for  some  evil  end.''  Vide  "Archivio  Fiorentino,"  ci.  x.  series  I., 
file  96,  sheet  192.  This  second  letter  is  also  included  by  Padre  Mar- 
chese at  page  105  of  his  "  Documenti." 

We  cannot  ascertain  whether  Savonarola  went  as  far  as  Pistoia  ;  but 
there  is  no  doubt  about  his  visit  to  Prato.  Burlamacchi  mentions  it  at 
page  75,  and  adds  that  he  also  went  to  Pisa.  This,  however,  is  a  mistake, 
since,  as  was  noted  by  Guasti  at  page  43  of  Gherardi's  "Nuovi  Docu- 
menti," Pisa  was  then  at  war  with  Florence.  The  mistake  arose  in  this 
way  :  Burlamacchi  always  faithfully  followed  the  "  Biografia  Latina," and 
in  this  work,  at  sheet  21,  mention  is  made  of  Savonarola's  sermons  to 


446  .         AND  TIMER. 

After  these   new   triumphs   Savonarola  returned  tt  once 

to  i  I  [c  there  hi         !  to  rei        ad  publish  hit 

mplidty  of  the  Christian  Life"   {Delia 

.),  intended  ti  a  us  reply 

of  Rome,  and  in  which,  by  a  complete  ex- 

:i  Oi  the  whole  Cat:  .octrine,  the  author  refuted 

charges  of  hi  ind  schism   his  enemies  were  trying 

linst  him.  The  chief  merit  of  this  treatise 
consists  in  its  giving  an  exact  and  easily-understood  com- 
pendium of  the  leading  dogmas  of  Catholicism.  And 
although  this  only  demanded  clearness  of  form  and  Style, 
none  the  less  it  does  signal  honour  to  Savonarola's  in- 
tellect that  he  should  have  been  the  first  to  attempt  to 
tvee  theology  from  the  burdensome  scholastic  intricacies 
with  which — even  to  this  day — many  writers  still  keep 
it  encumbered,  and  thus  begun  to  make  it  intelligible  to 
the  people.  Later,  we  shall  have  occasion  to  note  the 
presence  of  the  same  qualities  in  another  work  of  far 
greater  extent  and  importance,  of  which  the  present 
treatise,  being  merely,  as  it  were,  a  rough  sketch,  may  be 
passed  over  with  hasty  mention. 

The  author  brought  it  out  in  the  original  Latin,  almost 
simultaneously  with  an  Italian  translation,  by  Girolamo 
Benivieni,1    to    which    he    had    written    a    preface,    again 

the  whole  of  the  Pisan  University  (studio)  u  qui  tunc  ibi  (et  Prato)  flore- 
bat  pulcherimum,"  and  Burlamacchi,  forgetting  that  the  Pisan  University 
had,  on  account  of  the  war,  been  transferred  by  the  Florentines  to  Prato, 
makes  Savonarola  go  to  Pisa  instead,  and  gives  that  city  as  the  scene 
of  the  events  which  took  place  at  Prato.  Landucci  speaks  of  these 
sermons  at  Prato,  and  says  :  "  There  were  so  many  people  from  Florence 
and  all  the  country  round,  that  there  was  a  perfect  rain  of  them." 

1  This  treatise  must  have  been  written  in  January,  1496,  since  on  the 
10th  of  that  month  Savonarola  sent  it,  "still  imperfect,"  to  the  Duke  of 
P^errara,  begging  him  to  keep  it  secret,  because  he  wished  to  revise  and 
correct  it  before  giving  it  to  the  world.  In  fact,  the  letter  sent  to  the 
Duke  with  the  manuscript  is  dated  10th  of  January,  1496.  When  Count 
Carlo  Capponi  published  it  in  his  collection  of  "Alcune  Lettere  di  Fra 
Girolamo  Savonarola,"  &o,  he  considered  the  date  to  be  given  according 


TREATISE  ON  THE  CHRISTIAN  LIFE. 


447 


declaring  his  submission   to   the  authority  of  the  Roman 
Church,  and  explaining  that  he  only  wrote  and  preached 
in  order  «  to  combat  the  unbelief  of  these  times,  in  which 
charity  hath  grown  cold,  and  no  gleam  of  good  works  is 
anywhere   seen."     The   first  book  of  this  treatise  is  the 
only  part  of  it  devoted  to   the  Catholic  doctrines.     He 
begins  by  insisting  on  the  necessity  of  good  works,  then 
proceeds   to  describe  the  Christian  life,  and  says  that  its 
root  and  foundation  entirely  consist  in  the  grace  of  God. 
He  defines  grace,  and  concludes  that  every  Christian  should 
seek  after   it  with  his  whole  soul,  inasmuch  as  without 
grace  good  works  are  of  no  avail.     In  the  same  book  he 
discourses  at  length  on  the  subject  of  the  Divine  ecstasv, 
that  product  of  the  Neo-Platonic  beliefs  to  which  Savona- 
rola was  so  keenly  sensitive.     He  concludes   by  saying 
that,  although,  in  the  state  of  ecstasy,  good  works  are  of 
little  use,  no  Christian  can  ever  attain  to   the  vision  of 
God,  save   after  having  long  abounded  in  charity.     He 
then  treats  of  ceremonials  and  sacrifices,  regarding  which 
he  merely  repeats  the  doctrines  of  Aquinas.     He  pauses 
to  note  the  difference  between  the  sacrifices  of  the  Mosaic 
and  the  Christian  law,  remarking  that  whereas  the  former 
only  acted  as  means,  and  according  to  the  disposition  of 
him  that  offered  them  up,  the  latter  infuse  grace  even  by 
their  own  intrinsic  value.     This  forms  the  conclusion  of 
the  first  and  principal  part  of  the  work.     Its  other   books 
mainly  consist  of  moral  precepts  ;    long  dissertations  on 
inward    simplicity    of  heart;    on    external    simplicity    in 
conduct,  dress,  and  all  else  ;  and  they  conclude  by  describ- 

to  the  old  Florentine  style,  and  that  it  should  therefore  be  chan-ed 

rfSfS^SSS n7 fityle' t0 r4?7;  But this is a mistake> for one edit^' 

W  KTrattaì°  deila  semPhcità  della  vita  cristiana"  was  printed  in 
Xbf''496.  anf  another  in  October,  1496.  As  we  have  already 
c-n  rr avonarola  bemS  a  Ferrarese,   seldom  dated  letters  to  be 

s.nt  out  of  Tuscany,  according  to  the  Florentine  style. 


of  the  t        I  The 

.rly  read,  was  frequently  republisl 
litre   b<  TVice   in   refuting   the 

v  under  which  Pope  Alexand< 
mal  and  political  art  icks. 
[n  f  the  same  year  Savonarola  brought  out 

tn  exposition  of  the  Psalm  u  Qui  regis  Israel,"  in  which 
he  besought  the  Lord  to  come  to  rescue  the  world  from 
its  present  depth  of  degradation.  u  For  now  all  religion 
is  extinguished,"  he  said,  "and  it  is  the  general  practice  to 
be  one  day  in  the  theatre,  and  the  next  in  the  episcopal 
chair;  to  be  in  the  theatre  to-day,  and  to-morrow  a  canon 
in  the  choir  ;  to-day  a  soldier,  and  to-morrow  a  priest." 
Mi  eting  with  the  word  aper  in  the  course  of  the  Psalm,  he 
dwells  on  the  instincts  of  that  animal,  and  finds  vices 
corresponding  to  every  one  of  them  in  the  priesthood  of 
the  day.  He  then  again  addresses  the  Lord,  exclaiming, 
w  Show  to  us  at  last  Thy  face,  Thy  light,  and  Thy  truth."  2 

1  This  was  printed  in  Latin  at  Florence,  anno  domini  1496,  quinto 
kalcndas  scptembris,  by  Ser  Piero  Pacini.  The  same  printer  published 
an  Italian  translation  of  it  on  the  last  day  of  October,  1496.  It  was 
again  reprinted  during  the  fifteenth  century,  without  any  indication  of 
time  or  place  ;  and  in  the  sixteenth  century  many  fresh  editions  appeared 
in  Florence,  Venice,  Paris,  and  Cologne,  also  one  at  Leyden  in  1633,  and 
another  at  Grenoble  in  1677.  Father  Philippe  Chant,  of  the  Company  of 
Jesus,  translated  it  into  French  and  published  it  in  Paris  in  1672.  In 
exposition  of  almost  the  same  theme,  Savonarola  afterwards  produced 
two  dialogues  entitled,  "  Solatium  itineris  mei."  He  began  the  first  in 
the  shape  of  a  discussion  between  Sense  and  Reason  ;  but  finding  it  was 
growing  too  long  and  felli  of  quotations,  he  left  it  unfinished  and  rewrote 
it  in  a°simpler  form,  better  adapted  for  popular  use.  Soul  and  In- 
telligence are  now  the  interlocutors  ;  they  speak  of  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  future  life,  attack  the  errors  of  the  Jews,  and  finally  discourse  of 
"the  road  to  the  heavenly  land  "  that  is  indicated  by  the  title.  Both 
these  little  works  appeared  in  Venice  subsequently  to  the  author's  death 
—in  Italian  in  1535,  and  in  Latin  in  1536.  As  the  chief  object  of  all 
Savonarola's  writings  was  the  good  of  the  people,  he  expounded  the  same 
ideas  in  many  different  shapes,  the  better  to  impress  them  on  his  readers' 
minds,  and  to  diffuse  them  in  all  ranks  of  society. 

2  "Expositio  Fratris  Hicronymi  Savonarola^  psalmi  lxxix.,  Qui  regis 
Israel,"  &c     Florentine  anno  salutis,  1496,  iv.  Kalcndas  Maii.     On  the 


SERMONS  ON  RUTH  ANI)  MIC  AH.  449 

This  was  truly  characteristic  of  Savonarola  !  Submissive 
as  to  dogma,  he  was  daring  to  the  pitch  of  audacity  as 
regarded  points  of  discipline,  and  to  the  last  hour  of 
his  life  always  remained  the  same. 

In    the    month   of  May  he  returned  to  the  pulpit  to 
preach  Sunday  sermons  on   the    Book   of  Ruth  and    on 
Micah.     This  time  also  his  discourses  were  few  and  ex- 
tremely long;  frequently,  after  remaining  silent  two  or  three 
weeks,  or  even  a  month,  he  would  preach  in  the  Duomo 
for  many  hours  at  a  stretch.     He  hoped  by  this  course  to 
avoid  giving  the  Pope  continual  cause  of  complaint,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  keep  alive  the  people's  enthusiasm  for  his 
teachings  and  their  own  freedom.     "  We  are  still  here," 
he    told    them,    "  instead   of  having    fled,   as  some  have 
declared.     The  first  motive  that  urged  us  to  come  was  the 
calumnies  of  these  foes.     We  also  discerned  that  for  lack 
of  dew  from  the  pulpit,  everything  was  becoming  withered 
and   our    numbers  diminished.      I  will   even    confess    to 
ye  that  I  cannot  live  without  preaching  ;   and,  finally,  I 
am    here    in    obedience  to  Him  that  is   the    Prelate  of 
prelates  and  the  Pope  of  popes."     Savonarola  explained 
in  these  sermons  how  the   Lord's  spirit  descended  on  the 
priesthood   through   the  medium  of  the  saints,  and  was 
then  diffused  among  the  whole  people.     "  But  now,"  he 
added,  "the  corruption  of  the  clergy  and  the  corruption 
of  the    Church    prevent    the  spirit    from    being    diffused 
among  believers.     Therefore  we  must  needs  beseech  God 
to  help  us,  and  send  down  the  scourge  that,  by  correcting 
the  Church,  will  re-open  the  way  for  an  abundant  diffusion 
of  grace  and  of  the  spirit." 

On  the  23rd  of  May  he  invoked  the  descent  of  the 

8th  of  June  two  new  Italian  editions  of  it  appeared  in  Florence,  a  third 
at  Modena  in  the  same  year,  and  another  one  (undated)  in  Florence.  In 
1509  it  was  again  reprinted  in  Florence,  at  Lugano  in  1=540,  at  Tubingen 
in  1621,  and  also  in  other  places. 

30 


45o  J  fJFE  AND  TIMES. 

nt  .uni  ira] 
his  moved  And  tl 

.   in   resuming  the  same  subject,  he  said, 
"]  oi   the  phu 

n  the  the  prelates,  who  should  be  ti 

the  Church,  produce  no  virtues  in  the 

as  their  qualities  he  evil  or  good.    When 

the]  corrupt,  the   whole  Church  and   all   Christianity 

rnipt      Then  the   righteous   are   I  d   to  tern 

warfare  ;   inasmuch  as  they  are  hound  to  obedience,  because 
all  superior  pov.  .mates  from  God  ;   hut   they  are  not 

hound  to  yield  to  commands  opposed  to  the  law  of  God. 
Wherefore  there  is  great  tribulation,  great   warfare  when 
Christian    princes  are   had,  and  greater  still  when    to  the 
temporal    power   the  spiritual  also  is  united.      Thereupon 
the  anguish  becomes  unbearable  ;  nevertheless  we  have  to 
main   submissive,  for  it  is  not   the  Lords  will  that  the 
keys  be  changed.     They  (the  wicked  princes)  have  a  double 
power,  the  spiritual  and  temporal  conjoined,  and  use  both 
in  defence  of  evil.     How  then,  can  we  live  the  good  life  ? 
All  seem  to  have  fear  of  goodness.      It  was  far  happier  in 
the  days  of  the  apostles  ;   for  they  at  least  were  not  bound 
to  respect  an  authority  with  which  they  were  at  war.  What, 
therefore,  can  be  done  at  present  ?     We  must  await  the 
coming  of  the  scourge."     Then,  addressing  himself  to  the 
clergy,  he  said,  "  I  am  the  gate,  crieth  the  Lord  to  ye,  and 
he  that  enters  not  by  this  gate  is  a  thief.     Thou,  prelate, 
that  buyest  benefices,  art  a  thief  ;  thou,  father,  that  buyest 
them  for  thy  children,  art  a  thief.     Traffic  not,  I  say,  in 
spiritual  things  ;  ye  have  them  gratis,  therefore  gire  them 
gratis  to  others.     Who,  then,  will  follow  the  Lord's  sum- 
mons ?  who  will  be  clothed  in  simplicity  and  forsake  all 
things  for  the  Church  ?      O  prelates  !  O  lords  of  Italy  ! 
come    forward  !     Will    ye    take    this    woman  ?      Behold, 
this   is  their  reply  :    c  Cedo  jura  propinquità  is.'       They 


THE  SERMON  TO  THE  SIGNORY.  451 

yield   their  rights,  and  will  have  none  of  them.     Be  ye 

therefore  witnesses  unto  me,  that  I  have  called  on  them 

without  cease  for  the  last  six  years  ;  or  rather  Christ  hath 

cailed  on  them  through  me,  yet  they  have  refused  to  come 

and  they  renounce   their    rights.      Wherefore  strip  their 

benefices  from  them,  O  Lord,  and  deprive  them  of   all 

things.     The  sword,  the  sword,  that  is  the  sole  remedy  ' 

I  warn  thee,  O  Italy!  I  warn  thee,  O  Rome,  that  by  Christ 

alone  canst  thou  be  saved  !     The  time  hath  not  yet  come 

to  send  the  Holy  Spirit  ;  but  the  time  will  come,  and  then, 

0  Lord,  Thou  shalt  be  praised  in  all  eternity."  * 

<  Thus  this  sermon  ended,  and  nearly  all  the  rest  con- 
tinued in  the  same  strain  to  the  20th  of  August,  1496.   On 
that  day  we  find  him  preaching  in  the  Hall  of  the  Greater 
Council,   by  request   of  the   Signory.       Inspired  by    his 
surroundings,  he  now  recurred  to  politics,  and  in  rendering 
a  general  account  of  his  past  life,  seized  the  opportunity 
to  rebut  the  numerous  charges  which  were   being   spread 
against  him.     «  The  clergy  wrongfully  complain  of  me. 
It  I  have  attacked  vice,  I  have  attacked  no  individual  in 
particular.      But   still  greater  wrong  is   done  me  by  the 
citizens,  who  go  about  crying  that   I  meddle  in  all  the 
business  of  the  State.     I  have  never  intervened  in   your 
affairs  ;  both  in  public  and  in  private  I  have  said,  and  now 
repeat  in  this  place,  that  such  is  not  my  office;  and  even 
did  I  seek  to  interfere  in  those  things,  no  one  ought  to  give 
ear  to  me.     What  if  I  have  suggested  good  laws  for  the 
well-being  of  the  people  and  its  liberty  ?  what  if  I  have 
checked  discord  and  pacified  men's  minds  ?     All  that  hath 
been  to  the  glory  of  God  ;  and  those  men  would  stone  me 
for  a  good   work.      They   go  about  crying:   The  Friar 
would  have  money,  the  Friar  hath  secret  intelligences,  the 

1  "  Prediche  sopra  Rut  e  Michea,"  delivered  on  the  festival  days  of  the 
year  1496,  after  the  end  of  Lent:  Florence,  1497;  Venice,  icn  • 
bermon  >  J  J  * 


SdVONAJtOUtS  EM  AND  TIMES. 

ir   would   play  the  tyrant,  the    Friar  would  have  a 
hit     And  I  tell  \c  that  Had   I  desired  such 
things,  1  should  not  Ik*  wearing  a  tattered  robe  it  th 
hour.  I  would  be  glorified  only  in  Thee,  my  God!   Ncith 

linils1  hats  would    I  have,  hut  only  the  gift 

1        .         •  conferred  on  Thy  saints— death,  I  crimson  hat, 

a  hat  reddened  frith  hlo.nl  ;   that  is  my  desire.      But  I  tell 

that    unless    ve    provide    against    these    murmurings, 
great  hurt  will  befall  venir  city."      After  this  introductory, 
.onarola  proceeded  to  offer  suggestions  for  the  security 
i  \   the    new   government.       lie  advised    that  the  councd 
should  be  allowed  full  liberty  of  discussion  and  authorized 
s  its  opinions,  but  that  a  law  should   be   passed 
at  the  same  time  for  the  severe  punishment  of  all  persons 
spreading  slander  in  the  city.      "  When  the  citizens  are 
gathered  together,  no  man  can  speak  to  the  purpose  un- 
less he  may  speak  his  whole  mind.     Therefore  let  all  have 
faculty  to  say  what  they  will.      O  Father,  there  be  many 
in  whom  one  can  put  no  faith.     Have  no  care  for  that. 
Let  them  speak,  for  by  their  deeds  shall  they  be  known. 
But  see  ye  that  heavy  penalties  be  inflicted  on  such  as  go 
about  speaking  evil  of  that  which  hath  been  said   in  the 
council.       If   thou  art  ill  content   with    that  which  thy 
neighbour  saith,  do  not  speak  ill  of  him,  but  come  forth 
and   declare    to  him  :    I    like   not  your   reasons,  and   then 
give  him  better  ones  in  return.     But  if  ye  be  distrustful 
the  one   of  the  other,   and  do   nought    but   slander  one 
another,  then  shall  ye   reap   nought  save  dissension  and 
discord." l  v 

The  delivery  of  this  sermon  in  the  Hall  of  the  Greater 
Council,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  magistrates  and  leading 

1  Sermon  of  the  20th  of  August,  "sopra  Rut  e  Michea."  This  sermon  is 
also  mentioned  by  Marin  Sanudo,  who  records  in  his  "  Diarii,"  vol  i. 
pp.  284-285)  Venice,  1879),  that  tnis  sermon  was  given  in  the  Hall  of  the 
Great  Council  for  the  purpose,  as  he  says,  of  keeping  the  Florentines 
firm  to  their  alliance  with  the  French. 


FLORENCE  AGAIN  APPEALS  TO  HIM  FOR  AID.  453 

citizens  of  Florence,  seems  almost  to  carry  us  back  a 
couple  of  years  to  the  brilliant  and  successful  days  when 
the  Friar  was  engaged  on  the  foundation  of  the  new  Re- 
public. How  could  the  Florentines  find  courage  for  this 
open  defiance  of  the  Borgia's  wrath,  this  disregard  for  his 
threats  and  his  briefs  ?  We  are  forced  to  conclude  that 
some  great  change  must  have  taken  place  in  the  position 
of  the  State.  In  fact  the  new  events  occurring  in  Italy, 
had  evoked  so  many  new  dangers  on  all  sides,  that 
men  turned  in  their  alarm  to  the  Friar,  who  alone  had 
been  able  to  steer  them  safely  through  their  worst  diffi- 
culties. And  although  his  former  efforts  had  been  so 
ungratefully  repaid,  he  again  devoted  himself  to  the 
defence  of  the  Republic,  and  met,  as  we  shall  presently 
see,  with  a  still  baser  and  more  cruel  reward. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THF  S7RAITS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  o-/.\l)  THE  DISASTRI 

V   WAR.     THE  DEATH  OF  PIERO 
:.      -Tilt-    THREATS    OF    THE   oIIJ.Il.S,    WHO 
Si  V    77/.         MPEROR  MqAXIMILIqAN    TO    //'■':.). 

THE    NEW    BRIEF   ISSI  ED    BY    THE    Pani-:   &ÌGAINST 
SAVi  NAROLA    •  fND    THE  LATTER'S  REPLY.     THE  RE- 
PUBLIC IS  BESIEGED  IN  LEGHORN  BY  'Jill 
THE  EMPER  >  OF  THE  LEAGUE.     SAVONAROLA 

RETURNS   TO   'J 'III-:  PULPIT,   AND    THE   FLORENTINES 
tRE  AfIRACULOUSL  Y  RI  D  I- ROM  EVERY  DANGER. 


(149Ó.) 


>J7^Vs)  HE   turbulent    vicissitudes   of  the  past 
/)$    years  had  paralyzed  the  commerce  and 


industry  of  Florence  ;  the  exorbitant 
sums  paid  to  the  French  king  and 
spent  on  the  war  had  been  a  continual 
strain  on  its  resources,  and  the  public 
credit  was  lowered  to  such  an  extent  that  a  bond  of  100 
florins  on  the  Communal  Bank  was  only  worth  ten  florins 
in  the  market.1  For  the  last  two  years  the  Signory  had 
summoned  a  meeting  of  the  council  almost  every  month, 
to  demand  frcsh  supplies  and  impose  fresh  taxes  ; 2  but  by 

*  A  luogo  of  the  Communal  Bank  corresponded,  as  we  have  before 
explained,  with  what  would  now  be  called  a  share  in  the  funds. 

2  Although  by  the  law  of  1495  the  citizens  were  only  bound  to  pay  one- 
tenth  {Decima)  of  their  yearly  income,  the  books  of  the  Decrees  (in  the 
Florence  Archives)  are  full  of  successive  new  tithes  {Decime)  levied  by 
the  Signory  and  the  councils. 


WAR,  PESTILENCE  AND  FAMINE.  455 

this    time    both    public   and    private    funds  were   equally 
exhausted.     To  these  troubles  famine  was  added  ;  for  the 
rural  districts  were  cruelly  pinched  by  hunger,  and  the 
peasantry  nocking  to  Florence  in  troops.     According  to 
the  old  law  they  would  have  been  expelled  as  foreigners  ; 
but  the  new  rule  of  charity  accorded  them  a  brotherly 
welcome.     There  was  much  discussion  on  the  point,  it  is 
true,  but  the  Friar's  adherents  carried  the  day,  and  'gave 
shelter  in  their  own  houses  to  as  many  persons  as  possible.1 
Then,  however,  all  poured  into  Florence,  and  misery  in- 
creased.    The  sight  of  those  haggard  rustics  augmented 
the  general  depression,  and  there  were  already  a  few  cases 
of  death  from  the  plague.2 

Nor  did  any  better  luck  attend  the  campaign  against 
Pisa,  where  the  besieging  forces  were  daily  dwindling  away 
from  lack  of  provisions  and  money.  On  several  occasions 
Florence  had  the  pain  of  seeing  'some  of  her  mercenary 
leaders  desert  to  the  enemy  for  higher  pay  ;  since  the 
Pisans  were  always  receiving 'fresh  supplies  now  that  Duke 
Ludovico  and  the  Venetian  Republic  were  trying  to 
gain  a  foothold  in  that  city.  Thus,  while  the  Florentines 
saw  the  enemies  they  faced  daily  growing  in  strength  and 
numbers,  other  foes  were  attacking  them  in  the  rear. 
The  peasants  whose  fields  had  been  for  two  years  ravaged 
by  the  war,  were  now  suffering  from  famine,  and,  maddened 
by  hunger,  often  broke  out  in  revolt  and  attacked  the  camp 

*  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  104. 

9  Nardi  vol  i.  p  104  and  fol.  See,  too,  the  "Biografia  Latina  "  and 
Burlamacchi.  In  Landucci's  "Diario,"  p.  127,  we  read  :  "Just  at  this 
time  the  plague  assailed  us  worse  ;»  and  at  pages  132  and  134,  that  the 
disease  known  under  the  name  of  French  boils  (bolle  franciose)  was 
spreading  very  rapidly  that  year.  As  we  see  by  a  debate  of  the  3rd  of 
March,  1496,  measures  were  already  being  taken  to  check  the  pestilence, 
f,n(l  5a.vTona"la  w,rote  to  his  brother  Alberto  on  the  24th  of  July,  UQ7, 
that  More  people  are  dying  of  certain  malignant  fevers  than  of  real 
plague. 


SAI         I A  OLA'S  LIFE  AND  Ti  Mrs. 

mat  numbers  and  with  bo  much  fury  that  it  vn 
them  In-  for 
Pi  by  this  state  of  things,  the  Pisani  sallied  forth 

under  the  command  in  Paolo  Manfroni,  and  gave 

\YAV  the  whole  of  the  besieging  irmy.     Both  udì 

fought    well;    but   the   Florentines   were    compelled    to 

all  their  St  ."his   in   the   plain    and    withdraw 

to  the  hills.-     rowards  the  middle  of  September  they  were 

tin  attacked,  and  forced  to  surrender  their  position  on 
the  hills,  thus  forfeiting  all  their  previous  advantages. 
Thereupon  the  enemy,  pushing  forward  with  increased 
daring  endeavoured  to  cut  the  communications  between 
Leghorn  and  Florence.3  Had  the  attempt  succeeded,  the 
Florentines  would  have  been  utterly  ruined,  as  ^  by  no 
other  road  could  necessary  supplies  of  corn  be  obtained. 

But  of  all  their  disasters,  the  greatest  and  most  depres- 
sing  to   men's   minds  was  the  death  of   that   brave   and 

nerous  citizen,  Piero  Capponi,  on  the  25th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1496.  He  was  laying  siege  to  the  castle  of 
Soiana,  in  the  hope  of  recapturing  it  from  the  enemy,  and, 
according  to  his  usual  habit  of  doing  the  work  of  a 
common  soldier  as  well  as  of  commander,  was  engaged  in 
planting  his  guns  against  the  walls,  when  a  shot  from  the 
Pisans  struck  him  down.4  His  biggest  gun  had  burst  on 
the  previous  day,  and  this  had  seemed  to  him  so  evil  an 
omen,  that  he  had  predicted  his  own  death,  and  written 
to  his  confessor,  Fra  Salvestro  Maruffi,  asking  him  to 
commend  his  soul  to  God.5  The  news  of  this  event 
spread   incredible  terror  both  in  the  camp  and  the  city. 

1  Nardi  and  Guicciardini. 
■  Soiana,  Terriccinola,  Cigoli,  and  others. 
3  Guicciardini,  Nardi,  Sismondi. 

*  See   Acciajoli's    "Vita   del  Capponi,"  published  in  the    ** Archivio 
Storico  Italiano,"  vol.  iv.  part  ii. 
s  Machiavelli,  "  Frammenti    Storici  :  Opere  "    (Italy,    1813),   vol.    11. 

p.  30&- 


DEATH  OF  PIERO  CAPPONI.  457 

His  soldiers  fled  in  dismay  from  Soiana  and  refused  to 
continue  the  siege.1  In  Florence  the  Government  imme- 
diately decreed  splendid  obsequies  to  Capponi  at  the 
expense  of  the  State  ;  and  no  other  citizen  was  ever  so 
universally  mourned.  His  corpse  was  conveyed  up  the 
Arno  to  Florence  in  a  funeral  barge,  exhibited  to  the 
public  in  his  house  by  the  Trinità  bridge,  and  then  borne 
to  Santo  Spirito,  followed  by  all  the  magistrates  and  a 
countless  multitude  of  people.  The  church  was  illumined 
by  quantities  of  huge  torches,  and  the  walls  were  draped 
with  four  rows  of  banners,  in  which  the  arms  of  the  magis- 
trates alternated  with  those  of  the  Capponi.  Eulogistic 
speeches  were  pronounced  over  his  bier,  extolling  the 
deeds  and  lamenting  the  loss  of  this  valiant  soldier  and 
eminent  citizen.  His  remains  were  then  laid  to  rest  in  the 
tomb  prepared  by  his  grandfather  Neri,  for  his  illustrious 
great-grandfather  Gino  Capponi.2 

But  fate  had  fresh  adversities  in  store  for  Florence. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  perils  by  which  she  was 
threatened,  the  allies  pressed  her  from  all  sides,  to  induce 
her  to  break  with  France  and  join  in  the  so-called  Holy 
Alliance.  Aware  of  the  great  detestation  in  which  Piero 
de*  Medici  was  held,  they  said  no  more  about  him,  but 
promised  to  maintain  the  free  government  of  Florence, 
and  assist  it  to  conquer  Pisa,  provided  it  would  enter  the 
League  ;  otherwise  they  threatened  instant  war  to  the 
Republic.  The  Arrabbiati  favoured  the  pretences  of  the 
allies,  but  the  people  unanimously  opposed  them,  knowing 
well  that  these  were  merely  intended  to  pave  the  way  for 
a    change  of  Government^  and  also  because  no  reliance 

1  Acciajoli,  "  Vita  di  P.  Capponi." 

2  In  the  same  church  of  Santo  Spirito.      Vide  Acciajoli's  "  Vita  di 
Piero  Capponi,"  Giovanni  Cambi,  "  Cronica  "  of  the  25th  of  September 

1496. 

3  "  The  which  caused  much  trouble  and  murmuring  among  the  people, 
who  were  universally  agreed  not  to  break  with  his  Majesty  the  King 


AND  TIM  is. 

could  be  felt  in  t!  west  too  ill- 

ji    .  anythi 

r  hand,  1\:      (  Iking  of  a 

to  Italy,  and  9  !enn  d  ft  »  be  already  pre- 

nterpri  dingly  decided  to 

rm  to  the  alliance  with  Fran 

But  this  rumoured  return  of  the  French  filled  the  soul 

i  f  Duke  Ludovico  with  fresh  alarms.     1  [ewho  boasted  of 

being  the  umpire  of  Italy,  and  was  the  chief  author  of  all 

turbances,  now  trembled  at  every  change  of  the 
wind,    in    continual    fear    of    losing    the    power    he    had 

:.  We  find  him  at  once  planning  new  treaties  and 
alliances,  summoning  fresh  strangers.  For  some  time  past 
he  hail  been  on  good  terms  with  the  Emperor  Maximilian,1 
who  had  taken  one  of  his  nieces  to  wife,  and  granted  him 
the  investiture  of  the  Milanese  duchy  as  a  hef  of  the 
Empire.  He  therefore  conceived  the  idea  of  inviting 
Maximilian  to  come  to  Italy  to  possess  himself  of  the  iron 
crown,  re-establish  the  diminished  authority  of  the 
Empire,  and  act  as  arbiter  in  the  many  dissensions  of  the 
different  States.  The  presence  and  authority  of  the 
Emperor  would  suffice,  he  thought,  to  prevent  the 
coming  of  the  French  ;  and  furthermore,  Maximilian 
being  entirely  unprovided  with  men  and  money,  would  be 
necessarily  dependent  on  those  who  could  furnish  him 
with  both.  And  Ludovico  manoeuvred  so  dexterously 
that  he  was  authorized  to  invite  him  in  the  name  of  the 
League  and  promise  him  40,000  ducats  monthly,  for 
three  months  ;  of  which  sum  16,000  were  to  be  supplied 
by  the  Venetians,  as  much  by  Ludovico  himself,  and  8, coo 

especially  because  of  their  doubts  that  certain  evil-disposed  citizens 
were  secretly  plotting,  by  this  means  of  the  League,  to  alter  the  present 
government  of  the  Republic  "  (Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  90).  The  same  is  to  be 
inferred  from  the  letters  of  the  Italian  ambassadors  in  Florence. 

1  At  that   time   he   was   only   King  of  the   Romans,  although  called 
Emperor  by  the  Italians. 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  DAUPHIN'S  DEATH.        459 

by  the  Pope,  on  condition,  however,  that  the   Emperor 
brought  an  army  strong  enough  to  achieve  some  effect.1 

But  at  this  juncture  it  was  learnt  that  King  Charles  had 
renounced  all  idea  of  returning  to  Italy.     That  monarch 
was  once  more  expecting  to  become  a  father,  and  was  too 
much  absorbed   by  this   joyful    hope  to  think  of  other 
things.  ^  In  fact  a  son  was   born  to  him  in  September  ; 
but  it  died  the  following  month,  leaving  the  king  so  over- 
whelmed by  grief,  that  he  took  no  measures  to  relieve  the 
scanty  remains  of  his  army,  left  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
who,  without  supplies,  and  hard  pressed  on  all  sides,  were 
on  the  point  of  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands.     The  news 
Dt  the  Dauphins  death  produced  various  effects  in  Italy 
[t    was    regarded   in  Florence   as   a   fresh  verification   of 
Savonarola's    prophecies.       Then    the    intelligence    that 
sharks  had  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  Italy  slackened  the 
eagerness  of  the  allies  for  the  Emperor's  arrival,  and  mad- 
■hem  almost  retract  their  offers.     But  Ludovico,  although 
iow  unsupported,  firmly  adhered  to  his  purpose,  and  pressed 
11m  to  come  even  more  eagerly  than  before,  in  the  hope 
hat  being  now  his  sole  ally,  he  would  be  able  to  lead 
nm    as    he    chose.     While    Maximilian    was    marching 
owards  the  frontier,  the  Pope  was  encouraged  by  the  new 
spect  of  affairs  to  put  an  end  to  delay  and  come  to  open 
rar  with  the  Florentines.      His  forces  and  those  of  the 
■ìenese  stationed  at  the  bridge  of  Valiano,  attempted  to 
ivade  the  territory  of  the   Republic.       After  repeated 
epulses,  however,  they  were  driven  to  flight  and  com- 
pelled to  seek  refuge  at  Montepulciano.     But  although 

"  Sismondi,  "Histoire  des  Républiques  Italiennes,"  vol.  vi.  p.  460 
1  Guicciardini*  «  Stona  d'Italia,"  vol.  ii.  p.  69,  we  find  it  stated  that  the 
■mperor  was  promised  60,000  ducats,  and  that  Ludovico  the  Moo? 
jdertopk  to  give  him  30,000  more.  But  so  deep  was  the  distrust  of  the 
lorentines  for  the  League  that,  as  Nardi  writes,"  It  was  pubhc  y  sta  ed 
at  their  (the  Florentine)  dominions  had  been  amicably  divided  and 
DPortioned  among  the  said  members  of  the  League  »  ("  Istorie,"  vol  i 


SAW  OLA'S  ////-  AND  TIME 

Florentines  were  victorious,  this  event  had  forced  them 

iken  the  irmy  before  Pisa»  while  it  was  in  the  sad 

we  h.ive  recently  described,  and  at  a  moment  when 

the         menta  of  Ludovico  and  the  Emperor  kept  them 

in  dread  offV         ttacka  from  the  north.1 

The  Emperor,  in  fact,  had  already  crossed  the  Al] 
uut  with  so  small  a  force,  that,  as  if  from  a  sense  of  shame, 

he  led   passing   through  Milan,  where   the  Duke   had 

made  grand  preparations  to  receive  him.   Taking  the  route 

by  Genoa  instead,  he  sailed  from  that  city  on  the  8th  of 
(  October,  with  six  Venetian  galleys  and   a  few  Genoese 

ships.  Disembarking  at  Spezia,  he  marched  inland  to 
Pisa,  with  only  1,000  foot  soldiers,  who  were  soon  joined 
.  a  second  thousand,  and  five  hundred  horse.  The  Pisans 
gave  him  the  heartiest  welcome,  lodged  him  sumptuously, 
and,  rushing  to  the  bridge  over  the  Arno,  cast  into  the 
river  the  statue  of  King  Charles,  and  set  up  the  Emperor's 
in  its  place.  They  were  full  of  hope,  well  supplied  with 
men  and  money,  good  leaders,  and  abundant  provisions. 
Reinforcements,  too,  were  pouring  in  from  all  sides,  and 
now,  as  a  piece  of  additional  good  luck,  came  this  oppor- 
tunity of  gaining  the  prestige  and  power  of  the  Empire 
in  favour  of  their  cause.2 

With  the  Florentines,  on  the  other  hand,  all  things 
fared  badly,  fate  and  mankind  being  equally  adverse,  but 
nevertheless  they  faced  their  ill-fortune  with  admirable 
energy.  Their  courage  never  failed  ;  they  went  on  col- 
lecting men,  money,  and  all  obtainable  provisions,  and  sent 
everything  to  the  camp.  They  appealed  to  the  patriotism  of 
Florentine  merchants  settled  in  France  for  contributions  in 
aid  of  their  native  land,  urging  them  to  hire  soldiers,  send 
corn,  and  do  everything  in  tVieir  power  as  behoved  good 

1  Nardi,  Guicciardini,  Sismondì.  '  .. 

•  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  103  and  fol.;  Guicciardini,  "Stona  d  Italia,'  vol.  11. 
p.  Si  ;  Sismondi,  vol.  vi.  p.  465. 


THE  IMPLACABLE  ENMITY  OF  THE  POPE.    461 

citizens.     Nor  did  their  efforts  stop  here  ;  for  on  perceiv- 
ing  that   at  this  moment  Leghorn  was  the   key  of  the 
Tuscan  territories,  and  about  to  be  attacked  by  the  foe, 
they  instantly  furnished  it  with  abundant  supplies,  and 
set  to  work  so  vigorously  to  strengthen  its  defences,  that 
it    seemed    well-nigh  incredible  how    in    their  straitened 
condition  they  could  accomplish  so  much.1     And,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  the  Signory's  first  thought  was  to  secure 
Savonarola's  help,  and  induce  him  to  rouse  the  courage  oi 
the  masses,  who  disheartened  by  the  many  dangers  and 
enemies  arrayed  against  them,  were  apparently  incapable 
of  effort  without  the  stimulus  of  his  voice.     Savonarola 
had  promptly  and  readily  undertaken  the  task  of  encou- 
raging the  more  influential  citizens.     But  he  had  not  yet 
returned  to    the    pulpit,   foreseeing   that  if  he   began  to 
preach,  the  Roman  Court  would  instantly  make  him  the 
object  of  fiercer  and  more  threatening  attacks,  such  as  he 
felt  reluctant  to  provoke. 

For,  of  all  the  Republic's  foes,  Alexander  was  un- 
doubtedly the  most  virulent.  The  Duke  of  Milan  would 
lave  been  satisfied  for  the  present  by  seeing  the  Arrab- 
biati gain  the  upper  hand  in  Florence,  and  the  Venetians 
)y  acquiring  some  influence  in  Pisa;  but  the  Pope  aimed 
it  the  total  destruction  of  the  Republic,  and  the  tempo- 
ary  reinstatement  of  the  Medici,  to  pave  the  way  for 
lis  own  sons.  Unlike  all  the  other  allies,  who  were 
:ontent  to  await  the  coming  of  the  Emperor,  he  could 
lot  restrain  his  eagerness,  and  began  the  attack  with 
lis  own  troops.  His  ruling  motive  was  hatred  for 
Savonarola,  whose  return  to  the  pulpit  he  greatly  feared, 
mowing  that  the  Florentines,  if  again  guided  by  their 
7riar  and  cheered  by  his  voice,  would  probably  be 
apable  of  heroic  resistance.  And  in  that  case  all  the 
lopes  inspired  by  the  Emperor's  descent  might  speedily  be 
1  Nardi,  Sismondi,  and  Guicciardini. 


\62         s,u\  '  yd  mas. 

crushed.     IK*  thcr  m  to  weave  fn 

war,  for  the 
■  ■  it  this  moment,  arici  the  affair 

tblic   were   rapidly  goin  -   from    bad   to   m 

1     •   [mperial   trooj  4,cco  strong  by  the 

Veil         and  Milanese  contingents,  were  already  pushing 

the  sky  •  i  f  Leghorn.     The  Venetian  fi  Id  the 

1  the  port,  while  a  company  of  their  soldiers 
•  Sacco  bridge  to  cut  the  communica- 
tions   b  i       'lorn   and    the   army   encamped   before 

UL  Nevertheless  the  Florentines  provided  for  the 
with  a  courage  worthy  of  the  old  days  of  their 
Republic. 

First  of  all  they  despatched  Antonio  Canigiani  to  restore 
discipline  in  the  camp  where  there  had  been  much  disorder 
since  Capponi's  death,  and  he  was  also  instructed  to  con- 
centrate the  army  at  Montopoli,  in  readiness  to  march  on 
whatever  point  circumstances  or  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  might  dictate.  Bettino  da  Ricasoli,  the  governor  of 
Leghorn,  was  noted  for  his  energy  and  military  talents,  and 
now  the  Ten  sent  him  a  reinforcement  of  three  hundred 
men,  under  the  command  of  Count  Cecco,  who,  profiting 
by  a  dark  stormy  night  and  heavy  rain,  contrived  to  slip 
through  the  enemies'  lines  and  make  his  wray  into  the  city. 
Thus  strengthened,  the  garrison  made  several  brilliant 
sallies,  in  which  the  Imperialists  were  defeated.  Also, 
even  in  the  midst  of  their  adversities,  it  was  a  great 
advantage  to  the  Florentines  that  the  Emperor  should  not 
only  be  so  incapable  of  directing  the  war,  but  likewise  be 
hampered  rather  than  helped  by  the  Venetians  and  the 
Duke.  For  these  latter,  while  quite  willing  to  oppress 
Florence,  had  no  desire  to  create  another  power  in  Italy  ; 
therefore  they  first  urged  the  Emperor  forward,  and  then 
pulled  him  back  :  thus  allowing  him  to  harass  the  enemy, 
but  never  to  satisfy  his  ambition  of  marking  his  arrival  by 


FLORENCE  ALMOST  IN  DESPAIR.  463 

some  notable  feat  of  arms.  Besides,  Venice  and  Milan 
were  already  at  odds,  neither  wishing  the  other  to  occupy 
Leghorn  when  the  war  should  be  ended. 

For  these  reasons  the  Florentines  had  been  so  far  enabled 
not  only  to  hold  their  own  against  numerous  and  more 
powerful  opponents,  but  to  gain  an  occasional  advantage 
over  them.    Their  resistance,  however,  could  not  be  much 
longer  maintained,  since  famine  was  beginning  to  accom- 
plish what  the  attacks  of  their  enemies  had  failed  to  effect. 
And  now  their  last  hope  was  destroyed  by  the  news  that 
all  the  efforts  of  the  Florentine  merchants  in  France  to 
come  to  their  aid  had  entirely  failed.     These  merchants 
had  engaged  the  Count  of  Albigeon  and  his  troops,  had 
purchased  many  vessels  and  loaded  them  with  wheat  at 
their  own  expense,  but,  at  the  last   moment,  the  Count 
had    refused    to    fight    in     Italy,    and    the    ships    being 
caught  in  a  tremendous  gale  on  first  leaving  port,  some  of 
them  had  returned  to  Marseilles,  and  others  had  put  out 
to  sea  in  different  directions,  in  the  hope  of  making  larger 
profits.     Besides,  even    had  they  sighted  Leghorn,  how 
were  they  to  enter  the  harbour  when  it  was  so  strictly 
blockaded  by  the  Venetians  ? l 

Accordingly  the  general  misery  in  Florence  had  in- 
creased to  a  pitch  that  is  hardly  to  be  described  in  words. 
Dread  of  the  future  was  depicted  on  all  countenances, 
while  the  faces  of  the  poor  were  haggard  with  famine. 
The  hospitals  were  all  full.  Peasants  often  sank  down 
exhausted  by  the  roadside,  and  perished  for  lack  of  food. 
The  plague  was  making  daily  progress.2     Yet,  to  such  an 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  vi.  p.  467  ;  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  105  ;  Guicciardini,  "Storia 
d'Italia,"  vol.  ii.  p.  78. 

a  Nardi,  vol.  i.  pp.  104,  105,  115.     In  a  Codex  of  the  Magliabechian 

Library,  cl.  xxv.  23,  we  rind  the  following-  list  of  prices  during  the  famine 

of  1497  :  Wheat,  5  lire  and  10  soldi  the  staio;3  barley,  2  lire  and    10 

soldi  the  staio;  oil,  24  lire  the  soma;''  wine,  7  lire  the  soma;  fowls,  3  lire 

3  Staio ì  bushel.     4  Soma,  an  ass-load. 


I  \ 


SAVONAROLA'S  I  \ND    TIMES. 


tent   m;iv  men   be   blinded    in-  p         pint,  that   t; 

med   positively  to  rejoice   in   the  i  ù 

They  went  ibout  crying  tloud:   "At  fist  <j 

«  how  the  Friar  haa  deceived  us.     This  is  the 

happiness    he    predict  r    Florence!"      And    they 

already  began  to  »peak  of  surrender,  dared  to  publicly 

the  new  government,  and  declared  that  now  was 

the  time  to  overthrow  it. 

Phe   K  y%  uncertain  what  course  to  adopt,  resorted 

to  religious  services,  and  ordained  that  the  miraclc- 
working  image  of  the  Madonna  dell'  Impruneta,  whose 
help  the  people  always  implored  in  adversity,  should 
be  brought  to  Florence   and  solemnly  borne   in   proces- 

n,  But  the  only  thing,  all  thought,  that  could  really 
.mfart  the  people  at  this  terrible  pass,  was  the  voice  of 
their  Friar,  and  all  were  grieved  and  disappointed  by  his 
silence.  Therefore  the  Signory  once  more  appealed  to  him, 
beseeching  and  almost  commanding  him  not  to  shrink  from 
his  duty  to  the  Republic,  and  at  least,  not  to  leave  those 
whose  greatest  trust  was  in  him,  deprived  of  the  consola- 
tion of  his  words  in  the  midst  of  this  dire  peril  and  misery. 

Having  long  been  deeply  moved  by  the  general  suffer- 
ing and  despair,  Savonarola  could  not  refuse  the  Signory's 
request,  and  on  the  28th  of  October  at  last  re-entered  the 
pulpit.  But  how  different  was  now  the  aspect  worn  by 
his  flock  !  Present  distress  and  dread  of  the  future  were 
printed  on  every  face.  All  believed  that  the  popular 
government  was  nearing  its  end,  the  triumph  of  the 
Arrabbiati  at  hand,  and  that  famine  and  war  would  be 
followed  by  exile  and  death.  All  eyes  were  accordingly 
fixed  upon'  him  with  looks  of  uncertainty  and  doubt. 
According  to  his  frequent  method  he  began  his  sermon  in 
the  pair.  At  that  time,  6  lire  and  14  soldi  made  one  broad  gold  florin  ; 
the  florin  answered  to  a  modern  zecchino,  but  the  value  of  gold  was 
much  higher  than  at  the  present  day.  Vide  Vettori  "  Il  fiorino  antico 
illustrato"  :    Florence,  1738. 


HIS  WORDS  OF  COMFORT  TO  THE  PEOPLE.     465 

the  form  of  a  dialogue.     «  I  was  not  to  speak  to  ye  ;  but 
I  am  here  in  obedience  to  the  Signory,  and  to  exhort  ye 
once  more  to  repentance.     Are  ye  convinced  ?     I  tell  ye 
that  I  am  convinced,  and  that  everything  we  have  said 
will  be  verified  to  the  last  iota.     I  am  convinced  that  God 
is  turning   the  brains   of  Italy,  and   that  many  will   be 
deceived.     This   scourge  seemeth  to  be    one    thing    and 
will  prove  to  be    another.      Art    thou    convinced  ?      Of 
what  ?     That  tribulations  are  at  hand  ?     That  thou  art 
wrestling  with  Christ  ?     Know  that  the  good  promised  to 
Florence  will  come,  and  that  evildoers  will  suffer  hell  in 
this  life  and  the  next.     Be  assured,  therefore,  that  unless 
ye  change  your  life  ye  will  suffer  calamity?     Thou  still 
clmgest  to  thy  vices,  O  Florence  ;  there  is  gambling  and 
blasphemy  ;  and  thus  ye  draw  down  the  scourge  upon  ye. 
Come,  then  !    form  this  procession,  it  will  be  a  goodly 
thing  ;  and  if  ye  implore  God  in  aright  spirit,  I  believe  that 
some  great  grace  will  be  vouchsafed  to   ye,  and  that  we 
need  stand  in  fear  of  none. 

"  But  thou  still  puttest  thy  hope  in  men  ;  thou  still 
waiteth  for  aid  from  the  king  that  cometh  not,  and  hath 
already  been  chastised  even  as  we  foretold  to  him  ;  1  but  I 
rather  say  unto  thee  :  Maledictus  homo  qui  confidit  in 
homine.—Wdl  then,  O  father,  what  must  we  do  ?  First 
of  all  it  is  needful  to  return  to  God  ;  and  then  to  lay 
aside  the  idea  thou  hadst  already  conceived  of  changing  the 
government  and  making  surrender  ;  to  use  every  human 
precaution  to  aid  thyself;  to  lend  money  to  the  city  to 
the  full  extent  of  thy  means,  and  lend  it  without  usury 
Finally,  I  tell  ye  :  be  ye  all  united  together,  casting  aside 
all  dissension.  And  if  ye  form  a  true  union,  hearken 
well  to  these  words  :  May  my  very  robe  be  forfeited  if 
we  now  drive  not  off  our  enemies.  I  say  that  if  ye  do 
this,  I  will  be  the  first  to  go  forth  against  them,  crucifix 
1  Charles  VIII.,  who  had  lost  his  last  and  then  only  son. 

31 


SA  VOX.  VS  IL  •l^' 

hand,  UT   enemies   shall  fly  before  118  eVCIl  tO  Pi 

i  |        faith   in   niv  words,   0    Florence  ! 

r  the  many  tears  thou  d  -.evi  in  this  church 

,,„  •  i  f  November,'  and  how  then  the  revolution 

took   place   the   same   day,  and   thou   wert    made   free! 

Remember  how  I   prevailed  on  Kins  Charles  to  depart 

m  Florence,  and  when  he  returned  from  Naples,  how  I 
went,  aim  It    full   speed,  to   his   camp,  and   threatened 

him;  wherefore  he  left  us  unharmed.  I  lave  taith,  then, 
in  my  words,  and  trust  in  the  Lord.  Happen  what  mav, 
I  tear  nothing,  if  ve  return  to  the  Lord,  and  remain 
united,  and  do  all  that  is  humanly  possible." 

Then,    once    more    addressing    those    who    murmured 
afrainst    the    new    government,    he    said:     "Now   I  will 

.   another  word  to  ye.      Ye  citizens  are  of  three  kinds. 
First  come  those  who  were  exiles  under  the  old  govern- 
ment  and   yearned  in  vain   for  their  country.     Now  ye 
have  it  ;  therefore  be  quiet.     Secondly,  those  who  had  the 
halter    already   round   their    neck.     Now    ye   have   both 
safety  and  liberty  ;  therefore  be  quiet.     I  stir  not,  father. 
That  is  not  true  ;  ye  are  all  plotting,  and  I  well  know 
what  ye  would  have.     Lastly  come  the  citizens  who  hold 
office 'in  this  present  Republic,  and  yet  fail    to    enforce 
justice,  for  the  city  is  full  of  gambling,  blasphemy,  lust, 
fornication,  and  disunion.     To  these  I  say  :   If  ye  do  not 
maintain  justice,  the  scourge  will  come  upon  ye.      Finally 
I  say  to  all — and  I  say  it  in  verbo  Domini — he  that  desireth 
a  tyrant  shall  come  to  an  evil  end.     Be  ye  united,  there- 
fore,  arrange  this  procession,  and  trust    in  the  Lord." 2 

i  In  the  text  :  "At  nine  days  from  this."  He  said  this  on  the  28th 
of  October,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici  had  taken  place  precisely  on 
the  6th  of  November,  1494. 

2  "Predica  del  Reverendo  Padre  Frate  Hieronymo  da  Ferrara,  facta 
ildi  di  sancto  Simone  et  Juda.  Adì  28  d'Oetobre,  1496,  per  commissione 
della  Sygnoria  di  Firenze,  essendo  la  ciptà  in  timore  grandissimo  per  la 
venuta  dello  Imperadore."  Without  indication  of  time  or  place.  This 
sermon  is  one  of  the  series  on  Ruth  and  Micah,  delivered  in  1496. 


GOOD  NEWS  FROM  LEGHORN.  46 

Thus  spoke  Savonarola  that  day  ;  but  while  danger  was 
Still  imminent,  the  blind  confidence  expressed  in  his  words 
supplied  the  Arrabbiati  with  fresh  reasons  for  ridiculing 
the  Friar  and  his  adherents.  Nevertheless  the  people 
derived  great  comfort  from  his  sermons,  and  so  long  as 
his  voice  was  heard  in  the  pulpit  no  fresh  misfortunes, 
they  thought,  could  possibly  befall  Florence 

On  the  30th  of  October  the  miraculous  image  of  the 
Madonna    dell     Impruneta   was    brought    into   the    city 
escorted  by  a  vast  multitude,  and  so  great  a  fervour  of 
devotion  had  never  before  been  shown  by  the  Florentines 
I  hey  paced  the  town  slowly  in   contrite  silence  ;    large 
sums    were   given    in    alms;     every   face   was    sad,   and 
the  aspect  of  the  populace  testified  to  their  half-starved 
condition  and  their  dread  of  greater  privations  to  come 
1  he  procession  had  reached  the  street  of  Por  Santa  Maria 
when  a  messenger  rode  in  by  the  San  Frediano  Gate,  and' 
crossing  the   Carrara  bridge,   came   galloping  down  thè 
Lung    Arno  towards  the  Palace  of  the  Signoria,  bearing 
an  olive-branch  in  his  hand.     But  meeting  the  crowd  by 
the  way,  he  was  instantly  surrounded  ;  men  seized  his 
horse  by  the  bridle  and  anxiously  asked  for  news  from 
Leghorn.     It  was  good  news,  for  suddenly,  and  as  if  by  a 
miracle,  the  ships  from  Marseilles  had  arrived  with  the 
long  expected  reinforcements  and  supplies  of  corn     They 
had  been  driven  on  their  course  by  so  fierce  a  wind  that 
they  had  hardly  been  sighted  at   sea   before  they  were 
skimming  full  sail   into  the  port;  while  the  Venetians 
could  make  no  attempt  to  cut  them  out,  having    been 
compelled  by  the  same  wind  to  anchor  off  Meloria      No 
words  can  describe  the  frantic  joy  of  the  people.     They 
pressed   round  the  messenger  with  mighty  shouts,  and 
his  words  flew  from  mouth  to  mouth  with  many  changes 
and  exaggerations.     Almost  in  an  instant  the  city  rang 
with  the  glad  tidings,  the  bells  pealed  gaily,  and  in  all 


46S  SAVONA*  '  W  T/w/ 

bei  lolemn  thankfgmngfl  wtre  offered  up  Cor  the 

or  received,     bven  to  the  Arrabbiati  it 

h   the   Lord   had   come  I         cue   the 

Republic  imminent  ruin,  and  that  this  time  Savon- 

fud  proved  i  true  prophet.     I  fis  fame  and  influen 

.   thousandfold  increased,  and  the  populace  went 

:  M  The  Friar's  -         ns  have  saved  us  again/'  ' 

fter  all,  neither  the  supplies  nor  reinforcements  w< 

much    account.      Only   six    hundred    of    the    men    en- 
by  the  merchants  had  consented  to  join  the  expe- 
dition, and,  as  we  have  said,  some  of  the  vessels  chartered 
parted  from  the  rest  directly  they  were  out  of  port,  sailed 
elsewhere  in  the  hope  of  swelling   their  gains,  and   were 
all  wrecked,.     Accordingly,  a  rumour  had  spread  that  no 
chance  of  succour  remained.     Even  now  only  five  ships 
and  two  galleons  had  come  in  with  corn  and  men.      But 
their  unexpected  mode  of  arrival  and  at  so  opportune  a 
moment  produced  the  most  encouraging  effect,  not  only  on 
Florence,  but  Leghorn.     In  the  latter  city  the  inhabitants 
were  stirred  to  new  hope,  and  firing  all  their  guns  in  token 
of  joy,  they  sallied  forth  against  the   Pisans,  and  at  the 
same  urne  hastened  to  strengthen  the  bastion  of  Ponte  a 
Stagno,  just  as  it  was  on  the  point  of  being  seized  by  the 
enemy.       The    imperial    troops,    panic-stricken    by    the 
tremendous   cannonade  from  the  walls,  and  exaggerated 
rumours  of  the  reinforcements   from  France,  were  easily 
put  to  flight  with  great  slaughtered  left  many  horses 
and  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  Livornese. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  ist  of  November,  Savonarola  again 
appeared  in  the  pulpit,  and,  referring  to  this  unlooked-for 
good  fortune,  extolled  the  loving-kindness  of  God,  incul- 

•  Nardi  vol.  i.  p.  105.  Landucci  also  records  the  event  in  his  "Diario," 
p.  1 39,  and  concludes  by  saying  :  "  That  it  was  granted  by  God,  in  answer 
tò  our  earnest  prayers  to  the  Virgin.  The  news  arrived  when  She 
>terM  F.'orence." 


THE  SERMON  ON  DEATH.  469 

cated  the  necessity  of  faith,  of  abandoning  vice,  of  being 

constant  in  prayer,  and  of  trusting  in  none  save  the  Lord. 

He  next  sought  to  moderate  the  excessive  gladness  of  the 

people.     "  It  is  not  meet  to  let  yourselves  be  so  easily 

overcome  whether  by  joy  or  by  grief:  ye  must  neglect  no 

human  precautions,  but  prepare  more  than  ever  for  war." 

On  the  2nd  of  November,  being  All  Souls'  Day,  he  made 

another  and  most  successful  sermon  on  "  The  Art  of  Dying 

a  Good  Death."  «     He  said  that  the  true  Christian  ought 

to  keep  the  idea  of  death  always  before  his  eyes,  and  that  by 

duly  reflecting  thereon,  all  might  be  led  to  righteousness. 

He  depicted  in  very  vivid  colours  the  state  of  the  soul  at 

that    supreme   moment,  giving  a  minute    and    ingenious 

analysis  of  all  the   passions  and  regrets  by  which  man  is 

then  assailed.    "  Death,"  he  exclaimed,  "  is  the  most  solemn 

moment  of  our  life  :   it  is  then  that  the  evil  one  makes 

his  last  attack  upon  us.     It  is  as  though  he  were  always 

playing  chess  with  man,  and  waiting  the  approach  of  death 

1  These  two  sermons  are  included  among  those  upon  Ruth,  Micah,  and 
David,  but  the  second  has  been  often  published  separately.  Audin 
mentions  three  fifteenth  century  editions,  and  the  Guicciardini  Cata- 
logue four,  and  all  are  illustrated  with  fine  engravings.  With  regard  to 
these  and  many  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  century  engravings  in  Savon- 
arola's works,  see  the  interesting  study  by  Mons.  A.  Gruyer,  "  Les 
illustrations  des  écrits  de  Jerome  Savonarola"  Paris  :  Firmin  Didot, 
1879.  Mons.  Gruyer  maintains  that  these  illustrations  are  all  by  unknown 
engravers,  and  does  not  admit  that  Botticelli  may  have  been  one  of  them, 
since,  contrary  to  other  art  critics,  he  fails  to  discover  any  traces  of  that 
artist's  manner.  Nevertheless  Vasari  asserts  that  Botticelli  printed 
many  of  his  designs,  "  though  in  a  bad  style,  owing  to  faulty  blocks," 
and  he  mentions,  as  one  of  the  best,  Savonarola's  Triumph  of  Faith,  add- 
ing that  Botticelli  became  so  fanatic  an  adherent  of  the  Friar,  as  to 
forsake  painting  on  that  account.  In  the  "  Giornate  "  of  Lorenzo  Violi 
we  find  it  more  than  once  repeated  that  Sandro's  workshop  was  the 
meeting-place  of  many  good-for-nothings,  many  of  whom  were  Arrab- 
biati— Doffo  Spini  among  them— who  all  spoke  ill  of  the  Friar.  Simone 
Botticelli,  the  artist's  brother,  was  often  present  at  these  meetings  and 
noted  down  their  conversations  in  his  "  Cronica,'-  a  work  often  cited  in 
terms  of  praise  by  the  followers  of  Savonarola,  but  which  has  hitherto 
eluded  our  research. 


♦7* 


VAROI  is  ;  AND  TIM  is. 


to  give  him   checkmate.  He   who   wins  at  t liat    moment 

life,  o  my  brethren,  for  what  do  we 

in    th                         ve  tO   learn    to   die  a  good  death!  " 

11  ic   should   k<            me  picture 

»   remind  him    constantly   of  the   peril   of 

:h.      1  le  mimiteli     .  ribed  some  pictures  <>t  this  kind 

fined  by  himself,  and  the  people  listened  to  him  with 


SANDRO    BOTTICEJ.LI. 


the  deepest  attention.  These  suggested  designs  were^ 
afterwards  executed  and  engraved  in  many  editions  of 
this  sermon,  by  some  of  the  best  artists  of  the  age,  and 
Sandro  Botticelli  is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  number. 
Savonarola  also  gave  fresh  encouragement  to  the  people 
that  day,  urging  them  to  remain  united  and  to  labour  for 
the  defence  of  their  country.     After  this  sermon  he  again 


THE  DUKE  OF  FERRARA  SENDS  WARNINGS.  471 

ceased  preaching,  and  regretted  having  given  the  Pope  a 
pretext  for  fresh  complaints.  For  this  time,  the  Borgia 
no  longer  confined  himself  to  complaints. 

Throughout  the  year  Savonarola  had  been  encompassed 
by  snares.     Even  in  April  the   Duke  Ludovico,    while 
zealously  feigning  to  be    his    friend,  had    contrived,  by 
means  of  his  agents,  to  intercept  the  Friar's  correspondence 
with  the  King  of  France,  had  noised  the  matter  abroad, 
and  sent  copies  of  the  letters  in  various  directions  in  order 
to  prejudice  the  allies  against  Savonarola.     He  even  com- 
municated them  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  in  the  hope  of 
destroying  the  great  friendship  the  latter  was  known  to 
entertain  for  Savonarola.1     But  he  failed  in  this  intent, 
for  the  Friar  told  the  Ferrarese  orator  that  it  was  long 
since  he  had  written  to  the  king,  and  that  these  letters 
were  undoubtedly  forged.     Accordingly  the  Duke  con- 
tinued to  correspond  with  him,  writing  that  he,  too,  was 
endeavouring  to  purge  his  city  <c  of  its  vices  as  much  as 
possible,  and  restore  it  to  Christian  living."  2     And  also, 
through  the  same  ambassador,  he  warned  the  Friar  to  be 
well  on  his  guard  against  the  snares  which  were  laid  for 
him,  because  "  nets  are  cast  far  out  to  drag  the  fish  in 
shore."  3^   Savonarola  was  very  grateful  to  him  for  this, 
and  continually  sent  him  good  advice.     Their  correspon- 
dence was  not  only  friendly,  but  carried  on  in  a  species 
of    cypher,    whenever    it    turned    upon    politics.       Four 
months  later  Ludovico  repeated  the  same  stratagem  by 
publishing    other    forged    letters    which    he     pretended 
to  have  intercepted.      One   of  these,    forwarded  to  the 
ambassador  of  France,  teemed  with  abuse  of  that  person- 
age.    The  Frenchman  was  furious,  demanded  satisfaction 
from  the  Signory,  and  threatened  to  leave  Florence  ;  but 
it  all  came  to  nothing.     Nor  was  Ludovico  more  success- 

1  A.  Cappelli,  "  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  p,  73,  doc.  c. 

■  Ibid.  p.  75,  doc.  cii.  3  ibid.  p,  77)  doc,  cv. 


. 

fai  with  the  ria  he  had  Bent  to  Bologna,  Ferrara 

here.' 

The     Pope,    however,    did     not     condescend     tO    such 
childish    measure         I  )n    hearing    the    news    of    the    help 
:ved    by  Leghorn   and    of  the    Friar's   first    sermon,  he 
immediately    issued   another   brief,   dated    the  7th    of  N 

iber,  and  addi  :  to  all  the  Dominicans  of  Tuscany.3 

In  this  he  no  longer  ii  on  the  reunion  of  St.  Mark's 

with  the  Lombard  Congregation;  but  on  its  entire  separa- 
tion from  the  latter,  and  its  junction  with  all  the  other  con- 
vents in  Tuscany  and  Rome,  in  a  new  Tusco-Roman 
Congregation,  with  a  special  vicar  of  its  own,  who  was, 
however,  to  be  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Vicar- 
erai in  Rome.  The  Pope  entrusted  the  nomination 
'A  a  vicar  for  the  first  two  years  to  the  Vicar-General  and 
:he  Cardinal  of  Naples,  who,  though  hitherto  favourable 
to  Savonarola  and  his  community,  was  now  their  declared 
to j.  The  execution  of  this  project  was  entrusted  to 
Francesco  Mei,  an  enemy  of  the  Friar,  but  he  was  soon 
given  a  coadjutor  in  the  person  of  Padre  Giacomo  di 
Sicilia,  who  was,  on  the  contrary,  very  well  disposed 
towards  him, 3  and  was  appointed  vicar  of  the  new  con- 
gregation. These  subtleties  were  devised  the  better  to 
entrap    Savonarola,    to    which    end    the    Pope    was    now 

■  Vide  Professor  Del  Lungo's  previously  quoted  work  ("  Archivio 
Storico  Italiano,"  new  series,  vol.  xviii.  part  ii.),  documents  xi.-xiv. 
Landucci  alludes  to  these  events  at  page  137  of  his  "Diario,"  and  con- 
cludes by  exclaiming  :  "The  poor  Friar  had  so  many  enemies!"  Vide 
also  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxxii. 

2  This  brief  is  still  unpublished,  and  is  preserved  in  the  Riccardi 
Librar)',  Cod.  2053,  sheet  cxviii.  It  is  a  very  important  document, 
since  Savonarola's  failure  to  obey  it  was  the  principal  cause,  or  rather 
pretext  for  his  excommunication,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  terms  of  the 
brief.  Ignorance  of  the  existence  of  this  brief  has  caused  confusion 
as  to  the  chronological  order  of  the  others,  and  consequently  of  Savon- 
arola's replies.  A  copy  of  it  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition,  doc.  xxxiii. 

3  Gherardi,  u  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  75  and  fol. 


REAL  PURPOSE  OF  THE  POPE.  473 

devoting  all  his  craft.     But  as  he  wished  to  achieve  it 
without  betraying  his  personal  hostility  to  the  Friar   he 
had  purposely  re-opened  the  question   of  the   convents 
while  dexterously  avoiding  the  objections  Savonarola  had 
already  raised  to  the  plan  in  September,  1495      Thus   he 
neither  referred  the   Friar's   case   to  the  Lombard  vicar 
nor  ordained  the  junction  of  the  two  hostile  congregations' 
but,  on  the  contrary,  caused  a  man  who  had  been  most 
friendly  to  Savonarola's  community  to   be   appointed  as 
vicar  ;  and  finally,  as  was  set  forth  in  the  brief,  gave  an 
opportunity  for  the  application  of  the  new  reform  to  all 
Tuscany  and  the  Roman  States.*     But   these  were  mere 
feints,   his   real    purpose    being   totally    different.       For 
once    Savonarola   became    subject    to   the    authority   of 
the  new  vicar,  who  was  only  a  subordinate  of  the  General 
of  the   Order  in   Rome,   he   would  be  deprived    of  the 
independence  for  which  he  had  sought  separation  from 
the   Lombard  Order,  would  likewise  lose  the  command 
oyer  his   own  community  giving  him  so  much  power  in 
Florence,  and,  best  of  all,  could  then  be  relegated  to  any 
other  monastery  at  a  moment's  notice.     This  had  always 
been  the  Pope's  purpose  at  bottom.     Moreover,  it  was 
plainly  evident  that,  when  joined  to  the  new  congregation 
and  subjected  to  the  pressure  of  a  host  of  otter  convents' 
more  or  less  jealous  and  hostile,   St.  Mark's,  instead  of 
being  able  to  introduce  its  reforms  among  them,  might 
easily  fall  into  backsliding. 

ÉhmilTìkfl  C?T-a  br!ef  opining  that  all  the  convents  of  Tuscany 
Should  be  united  in  a  single  congregation  including  St.  Mark's  and  all 
convents  subject  to  St.  Mark's.  At  first,  in  his  "other  brief,  he "(the 
Pope)  commanded  us  to  rejoin  the  Lombard  Congregation,  from  wh  ch 

o  Ae te,0Ury  dlVlded-US  ;  k  is  now  ^sired  that  we  are'to  W  part 
of  the  Tuscan  Congregation,  and  now  here,  now  there.     This  seems  to 

EnXhent  chehrl  "^  f  T  ***  *  *  *ame  °f  ^ess  thTwhich 
verni  A?t£l  Checfk' moves1  t0,  the  next  square  and  then  back  again  : 

Alwi^t  ^  manifeSt"  (Sermon  of  the  l8*h  of 


SAVONAR^  ...       AND  TI  MI'S. 

f  f  alJ  the  onarola,  instead  ol  obeying, 

resumed  his  pen  and  wrote  his  ii  Apoli    \   for  the  Con- 
or'   Sr.    M.irk'  But    now   addi         •    the 

iblic  instead  of  replying  to  the   Pope,  he   adopted  a 
ring  tone.     ll  1  will  not  pau  e,"  he  said, 
11  to  refute  the    charges    brought    against    me    as    to  my 
doctrines,  silice  I  have  frequently  replied  to  these,  and  am 
preparing  to  disprove  them   entirely   in   my  work  on   the 
Triumph  of  the  Cross,  that  will   speedily  he  given  to  the 
lio-ht.      But  I  reply  to  the   command   now  imposed   on  me 
to   ioin    the    new  congregation.      First    of    all,  I   have  no 
right   to   do  this  solely  on  my  own   authority,  but    need 
the     consent     of     250      other     monks,  who      have     all 
written   to    the  Pope   to   the  contrary   effect  ;  and   I  am 
neither  able  nor  willing  to  oppose  their  decision  since  I 
hold    it   to    he    honest   and   just."     He  then  went  onto 
adduce  his  reasons  for  believing  that  this  junction  would 
have  a   relaxing   and   corrupting  influence  on  the  severe 
discipline  of  St.  Mark's,  end  thus  prove  specially  hurtful 
to  the  youthful    brethren  now  forming    the  majority  in 
the  convent.      "  If  the  other  communities  are  in  no  need 
of  reform,  why  should   they  desire  to  join  us  ?     And  if 
they  join  us  in  order  that  we  may  reform  them,  we  have 
already  so  many  untrained  youths  among  us  that  we  have 
hard    work    to   instruct     them.     Therefore,    union   with 
other  convents  would  bring  nought   but  disorder  and  con- 
fusion to  all,  and  more    particularly  to  ourselves."     He 
then   referred   to  the  deplorable  enmity  existing  between 
the  various  convents,  and   the  mortal  danger  he  had  in- 
curred from  that  cause  both  at  Siena  and  Pisa.     And^  he 
concluded    by    saying  :      "  This  union    is    therefore    im- 
possible, unreasonable,  and  hurtful,  nor  can  the  brethren  of 
St.  Mark's  be  bound  to  agree  to  it,  insomuch  as  superiors 
may   not   issue   commands   contrary  to   the  rules  of   the 
Order,  nor  contrary  to  the  law  of  charity  and  the  welfare 


PROVIDENCE  FAVOURS  THE  FLORENTINES.   475 

of  our  souls»  We  must  therefore  take  it  for  granted  that 
our  superiors  have  been  misled  by  false  reports,  and  resist 
meanwhile  a  command  that  is  contrary  to  charity. 
Neither  must  we  allow  ourselves  to  be  cowed  by  threats 
nor  excommunications,  but  be  ready  to  face  death  rather 
than  submit  to  that  which  would  be  poison  and  perdition 
to  our  souls.  When  our  conscience  revolts  from  some 
command  received  from  our  superiors,  we  must  first  resist 
and  humbly  make  protest,  the  which  we  have  already  done  ; 
but  should  this  means  fail,  we  must  then  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  St.  Paul,  qui  coram  omnibus  restitit  in  faciem 
Petri,"  *  Thus,  after  a  very  brief  truce,  Savonarola  was 
again  at  open  war  with  the  Pope. 

Meanwhile,  after  the  one  stroke  of  luck  in  the  unex- 
pected succour  from  France,  the  fortunes  of  the  war  again 
declined,  especially  at  Leghorn  ;  and  but  for  the  jealous 
disputes  between  Ludovico  and  the  Venetians,  the  siege 
would  long  since  have  been  brought  to  a  successful  end. 
But,  for  the  second  time  Providence  seemed  determined 
:o  intervene  in  favour  of  the  Florentines.  The  same 
libeccio  (south-easterly  wind)  that  at  the  end  of  October 
lad  wafted  the  Marseilles  ships  safely  into  port,  now, 
:owards  the  15th  of  November,  began  to  blow  with  so 
nuch  fury,  that  the  whole  of  the  Venetian  fleet  was  driven 
iground.  The  Admiral's  galley,  with  the  Emperor  on 
)oard,  was  cast  broadside  against  the  Rocca  Nuova,  all  its 
xew  and  armament  wrecked,  and  Maximilian  himself  barely 
aved.  Two  other  vessels  suffered  the  same  fate,  and 
he  others  were  too  severely  injured  to  be  of  any  use. 
rhe  shipwrecked  men  all  surrendered  to  the  enemy  in 
>rder    to    save    their    lives,    so    that   great    numbers    of 


x   <c 


Apologeticum  Fratrum  Congregations  S.  Marci  de  Florentia."  It 
ras  printed  in  Florence  in  1497,  and  then  reprinted  in  1674  by  Ouétif  in 
is  "Additiones"  to  G.  F.  Pico's  biography  of  Savonarola.  In  this  pam- 
hlet  all  the  arguments  for  and  against  the  union  are  minutely  analyzed 
nd  weighed. 


VD  TIMI. 

pris  iken  that  day  .it  Leghorn,  and  sufficient 

.  ••>  enrich  many  of  the  citizens.     And  now  Man- 
in, weary  of  fighting,  as  he  Baid,"agaL   I  (  > od  and 

nun."  Withdrew  inglorìoualy   from   the   enterprise   that    he 

begun   and    conducted  with   so  little   prudence.      Nor 
would    he  give   any  explanation  of  this  hasty  resolve,   nor 

make  any  mention  of  it,  until  after  his  arrival  in  Lom- 

bardy,  when  he  complained  bitterly  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Venetians  and  the  Moor.  Fortune  seemed  to  be  against 
him  to  the  last  ;  for  when,  during  his  retreat,  a  consider- 
able band  of  his  Germans  joined  a  number  of  Pisans  in 
attacking  the  castle  of  Lari,  Alessandro  degli  Alessandri, 
the  Florentine  commissary,  reserved  his  fire  until  they 
were  all  in  the  moat,  and  then  shot  down  the  greater 
part  of  them.  Thus  between  October  and  November 
the  fortunes  of  the  Florentines  took  a  prosperous  turn  ; 
and  again,  as  if  by  a  miracle,  they  were  delivered  from 
the  most  imminent  danger. 

Returning  to  the  pulpit  on  the  26th  of  November, 
Savonarola  reminded  his  hearers  of  their  past  trials,  of 
the  discouragement  in  which  they  had  been  plunged, 
of  the  divine  mercy  that  had  come  to  their  aid,  and 
exhorted  all  to  give  the  most  heartfelt  and  grateful 
thanks  to  the  Lord.  He  then  went  on  to  recapitulate 
the  history  and  merits  of  the  popular  government,  again 
compared  the  different  stages  of  its  formation  with  the 
seven  days  of  the  Creation,  reasserted  his  own  prophetic 
mission,  and  promised  to  preach  during  the  coming 
Advent. 

On  the  next  day,  in  fact,  he  began  the  first  eight  of 
those  sermons  on  Ezekiel,  which  show  that  he  had  now 
relinquished  all  hope  of  truce  or  reconciliation  with  the 
Pope.  "  O  Lord,  teach  me  the  way  of  adversity  !  I  come 
to  preach  this  morning  solely  to  repeat  that  which  I  have 
before  said,  and  I  herewith  confirm  it  afresh,  and  will  gi^e 


SERMONS  ON  EZEKIEL.  477 

my  life  for  it.  .  .  .  Should  I  retract,"  he  continued,  turning 
to  the  people,  "  thou  mayest  say  that  this  Friar  con- 
tradicteth  God,  that  I  speak  lies,  and  thou  mayest 
stone  me  and  cast  me  from  the  pulpit."  He  recurred 
to  his  gift  of  prophecy;  again  predicted  that  the 
scourge  was  at  hand,  "  the  which  will  be  all  the 
greater,  the  less  the  people  remain  faithful  to  religion 
and  liberty."  1 

The  most  important  of  these  eight  sermons  was  the 
sixth,  delivered  in  the  Duomo  on  the  13th  of  December 
by  special  request  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Signory. 
Beginning,  as  was  then  almost  his  daily  wont,  with  intro- 
ductory remarks  on  the  goodness  and  mercy  of  the  Lord, 
Savonarola  went  on  to  enumerate  all  the  blessings  which 
had  been  poured  upon  Florence.  "  This  is  Thine  own 
city,  O  _  Lord  ;  Thou  hast  chosen  and  blessed  it  ;  Thou 
hast  enlightened  it  with  virtuous  living  :  hast  infused  Thy 
faith  and  Thy  light  in  the  soul  of  this  people.  In  addi- 
tion to  spiritual  gifts  Thou  hast  likewise  vouchsafed  it 
temporal  blessings.  And  the  first  and  greatest  of  these 
is  the  freedom  Thou  hast  restored  to  it.  For  this  is  one 
of  the  highest  of  blessings  ;  quia  non  bene  pro  toto  libertas 

^'Prediche  sopra  Ezechiele,"  Venice,  1520.  The  first  eight  were 
delivered  in  Advent.  1496  ;  the  others  in  Lent,  1497.  Vide  the  first 
sermon.  These  discourses  although  collected  by  Violi,  were,  like  the 
series  on  the  Psalms,  given  to  the  world  in  a  very  incomplete  form.  Violi 
nmself  explains  this  in  his  "  Giornate,"  sheet  19.  He  collected  the 
series  on  the  Psalms  in  1494,  when  little  practised  in  the  art  of  making 
verbatim  reports,  and  first  indeed  noting  them  down  for  his  own  use 
)eing  as  yet  little  concerned  in  Savonarola's  affairs.  But  being  en- 
:ouraged  by  many  friends  to  pursue  the  task,  he  employed  greater  care 
n  reporting  the  rest  of  the  sermons.  And  in  1496,  being  then  engaged 
n  publishing  the  series  on  Amos,  he  had  only  time  for  a  very  brief  com- 
>endium  of  that  upon  Ezechiel.  These,  moreover,  were  originally  much 
horter  than  the  others,  as  Savonarola  himself  stated  in  Sermon  ix 
/ioli  afterwards  gave  both  this  series  and  that  on  the  Psalms  to  Luca' 
iettini,  who  was  very  urgent  in  the  matter,  and  who  then  published  them 
mhout  Violi  s  permission,  and  much  to  his  annoyance.  Bettini  makes 
ome  allusion  to  this  in  his  own  preface. 


47«  SAVONAROl 

irr».     !  subject  to  the  will 

one  mtn  ;    now  it  »  It 

that    ir  I  :    Do   evil,  then  evil    h.i  li 

r  tyrant  said:    M  jhter  to  tfi.it  man, 

thou  \\  lined  :  F  that  connec- 

i,  an  J  thou  wcrt         trained  to  break  or  : 

that  gold,  and  thou   hi, 1st  to  give  it.      In  those  c: 
this  Thy  people  was  beaten  with  n>Js,  and  vet  had   to 
suffer   patiently."     In   this    fashion   the    preacher   v. 

throu^n  the  whole  history  of   the  Liberation  of   Florence, 

from  the  expulsion  of  Piero  de'  Medici  to  the  departure 
of  Maximilian,  in  order  to  demonstrate  the  goodness  of  the 
Lord  to  the  Florentines.  He  then  exhorted  them  to  virtue, 
and  reproved  their  coldness  in  coming  daily  to  his  sermons, 
without  practising  what  he  taught  them.  "  Preach  to 
these  men  as  one  may,  they  have  taken  the  habit  of  listen- 
ing well  and  vet  acting  ill.  This  habit  hath  become  a 
second  nature,  and  they  continue  to  listen  without  obeying. 
And  it  is  as  hard  to  change  this  course  of  things  as 
to  change  the  course  of  the  waters.  Thou  hast  made  a 
habit  of  always  hearing  the  command  :  do  justice,  do 
justice.  Thou  wilt  become  like  unto  a  rook  on  a  steeple, 
that,  at  the  first  stroke  of  the  church  bell,  taketh  alarm 
and  hath  fear,  but  then,  when  accustomed  to  the  sound, 
percheth  quietly  on  the  bell,  however  loudly  it  be  rung." 

He  also  reproved  the  people  for  their  ingratitude  to- 
wards God,  *  for  the  freedom  He  hath  given,  ye  are 
doing  your  best  to  destroy  by  continual  murmurs  and 
slanderings,  and  by  the  continual  plots  being  hatched  within 
and  without  the  walls.  Ungrateful  people  !  God  hath 
granted  thee  this  Great  Council,  and  thou  seekest  to  over- 
throw it  by  admitting  the  enemies  of  the  country.  Such 
was  by  no  means  my  intent.  In  the  beginning,  it  is  true 
ihat  I  allowed  all  to  enter  therein,  because  liberty  was 
then  fresh,  and  it  was  needful  to  put  it  to  trial  ;  but  I  by 


SERMONS  ON  EZEKIEL,  479 

no  means  intended  to  find  room  for  the  bad,  as  is  now  the 
practice.      Magnificent  Signori,  I  tell  ye  that  ye  must  keep 
your  eye  on  this  council,  prune  it  and  polish   it,  and  see 
whether  it  be  well  that  all  its  members  should  be  granted 
admittance.     Of  necessity  it  must  be  a  numerous  council, 
but   some   limits  should   be  put  to  it,    if  only  to   expel 
from    its    midst    the    enemies   of  the    country.      Never- 
theless I  hold   not  with  those  who  would  abstain  from 
voting  until   this  new  reform  be  accomplished,  and  still 
less  am  I  agreed  with  those  who  would  have  the  magistrates 
chosen  by  lot.     This  is  contrary  to   freedom,   I  tell  ye. 
Thou   art  a  bad   Christian  !  go,  read   the  history  written 
by  Lionardo  d'Arezzo,  where  he  sayeth  that  all  went  well 
with  the  city   until    its   rulers  were   elected    by   lot,  the 
which  practice  was  devised  by  ambitious  men.     And  there 
be  always  wicked   ones  of   this   sort,  who  go  whispering 
these  suggestions  in  men's  ears.     Such  be  they  that  plot 
against  thy  city,  holding  secret  meetings  within  and  with- 
out the  walls  together  with  priests  and  friars,  and  giving 
fine  suppers  and  feasts.     And  all  their  speech   is  against 
the  Friar  :    if  they    eat  bread,  they  talk    of    the   Friar  ; 
meat,  and    still    of    the  Friar  ;  if  drinking    wine,    again 
of    the    Friar."     "Take    heed,     O    Florence,  of    these 
gatherings    the    sole    purport    of  which    is    to    ruin    thy 
liberty.     This  poor  Friar  here  hath  to  fight  the   whole 
world    single-handed.     Well,  as  to    myself,    I    tell   ye: 
Summon  doctors,  prelates,  whomsoever   ye   will  ;    I  am 
ready  to  fight  against  all.      I  can  tell  ye  that  in  the  Order 
of  St.  Dominic  there  hath  never  been  a  heretic  ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  many  of  its  members   have  wrought  great 
reforms  in  Italy.     Ye  cannot   fail  to  remember  Cardinal 
Latino,  Angelo  Acciaioli,  and  Sant'  Antonino  !     Even  so 
will  it  be  now  ;  but  first  of  all  it  is  needful  to  enforce 
justice  and   show  severity.     'Tis  your  part,  O  Signori,  to 
look  to   these  things  !     Order  an  escort  of  armed  men, 


' 


I   in  hand  ;  should  this  not  ,  appeal 

the  peopl  make  ed.     I  jet  al]  n 

■  crime  unpunished,  suffer  the  penalty  oi 

Do    JU  ificent  Signori  ;    ; 

1    rht  ;  s  of   Florence  ; 

women;    let  all  cry  for  justice  !"  I 

In  this  way  the  year  1496  was  brought  to  a  close.    The 
Florentine  Republic  had  marvellously  escaped  an  infinite 

number  of  perils;  Savonarola's  name  and  authority  were  again 
in  the  ascendant,  and  the  popular  party  was  again  absolute 
:er  of  the  situation.  But  at  the  sanie  time  the  struggle 
with  Rome  now  wore  an  increasingly  threatening  aspect  ; 
and  the  Pope's  hatred  for  the  Friar  and  the  Government 
created  by  him,  burnt  with  inextinguishable  fury.  More- 
over, so  many  enemies  had  been  detected  in  the  very 
bosom  of  the  Republic,  so  many  plots  on  the  part  of  the 
Arrabbiati  and  the  Bigi,  that  Savonarola  perceived  that 
not  onlv  were  severe  measures  unavoidable,  but  that  it 
would  likewise  be  necessary  to  modify  the  form  of  the 
Greater  Council,  in  order  to  save  the  Government  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  men  whose  sole  purpose  was  to 
destroy  it,  and  who  had  merely  profited  by  the  indulgence 
hitherto  shown  them,  to  conspire  with  impunity  against 
the  freedom  of  their  land. 

*  u  Prediche  sopra  Ezechiele."     Vide  Sermon  vi. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


FRQi££ESC0  V(^LORI  IS  {MADE  GO^CFALO^CIER  AND 
PROPOSES  SEVERAL  NEW  LAWS.  CARNIVAL  CELE 
BRATED    BY    A    BURNING    OF     THE    VANITIES       pbf 

COFASST   %IrkE  M^kCJVJ*RARY  BY  THE  MONASTERY 
TfFm\^?KnrÌ£w¥^A'S  IDE^S  ON  THE  BEAU- 

¥io*£s  inverse?*      OF  voe™**  his  composi. 

(14970 


;ooi 


jg£)  HE  events  of  the  past  year  having  again 
brought  the  popular  party  into  favour, 
Francesco  Valori  was  elected  Gonfalo- 
nier   of  Justice  for  January  and  Feb- 
ypjfè   ruary,  1497,  with  a  Signory  altogether 
^^^7^^^  devoted  to  him.     For  a  man  of  milder 
temper  and    less  ardent  passions,  this  would  have  been 
the    moment    to    impose    a    check  upon    the    Arrabbiati 
and  the   Bigi.      But   Valori,   being  always  carried   away 
by  his  impetuosity,  now  refused  to  listen  to  Savonarola's 
words   when  the  latter  suggested  that  the  Greater  Council 
should  be  somewhat  restricted  in  order  to  exclude  from  it 
all  those  who  were  conspiring  against  the  Republic.      On 
the  contrary,  he  determined  to  increase   its  numbers   by 
getting  a   new  law  passed,  qualifying  citizens  to  become 
members  of  the  council  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  instead 
or  thirty  years.     He  thought  to  strengthen  the  Republic 
by  admitting  the  people   to  a  larger  and  more  absolute 

32 


.  I  ON  ARO  LAS  UFE  AND  Ti  Mrs. 

se   in      I        iVCmmcnt;   but  results  proved   contrary  to 

inasmuch  as  the  new  la*  admittance  to 

the  corn:  I  turbulent  youth  of  the  Arrabbiati,  wl 

]jv      :.  Onarola,     his    new 

.crnment,  and  the  new  m  f  life  he  had  introduced 

rities  ban  .  and  the  Carmvd 

I,  they  had  no  longer  .my  purpose  in  life,  and 

therefore  the  ringlead  every  plot  laid  again 

Friar.  For  the  better  execution  of  their  plans,  they 
1  banded  together  under  the  command  of  Doffo  (Ridolfo) 
Spini  ;  went  about  armed,  provoked  quarrels,  committed 
jnce,  and  had  accordingly  won  from  the  people 
the  title  of  Compagnacci,  or  Bad  Fellows.  The  new  law, 
by  qualifying  them  to  enter  the  council,  furnished  them 
with  a  powerful  weapon  which  they  did  not  hesitate  to 
use  for  the  injury  of  the  Republic.1  § 

Valori,  however,  seemed  blind  to  these  perils,  and  in 
fact,  about  the  same  time,  we  find  the  Signory  proposing 
another  and  equally  improvident  measure.  This  was  the 
law  of  the  Decima  scalata,  or  graduated  tithes,  correspond- 
ing with  what  would  now  be  termed  a  progressive  tax 
Ir°naturally  encountered  great  opposition  from  all  men  of 
fortune,  but  was  strenuously  pushed  by  the  popular  party. 
Hence  passions  became  heated,  one  side  in  urging  on,  the 
other  in  combating  the  Bill;  and  it  is  strange  to  find 
the  same  arguments  alleged,  the  same  speeches  made, 
which  we  have  heard  repeated  in  our  own  time.2 

1  Jacopo  Nardi,  vol.  i.  pp.  119-120.  s«~i;»s 

»  «La  Decima  scalata  in  Firenze  nel,  1497  5  da  manoscritti  mediti 
di  Messer  Francesco  di  Guicciardini."  Florence,  1849.  These  are  two 
,ong  and  excellent  speeches,  supposed  by  the  author  to  have  been 
delivered  before  the  Greater  Council  by  a  supporter  and  an  opponent  ot 
the  new  law.  The  character  of  the  Florentine  man  of  the  people  and 
the  nature  of  his  eloquence  are  vividly  pourtrayed  inthem.  I  hey  could 
not  have  been  delivered  in  the  council,  where,  as  we  nave  already  noted, 
no  free  discussion  of  a  Bill  was  allowed  ;  and  therefore,  like  many  o 
Guicciardini's   speeches,  must   be   entirely   fictitious  ;    but  nevertheless 


DEBATES  ON  TAXATION.  ^ 

On  the  popular  side  it  was  averred — «  That  equality  of 
taxation  consists  in  imposing  equal  burdens  upon  all,  and 
that  even  the  new  law  failed  to  provide  for  this,  inasmuch 
as  while  one  tithe  burdens  the  poor  by  taxing  the  necessities 
of  life,  two  or  three  more  only  tax  the  superfluities  of  the 
rich. i     This  country  of  ours,"  the  speech  went  on  to  say, 
"  is  like  unto  a  piece  of  cloth  of  sufficient  length  to  provide 
reasonable  mantles  for  all  ;  but  that  has  been  so  unequally 
divided,  that  whereas  one  man  has  a  mantle  he  may  fold 
about  him  three  times,  and  trail  on  the  ground  more  than 
a  yard  at  his  heels,  another  has  too  short  a  measure  for 
even  a  beggar's  cloak."     It  then  concluded  with  a  burst  of 
invective  against  the  rich  and  the  injury  they  wrought  on 
the  poor  by  their  superfluous  expenses.     On  the  other 
side,  it  was  urged  by  men  of  greater  moderation,  that— 
14  Equality    demands    that   no  citizen  should  be  able  to 
oppress  another,  and  that  all  should  be  equally  subject  to 
the  laws  ;  but  to  say  that  all  must  be  equal  in   every- 
thing   would    be    a    blind    interpretation    of   the    word, 
very  much  like  making  a  house  with  all  the  rooms  on  the' 
same  floor,  and  would  lead  to  a  state  of  chaos  fit  to  over- 
whelm a  whole  world,  much  less  a  single  city.     Do  ye  not 
see  that  by  these  improvident  laws  ye  sow  discord,  give 
rise  to  discussion,  and  throw  open  the  doors  to  Piero  de' 
Medici  ?  '       Whether    the    Signory    was    persuaded    bv 
these  arguments  to  withdraw  the  law,  or  whether  it  was 
repulsed  by  the  majority,  it  is  certain  that  the  Decima 
scalata  was  never  passed,  and  that  after  this,  things  went 
more  smoothly. 

have  a  right  to  be  considered  historical,  as  faithful  versions  of  the 
opinions  of  either  party.  They  were  afterwards  republished  in  Guic- 
ciardim's  "Opere  Inedite." 

x  The  new  law  was  to  the  effect  that  citizens  should  pay  one-tenth  only 
on  an  income  of  five  florins,  and  that  for  every  additional  five  florins  a 
quarter  of  a  tenth  should  be  exacted  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  tax,  but 
tnat  the  maximum  to  be  paid  should  in  no  case  exceed  three-tenths 


.  AVONAROLAS  LIFE  AND  TIMES, 

During    this   period   Savonarola   was   living   in    silent 

seclusion,  employed  in  revising  bis   "Triumph   cri    the 

md  writing  i  number  of  pamphlets,  winch  he 

.:  to  publish  quickly  in  order  to  extend  the  diffusion 

«trines,  and  gain  fresh  champions  in  the  at 

i:     ie  that,  as  he  well  knew  by  letters  from 

that  ■  was  not  only  inevitable,  hut  imminent.      On  this 

Count   he  had  entrusted  the  direction   of   spiritual    con- 
cerns to   Fra  Domenico  of    Pescia,  whose   fervour   and 

energy  in  religious  affairs  equalled  those  of  Valori  in 
politics.  This  monk  had  so  blind  an  admiration  tor  his 
master,  that  he  not  only  felt  the  most  implicit  faith  in  his 
prophecies,  but  believed  him  capable  of  working  the 
greatest  miracles,  and  would  have  joyfully  laid  down  his 
life  in  support  of  any  one  of  Savonarola's  utterances. 
But  unfortunately  his  extravagant  zeal  and  unbounded 
credulity    made    him    equally    ready    to    go    to    perilous 

lengths. 

While  men's  minds  and  public  affairs  were  in  this  state, 

carnival  time  was  drawing   near,  and  the  Arrabbiati   were 

preparing  to  attempt  a  revival  of  the  old  orgies,  of  the 

scandalous  Medicean   festivities,  and,  above  all,   of  that 

Same  of  stones  to  which  they  well  knew  the  popular  to 

be  specially  addicted.     Thereupon  Fra  Domenico,  being 

stirred  to  great  wrath,  determined  to  do  his  best  to  thwart 

their  intent.    He  preached  daily  sermons,  addressed  epistles 

to  the  children,1  and  caused  new  regulations  to  be  passed 

«  Burlamacchi  (at  page  105)  expressly  states  that  Savonarok  had .first 

given  a  good  turn  to  the  children's  minds,  and  then,  "seeing  the  great 

change  in  those  children,  thought  it  well  to  furnish  them  with  some  rules, 

So  "hat   they  might  persevere  in  righteous  living  ;  and  being  unable  to 

attend  to  the  matter  himself  by  reason  of  his  weighty  onmm 

milled  the  care  of  it  to  Fra  Domenico  of  Pescia  ;  and  the  said  Friar 

frequently  gathering  the  children  together,  continued  ^o  nourish  the r 

souls  by  short  sermons  of  a  devout  and  spiritual  kind       Vide      Epistola 

di  Frate  Domenico  mandata  a'  fanciulli  Fiorentini,"  dated  '  Florentie  m 

Sancto  Marco  die  iii.  Septembris  MCCCCLXXXXVII.,"  and  also  a  pnnteo 

copy  without  indication  of  time  or  place. 


THE  "BURNING  OF  THE  VANITIES: 


48: 


by    the     Signory    enforcing    the    reforms    initiated    by 
Savonarola  during  the  past  year.1 

We  have  already  described  the  grand  procession  of  the 
preceding  Lent,  when  the  children  marched  through  the 
streets  singing  Girolamo  Benivieni's   hymn,  and  collecting 
considerable  sums  for  the  Monte  di    Pietà.     But   now 
guided  by  their  chiefs,  they  went  about  the  city  in  bands' 
and,  knocking  at  the  doors  of  rich  and  poor,  demanded  the 
surrender  of  everything  they  styled  vanities  or  anathema. 
lhese   comprised  all   books   or    pictures  of  an  indecent 
nature,  carnival  masks  and  costumes.     On  receipt  of  any- 
thing   of  this   kind,    they  repeated  a  special   prayer   of 
Savonarola's  composition,  and  passed  on  to  the  next  house 
In  this  way  quantities  of  different  objects  were  collected 
intended   to   serve  for  a    new  festivity  devised    by    Fra 
Domenico  and  Savonarola.     In  fact,  on   the  last  day  of 
carnival    (yth   of    February)    there   was   no    longer   any 
thought  of  pagan   orgies,    and  all  were  prepared  for    a 
religious  solemnity.     In   the  morning,  men,  women,  and 
children  attended  a  grand  Mass  celebrated  by  Savonarola 
and  all  received  the  communion  from  his  hands      After 
returning  to  their  homes  and  taking  a  frugal  meal,  they  all 
joined,  at  a  later  hour,  in  a  grand  procession  through  the 
town.     First  came,  borne  by  four  angels,  a  beautiful  figure 
of  the  Infant  Jesus,  carved  by  Donatello,    its  left  hand 
pointing  toa  crown  of  thorns,  its  right  raised  in  the  act 
of  benediction.    Close  behind  marched  a  prodigious  train, 
some  _  clothed    in  white,   many    bearing   red  crosses  and 
chanting  religious  hymns  and  lauds.     A lms- collectors  went 
round    with    silver   trays   asking    contributions    for    St 
Martin  s  good  men,  who  obtained  more  gold  on  that  dav 
than  throughout  the  whole  year.     At  last  the  procession 

bv  the  rl2XL°fIianUary'  '?96-  (coI?mon  «We),  a  provision  was  passed 
auire  tt  Maggtore,  aymg  down  certain  rules  as  to  children's 
187  sheet  32"  'eS'      Provvlsioni'  Registro,"  ci.  ii.  dist.  ii.  cod. 


486  M/) 

bed    the     !  :1-ir    Pyramid 

built  up,  uring  about  6c 

and  140  u         urafer* 

,1    on    which    all   the   different   v 

co\\  .1    were    arra:  .     the    B] 

a    monstr»  sup- 

ed  to  personify  the  old  Kii     Carnival,  and  the  into 
packed  with  combu  ■  '1  He  Pia 

thronged  with  people,  and  the  children  b 
arnu  on   the  Ringhiera  outside  the  Pal  L  wider 

:hc  ;  ~  Lanzi,  were  continually  employed  in  singing 

;  songs  and  invectives  against  the  carnival.2  At 
riven  signal  the  four  guardians  of  the  pile  fired  it  at 
four  points  ;  smoke  and  flames  instantly  burst  forth  ;  the 
trumpeters  of  the  Signory  sounded  a  charge  ;  the  hells  of 
the  Palace  pealed  forth  ;  and  the  multitude  vented  their  joy 
in  as  mighty  a  shout  as  though  the  arch  enemy  of  mankind 
were  finally  vanquished.     Thus  ended  the  procession  and 

carnival  of  1497. 3  ,       , 

Of  course,  those  who  blamed  all  that  was  done  by  the 
direction  or  advice  of  Savonarola  and  the  monks  of  St. 
Mark's  did  not  refrain  from  inveighing  against  the 
destruction  of  the  vanities,  and  declared  that  it  would 
have  been  far  better  to  have  sold  them  for  the  benefit 
of  the  poor.4  Strangely  enough,  the  old  historians  barely 
allude  to  these  accusations,  and  even  in  the  almost 
ìumberless  writings  in  favour  or  abuse  of  the  Friar,  in 
which  every  subject  and  fact  was  discussed  lending  itself 
to  his  attack  or  defence,  this  event  was  almost  entirely 

•  Burlamacchi  savs  there  were  fifteen,  but  Bcnivieni  tells  us  they  were 
seven  in  number,  corresponding  with  the  seven  mortal  sins. 

'One  of  these,  beginning,  «  Da  che  tu  ci  hai,  Signore,"  was  by  G. 

B63nBoeththe  "Vita  Latina,"  at  sheet  32  and  fol.,  and  Burlamacchi,  at  p. 

113   and   fol.,   give   a  detailed   account   of  this   bonfire,  which  is   also 

mentioned  by  contemporary  biographers  and  historians. 

4  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  114. 


THE  "BURNING  OF  THE  VANITIES.»  487 

passed  over.     But  this  has  not  been  the  case  with  modern 
writers. 

When  the  love  for  antiquities  first  began  to  revive,  and 
then   developed  into   so   absorbing   a  passion,  as   almost 
to  make  it  seem  that  men  were  born  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose  of   editing    ancient  manuscripts   and    restoring  old 
pictures  and  monuments  —  the  Burning  of  the  Vanities 
became  a  theme  of  rhetorical  display  for  all  who  treated 
of  those  times.     Savonarola's  name  was  loaded  with  abuse 
as  that  of  a  superstitious  barbarian,  the  wilful  destroyer  of 
our  ancient  grandeur,  and  he  was  accordingly  pourtrayed 
as  a  fanatic  monk  who  sought  to  overwhelm  the  Renais- 
sance with    the  gloom  of  the   Middle  Ages.      If   some 
old  manuscript  went  astray,  it   was  at  once  declared  to 
have    been    burnt    by  Savonarola!     If   some    edition    of 
Boccaccio  became    specially  scarce,    every    one    was  per- 
suaded that  the  Friar  had  destroyed  it  !  J     If  an  ancient 
statue   chanced  to  be   lost,   of  course   the  Piagnoni   had 
reduced  it  to  ashes  at  the  Burning  of  the  Vanities. 

But  v/hat  fire  could  have  totally  consumed  marble 
statues  ;  and  was  it  credible  that  the  children  should  have 
collected  a  whole  edition  of  Boccaccio  ?  Nevertheless, 
the  subject  was  so  excellent  a  peg  for  bursts  of  rhetoric, 
and  so  admirably  in  sympathy  with  the  public  feeling, 
that  few  could  withstand  the  temptation  of  assuming  the 
defence  of  our  great  monuments  of  antiquity,  and 
making  long  speeches  on  the  fatal  effects  of  fanaticism. 
It  should  also  be  noted  that  the  first,  though  innocent, 
author  of  these  excesses  was  no  other  than  Burlamacchi,2 

1  This  was  generally  believed  to  be  the  fate  of  the  Valdarfer  edition 
of  which  only  three  copies  are  now  known  to  exist.  One  of  the  three 
was  sold  in  Paris  in  1812  for  the  sum  of  52,000  francs.  Vide  note  to 
Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  140,  Arbib.  edition. 

2  It  is  needless  to  repeat  that  the  same  remarks  apply  to  the  "  Vita 
Latina,"  of  which  Burlamacchi's  Chronicle  is  an  almost  literal  translation. 
I  will  only  add  that  in  the  Latin  original,  after  the  words,  "  libri  poetarum 
in  utraque  lingua,"  a  marginal  note  is  given,  as  if  in  correction— "  et 


SAVONAR 

wh  afitr  to  him     '      ivc  ■  lengthy, 

loured,  and  e  account  of  the  Burnin 

rhly  n  ■  1  Christian  deed 

\    .  ther  or  the  old  biographers  seem  able 

h  in  praise  of  their  hero's  holy  zeal.      NeVCT- 
.   \)..-  hi's  words  by  no  means  serve  to  justify 

the  dern  writers  have  indulged  in,  since  among 

the  many         *3  of  more  or  less  value  described  by  the 

chronicler,  there  is  not  one  of  any  definite  or  intrinsic 
worth.1  But,  at  the  end  of  his  narrative,  after  having 
exultingly  dilated   on    the    number  of  works  of  art  and 

of  the  old  poets  comprised  among  the  vanities, 
he  finally  says  that  a  Venetian  merchant  having  offered  to 
buy  them  tor  the  sum  of  20,000  crowns,  the  mans 
portrait  was  put  on  top  of  the  pile  beside  the  image  of 

•  carnival,  and  burnt  with  all  the  rest.  It  was  only 
natural  that  the  offer  of  so  large  and,  in  those  days,  almost 
fabulous  an  amount,  should  have  given  free  scope  to  men's 
fancy  and  led  them  to  suppose  that  things  of  the  most 
precious  kind  had  been  destroyed  in  the  fire. 

Savonarola's  friends  and  foes  having  shown-— although 
from  opposite  motives— equal  exaggeration  on  this  point,  it 
became  very  difficult  to  ascertain  the  exact  truth.  It  was 
necessary  to  keep  in  mind  that  Burlamacchi,  although 
very  careful  in  the  narration  of  events  seen  by  himself  or 
described  to  him  by  eye-witnesses,  is  always  inaccurate  and 
exaggerated  in  his  figures.  In  speaking  of  the  procession 
of  &the  children,  he  makes  their  number  almost  equal 
that    of   the    whole    population  of   Florence  ;    and  esti- 

omnia  impudica  ad  legendum  "  (sheet  40).     The  same  exaggerated  tone 
i5  maintained  throughout  the  account,  and  always  for  the  purpose  of 

marking  approval.  ,  .  ,      ,  ,• 

1  In  fact,  the  "Vita  Latina"  and  Burlamacchi  both  name  many  objects, 
but  always 'in  general  terms.  It  would  seem  that  these  were  either  clothes 
and  masks,  or  portraits  of  notorious  women,  gold-decorated  books,  and 
similar  things. 


EXAGGERATED   VALUE  OF  THE  PILE. 


489 


mates    the    sums    of   money    collected    by    them    at    an 
altogether  incredible  amount.     Then,  too,  his  very  inac- 
curate calculation  of  years  and  dates  has  been  the  principal 
cause  of  the  confusion  as  to  the  events  of  Savonarola's 
life,  and  compelled  us  to  refer  to  original  documents  for 
a11.  chronological    details.      What    value    can    then     be 
assigned    to    judgments    based    on    the    calculations    of 
so^  faulty  a  writer?     By  what  process  of  logic   can  we 
blindly  credit  Burlamacchi's  figures  in  this  instance,  when 
obliged  to  distrust  him  on  so  many  other  points  ?     And  is 
it  at  all  probable  that  Savonarola  would  have  been  allowed, 
not  only  without  opposition,  but  with  general  consent,  to 
burn  ancient  statues,  or  valuable  manuscripts,  at  a  time  when 
his  fellow-countrymen  were  making  long  and  hazardous 
journeys  in  quest  of  these  treasures  and  devoting  life  and 
substance  to  their  acquisition  ?     How  are  we  to  believe 
that  in  the  days  of  Marsilio  Ficino  and  Angelo  Poliziano,  no 
voice  should  have  been  raised  in  his  condemnation  ?     For, 
were  not  the  leading  artists  and  scholars  of  the  time  still 
counted  among  the  most  fervent  of  his  admirers  ?     Is  it 
in  the  least  credible  that  Girolamo  Benivieni,  the  poet  and 
man  of  learning,  would  then  have  extolled  the  Burning, 
and  written  songs  for  the  occasion  ;  that  Nardi,  the  trans- 
lator of  Livy  and  most  ardent  admirer  of  the  ancients, 
should  have  made  such  slighting  and  contemptuous  allusion 
to  all  who  objected  to  it  ;  or  that  a  man  of  Guicciardini^ 
stamp  would  have  written  so  eulogistic  an  account  of  it  ? l 
1  Guicciardini  says  :  "  His  efforts  for  the  enforcement  of  morality  were 
most  holy  and  admirable  ;  nor  was  there  ever  so  much  goodness  and 
religion   in    Florence  as  in  his  day  ;    and  after  his  death  it  was  seen 
that  every  good  thing  that  was  done  had  been  introduced  and  supported 
by  him.      And  he   adds,  further   on,  that   the  children  "  went  about 
during  Carnival  collecting  cards,  dice,  cosmetics,  paintings,  and  indecent 
books,  and  burnt  them  publicly  on  the  Piazza  of  the  Signoria,  having  first 
celebrated  the  precise  day  that  was  formerly  one  of  numberless  iniquities 
by  a  very  holy  and  pious  procession"  ("Storia  Fiorentina,"  in  the  "Opere 
inedite,"  vol.  111.  p.  179).     Was  Guicciardini  ever  known  to  be  fanatically 
opposed  to  art  and  letters  ? 


490  S 

Bu-  F  the  wild  e  i  with  which 

it  i  have  no  intention  of  con  :  the 

.  and  only  seek  to  determine 

ralue.    W  '     ■  ■     '      '       nH:es 

\  ;  but  they  undoubtedly  o  Ifor 

the  m  :icr  c;irnlv:l1 

much  >bject   of  the  bonfire  Wi 

and  abolish  the  |  of  Bton 

|  other  nerly  carried  on  in  Carnival.    W 

arc  eJ  inthinkii  it,  to  mark  his  disapprobation 

rrupt  manners,  Savonarola  may  have  burnt  a  few 
volumes  with  indecent  illustrations  ;  some  copies  of  the 
Decameron,  then  the  favourite  reading,  even  of  cloistered 
nuns  ;  and  some  of  the  more  obscene  poetical  works  then 
freely  circulated  among  women  and  children,  and  against 
which  he  had  energetically  thundered  from  the  pulpit. 
We  cannot  completely  exonerate  him  on  this  head  :  but 
although  the  learned  may  lament  the  loss  of  some  precious 

It  should  also  be  specially  remarked  that  Girolamo  Benivieni,  an  eye- 
witness of  the  Burning,  makes  no  allusion,  in  his  description  of  it,  to  the 
destruction  of  any  manuscript  or  printed  bock.  He  speaks  in  general 
terms  of  "lewd,  vain,  and  detestable  things,  ...  of  various  panels  and 
canvases  covered  with  precious  but  indecent  paintings  ;  of  some  casts 
and  sculptures  of  considerable  beauty."  He  adds,  in  a  tone  of  great 
satisfartiun,  that  these  pictures  and  statues  were  calculated  to  be  worth 
"several  thousand  ducats,"  and  that  he  had  held  in  his  own  hand 
"  a  painted  head,"  for  which  ten  ducats  had  been  offered,  and  a  chess- 
board, said  to  be  worth  forty  ducats,  without  its  men  ;  but  he  mentions 
no  manuscripts.  Finally,  he  says  that,  should  any  one  regard  this 
Burnin-  as  a  childish  affair,  "  let  him,  if  a  Christian,  put  off  the  spectacles 
of  Satan's  pride,  and  assume  those  of  Christ's  humility,  before  passing 
judgment  "  ("  Comento  di  Hicrony.  B.  sopra  a  più  sue  canzone  e  sonetti 
dello  Amore  et  della  Bellezza  Divina,"  at  sheet  cxv.  and  fol.  Printed  in 
Florence,  on  the  viii.  dav  of  September,  MCCCC.). 

A  reprint  of  the  "  Canzona  d'un  Piagnone  pel  Bruciamento  delle 
vanità,  nel  carnevale  del  1498"  (Florence,  Grazzini,  1864),  has  been 
brought  out  by  Professor  del  Lungo,  who,  in  his  preface,  alludes  to  my 
words,  agrees  in  my  opinion  on  the  subject,  and  remarks  that  this 
Canzone  affords  another  proof  that  "the  Piagnoni  had  no  intention 
of  destroying  artistic  marvels,  some  of  which  they  themselves  had 
helped  to  produce." 


RE  LIGIO  US  FAN  A  TICISM.  4Q  x 

volumes,  and  the  philosopher  deplore  the  human  weakness 
that-  often  combats  wrong  by  wrong,  and  old  fanaticism 
by  new,  history  reminds  us  that  such  has  ever  been  the 
characteristic  of  men  inspired  by  a  great  and  excessive  zeal 
for  religion.     Can  we  estimate  the  destruction  wrought 
by  the  iconoclasts   in   the  East,  or   the   early  Christians 
in  Rome  ?     Nor  must  the  consideration  of  the  highly- 
civilized  times  in  which  he  lived  make  us  judge  Savonarola 
too  harshly,  when  we  see  that  in  the  following  century 
neither  churches  nor  pictures  were  spared  by  the  far  more 
relentless  zeal  of  the  image-breakers  of  Germany  and  Hol- 
land. ^  Did  not  John  Calvin  live  in  the  age  of  Leo  X.  and 
Francis  I.,  and  was  he  not  a  man  of  considerable  culture, 
lofty  genius,  and  iron  strength  of  will  ?     He  too  became 
the  head  of  a  republic,  without,  however,  the  merit  of 
being  its  founder  ;  and  yet,  while  the  declared  champion 
of  freedom    and    tolerance,    he    not    only    inflicted    the 
severest  punishments  on  all  who  committed  blasphemy  or 
worked  on  Sunday,  but  even  cast  women  into  prison  for 
arranging  their  hair  in  an  immodest  fashion  !  l     Was  it 
not  he  who,  in  the  year  1553,  had  the  innocent  and  ill- 
starred  Servetus  burnt  to  death  at  Geneva  ?     It  is  no  part 
of  true  historic  criticism  to  put  aside,  when  judging  Savo- 
narola, all  remembrance  of  human  passion  and  religious 
excitement. 

But  why  stir  sad  memories  of  the  past,  all  equally 
humiliating  to  humanity  ?  It  is  needless  to  recall  these 
instances  of  religious  fanaticism  in  Savonarola's  de- 
fence. Should  the  arguments  we  have  alleged  fail 
to  show  how  unjustly  he  was  accused  of  barbarous  de- 
struction, there  is  the  evidence  of  facts  in  his  favour  ; 
and  one  special  fact  occurring  at  the  very  time  of  the 

x  In  the  Geneva  Archives  the  Decree  is  still  preserved  by  which  a 
woman  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  parce  qu'elle  rìavait  pas  les 
cheveux  abattus. 


SA>  '  .IS  UFI 


•  Vanities,  will  suffice  to  Bet  the  question 

at  n 

We  have  the  financial  straits  to  which  tin-  Re- 

public had  been  lately  reduced.     It  was  totally  unable  to 

ttle   the  numerous  on   the   Medici' >   confiscated 

Accordingly  it   was  first    compelled   to   bor- 
.v    heavily    On    them    and    then    put    them    up    to    sale. 
Among    these    possessions   was    the   celebrated    library,    a 
rare    treasure    Or    learning,    which,    after    being   deposited 
in  the  convent   of  St.  Mark   and   subsequently   in   the 
Palace,    was   now    exposed   to   the   same   fate.      Even  had 
any  citizen   of  Florence   been   rich   enough   to  buy  it,  he 
certainly  would   not   have  thrown   it   open  to  the  public. 
And  as  private   individuals  were   no  less  embarrassed  than 
the  State,   there  was   imminent   danger  of   this  splendid 
collection  being  dispersed,  and  even  of  passing  into  foreign 
hands  ;  since  one  of  the  numerous  creditors  of  the  Re- 
public chanced  to  be  no  other  than  the   French  diplomat, 
Philippe    de    Commines,    who    was    now    pressingly    de- 
manding   the    payment   of   his   claim    for    1,000    florins. 
This    danger  was    painfully  appreciated    by  all    men    of 
culture.      Who    was    then    prayed    to    avert    it  ?      Who 
willingly    came    forward  ?      No    other    than    Savonarola, 
the    notoriously    barbaric    destroyer    of    ancient    manu- 
scripts ! 

The  convent  of  St.  Mark  was  poor  at  this  time,  the 
friars  having  stripped  themselves,  by  their  superior's 
advice,  of  nearly  all  their  possessions  ;  nevertheless  they 
contracted  a  loan,  sold  their  remaining  lands  at  Pian  di 
Mugnone,  and  by  the  payment  in  October,  1495,  of 
2,000  florins — an  enormous  sum  for  those  days — received 
the  famous  library  in  deposit  for  a  year.  By  the  terms  of 
the  contract,  if  the  money  were  not  repaid  in  the  course 
of  that  period  the  friars  would  be  authorized  to  reimburse 
themselves  by  selling   part  of  the  collection.     In  reality 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  THE  MEDICI  LIBRARY.   493 

this  was  their  first  step  towards  buying  it  outright,  and 
meanwhile  they  set  to  work  to  recover  all  the  scattered 
manuscripts,  some  of  which  had  been  lent  or  otherwise 
dispersed.'     Savonarola  considered  that  the  credit  of  the 
convent    and    its    remaining  property  could    be  devoted 
tono,  better    use-     By    the    purchase    of  this    precious 
collection    he    saved    it    from   dispersion    and    from    the 
danger    of   falling    into    alien    hands;     and    by    placing 
it  in  the  convent  library— the  only  one  then  open  to  the 
public — he  could  not  only  render  a  service  to  Florence, 
but  at  the  same  time  help  to  tide  the  State  over  its  finan- 
cial embarrassments.     And  when,  as  he  had  foreseen,  the 
government  proved  unable  to  restore  the  money  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  he  began  to  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  the 
library  by  offering  another  thousand  florins  to  Philippe  de 
Commines,  for  the  payment  of  which  Bernardo  Nasi  be- 
came guarantee.*     A  contract  to   this  effect  was  signed 
in    January,   1498.       This   affair  was  accordingly    going 
on   during   the    years    in    which    the   Medicean  carnival 
gaieties  were  suppressed  and  the  first  (1497)  and  second 
(1498)  burning  of  the  Vanities  performed.     Here,  then, 
is  historical  proof  that  the  supposed  enemy  of  the  ancients, 
the  barbarous  destroyer  of  manuscripts  and  works  of  art,' 
not  only  devoted  the  last  remnant  of  his  convent's  pro- 
perty, but  likewise  burdened  the  community  with  a  very 
heavy  debt,  in  order  to  preserve  to  art  and  science  the 
marvellous  collection  of  Greek  and  Latin  codices  and  the 

1  Vide  Professor  Piccolomini's  work,  quoted  elsewhere.  At  the  end 
of  the  Inventory  given  in  his  book,  there  was  a  list  of  the  Codices  re- 
cuperati per  jratres. 

»  Vide  Ubaldini,  "  Cronica  di  San  Marco,"  sheet  18  :  "Fratres  etiam 
nostri,  considerantes  quod  ordo  praedicatorum  decore  fulgeret  si  rema- 
nerent  in  domibus  nostris  libri  praedicti  ;  videntesaugustiam  Dominorum, 
qui  quaerebant  unde  pecuniam  comparare  sibi  pro  publicis  necessitatibus 
<-ivitatis,  et  quomodo  cogerentur  illos  tradere  pro  modica  quantitate  .  . 

cum  fratnbus  tunc  pecuniae  deessent,decre^m  .  .  .  est  ut  eas  mutuarent 
et  hbros  penes  se  retinerent." 


SAVONARi  UFE  AND  $ 

unrivalled  treasure  of  miniatura  still  contained   in   the 
l  lurentian  Library.1 

But    the   strength   of    our    Friar's    interest    in    ancient 

•  The  t  notices  may  be  added  to  what  we  have  said  elsewhere 

ibntry  of  St.  Mark's.    Nio  olò  Niccoli  bavin] 
blic  his  famous  colic  tion  of  about  six  hundred  an< 
Cosimo-.  lid  the  debts  by  which  it  was  bui 

volumes  for  his  own  \  ned  the  rest  to  St  He 

and  Lorenzo  afterwards  enlarged  their  collection  ;  and  their  efforts  in  this 

rally  known    that   it  would    be  idle  to  recapitulate 

them.     The  friars  of  St.  Mark's  were  no  less  energetic  ;  for,  as  maybe 

seen  by  a  |  .unent,  formerly  preserved  among  the  coment  MSS. 

:  ,ved   to  the    Laurcntian  Library),  they  paid,  on  the 

ioth  of  1  I  r,  1445,  the  sum  of  250  florins  for  the  purchase  of  MSS., 

and  continued    to   make  fresh  acquisitions   down   to  Savonarola's  day, 

when   they    became    possessed  of  the    Medici    Library    in   the  manner 

described.     All  particulars  of  the   sale  of  the  Library  are  derived  from 

the  numerous  documents  in  the  Florence  Archives.     We  also  referred 

to  the  "Cronica  di  San  Marco,''  and    the  depositions   made   at  Savo- 

la's  trial  by  the  librarian,  Fra  Roberto  degli  Ubaldini  da  Gagliano, 

and  added  the  latter  to  the  other  documents  concerning  the  purchase 

of  MSS.      I'.  ndix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxxiv. 

In  1S72  Dr.  N.  Anziani,  then  vice-librarian  of  the  Laurentian  Library, 
published  a  work  entitled  "Della  Biblioteca  Mcdiceo-Laurenziana." 
Florence  :  Tofani,  1S72,  containing  many  useful  particulars.  Finally 
Professor  Piccolomini  produced  a  work,  first  appearing  in  the  "  Archivio 
Storico  Italiano,  S.  T.,  1874-75,  and  then  in  a  separate  form,  that  may  be 
said  to  be  exhaustive,  and  is  entitled  "Intorno  alle  condizioni  edalle 
vicende  della  libreria  Medicea  privata."  Florence  :  Cellini,  1875.  This 
work  comprised  all  the  documents  given  in  our  Appendix  (to  the  Italian 
edition),  together  with  others  we  had  left  aside,  and  with  the  addition  of 
many  discovered  by  himself,  some  of  which  are  of  so  valuable  a  nature 
that  it  would  be  difficult  to  add  any  fresh  information. 

It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  remind  the  reader  that  after  Savonarola's 
death  one  of  the  numerous  acts  of  persecution  directed  against  the  con- 
vent consisted  in  depriving  it  under  false  pretences  of  all  the  books 
belonging  to  the  Medici  collection.  In  October,  1500,  they  were  restored 
underWsh  conditions,  and  at  last,  in  1 508,  the  community  being  burdened 
with  debts,  and  Savonarola,  the  careful  preserver  of  the  books,  being  no 
longer  alive,  the  collection  was  sold  to  Galeotto  Franciosi,  the  agent  of 
Cardinal  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  afterwards  Leo  X.  Thus  it  went  to  Rome, 
and  again  returned  thence  to  Florence.  Bandini,  "Lettera  sopra  i 
collettori  di  codici  orientali,  esistenti  nella  insigne  Basilica  Laurenziana  ; 
Annales  conventus  S.  Marci  "  (frequently  quoted  by  us  under  the  title  of 
"  Cronica  di  San  Marco,''  and  also  under  that  of  Ubaldini),  at  sheets  18, 
22,  23,  26,  28  ;  Padre  Marchese,  "  Storia  del  convento  di  San  Marco," 
p.  46  and  fol.  ;  Piccolomini,  op.  cit. 


MICHELANGIOLO   BUONAROTP 


SA  VONAROLA 'S  LOVE  OF  ART.  49 

manuscripts  in  no  way  lessened  his  admiration  for  the  fine 
arts.     Did    he    not    found    the    school    of  design   in  St. 
Mark's,   and  insist   that  his  novices   should  practise  the 
arts  in  order  to  provide  for  the  necessities  of  the  convent 
without   having  recourse  to  charity  ?     Was  he  not  con- 
tinually surrounded  by  a  chosen  band  of  the  best  artists 
of  his  age  ?     All  the  world  knows  the  ardent  affection  he 
had  inspired  in  Fra  Bartolommeo  della  Porta,  who,  for 
four  years  after  his  master's  death,  was  unable  to  resume 
the  brush.1     All  the  Della  Robbia  were  devoted  to  Savon- 
arola, two  of  them  received  the  monastic  robe  from  his 
hands,  and  the   family  long  preserved  a  traditional  rever- 
ence for  his  name.     Concerning  Lorenzo  di  Credi,  Vasari 
tells  us  that  "  he  was  a  partisan  of  Fra  Girolamo's  sect," 
and  relates  of  Cronaca,  "  that  he  had  conceived  so  great 
a  frenzy  for  Savonarola's  teachings,  that  he  could  talk  of 
nothing  else  ;  "  and  he  says  the  same  of  Sandro  Botticelli, 
whom    he    numbers    among    those    who  illustrated   the 
Friar's  works  with  beautiful  engravings.     But  it  is  enough 
to  mention  the  name  of  Michelangiolo  Buonarotti,  known 
to  be  one  of  his  most  constant  hearers,  and  who,  in  his  old 
age,  constantly  read  and  re-read  the  Friar's  sermons,  and 
never  forgot  the  potent  charm  of  that  orator's  gestures  and 
voice.2    When  labouring  on  the  ramparts  of  San  Miniato 
al    Monte    in    defence    of  the  resuscitated    Republic    in 
1529~30>tne  sculptor  proved  how  well  he  had  profited 
by  the  master's  teachings. 

In  fact,  the  manifest  injustice  of  the  charges  of  hostility 
to  the  fine   arts  alleged    against    Savonarola,   moved    an 

1  Vasari  records  that  Fra  Bartolommeo  added  several  of  his  own 
sketches  from  the  nude  to  the  pile  of  the  "  Vanities."  If  this  be  true,  the 
blame  of  the  deed  must  fall  on  the  painter  ;  but  we  must  not  forget  that 
Vasari  lived  a  century  after  Savonarola,  always  wrote  of  him  in  a  hostile 
spirit,  and  was  not  very  favourable  to  the  memory  of  Fra  Bartolommeo. 

a  See,  too,  Harford's  "  Life  of  Michael  Angelo  Buonarotti,"  already 
quoted  by  us,  and  in  which  special  attention  is  given  to  the  relations 
between  Buonarotti  and  Savonarola. 


rS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

■;■   Frendi  writer  to  usuine  his  defence.     But  on- 
ly he,  too,  wai  led  by  an  excessive  admiration 

.,  undue  love    of  s\stem  and   religious  zeal,  to 

exceed  the  bounds  of  truth,  and  thus  neutralize  the  effect 
vindication.     He   persisted   in   regard 
la  almost  as  al  f  Italian  painting,  a  reviver 

that    which    he   Styled    (  n   art,    as   distinguished 

an   or   naturalistic  art.1      In  this  way  he  trans- 

rmed  all  the  artists  who  hail  been  admirers  of  the  Friar 

1   Rio,  Art  Chretien.     The  latter  school,  according  to  Rio,  is  merely  a 
degraded  form  of  the  only  true  art  :  the  Christian   art.     Taking  it  for 

.nted  that  in  the  fifteenth  century  both  schools  were  equally  nourish- 
ing, he  attributed  the  progress  of  naturalism  to  the  Medici  through  their 
ment  of  classical  and  pagan  ideas;  and  to  Savonarola  the 
Christian  art.  But  although  he  is  quite  right  in  thinking  that 
Savonarola  promoted  Christian  ideas  in  opposition  to  the  Medici,  by 
whom  classical  learning  was  used  as  an  instrument  of  intellectual 
advance  and  moral  corruption,  it  is  equally  certain  that  Rio's  theories 
cannot  withstand  the  test  of  facts.  On  turning  to  the  painters  who 
flocked  round  Savonarola,  we  shall  find  that  none  of  them  was  an  ex- 
clusive follower  of  Mons.  Rio's  so-called  Christian  art.  Fra  Bartolommeo 
was  the  foremost  of  these  painters.  Yet,  was  he  not  one  of  the  first,  if  not 
the  first  of  all,  to  lead  painting  into  a  decidedly  classicel  groove,  «and 
to  inaugurate  the  Cinquecento  school  of  art  ?  And  did  not  Michelangelo 
I'.uonarotti  push  this  school  to  its  farthest  extreme?  It  is  true  that  we 
find  the  Della  Robbia  among  Savonarola's  admirers  ;  but  Luca  della 
Robbia,  the  immortal  sculptor  of  so  many  Virgin  Mothers,  was  already 
dead,  and  had  lived  with  Fra  Beato  Angelico,  in  the  days  of  Cosimo  de' 
Medici.  Another  follower  of  Savonarola,  Cronaca,  was  one  of  the  first 
to  start  the  school  of  classic  architecture,  and  of  this  we  have  a  good 
proof  in  the  Hall  of  the  Conciglio  Maggiore.  Lorenzo  di  Credi  is  known 
to  all  as  the  disciple  and  even  imitator  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci  ;  while  as 
to  Sandro  Botticelli,  Mons.  Rio  tells  us  that  he  was  u  infected  with  the 
pagan  spirit."  What,  therefore,  becomes  of  the  school  of  Christian  art 
founded  by  Savonarola,  when  all  his  followers  are  seen  to  have  taken  the 
opposite  path  in  art,  designated  by  Mons.  Rio  as  the  naturalistic  school, 
and  when  it  is  proved  beyond  doubt  that  the  writer's  so-called  Christian 
art  was  far  more  flourishing  in  the  time  of  Cosimo  de'  Medici? 

Nevertheless,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  Mons.  Rio  was  one  of 
the  first  to  appreciate  the  moral  contrast  between  Savonarola  and  the 
Medici,  and  to  give  a  vivid  and  even  eloquent  account  of  it.  His 
blunders,  though  neither  few  nor  slight,  proceed  from  his  superficial 
knowledge  of  history,  and  his  resolve  to  attribute  every  progress  in  art 
to  exclusively  religious  causes.  Thus  his  work  has  a  polemical  rather 
than  an  historical  character. 


THE  CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  ART 

««*•  497 

into  so  many  disciples  of  a  supposed  school,  that,  even 
had  he  possessed  the  necessary  aptitude,  Savonarola  could 
nether  have  had  the  opportunity  nor  the  leisure  to 
establish,  seeing  that,  as  he  himself  so  often  declared,  the 
absorbing  agitations  of  his  political  and  religious  life 
compelled  him  to  neglect  all  other  studies  and  occupa- 

Jn/untn  °f  *T  f,he  ChHstian  ideal   of  art-  =»s  con- 
ceded by  Beato  Angelico  and  his  contemporaries,  was  in 
its  decline  in  Savonarola's  day.     The  artist-friends  who 
best   loved   him  studied  from    nature  and   the    antique, 
tended  towards  classicism,  and  were  in  danger  of  losing 
sight  of  the  sacred  ideal  so  fervently  urged  by  their  master 
as  essential  to  the  new  art.     And  the  need  of  this  ideal 
being  more  widely  recognized  than  is  generally  thought 
by  the  Italian  scholars  and  artists  of  the  period,  they  were 
all   nred  with  enthusiasm  for  the  preacher  who  taught 
them  that  the  Renaissance  neither  might  nor  could  sup- 
press Christianity.     Thus,  while  regarded  by  sceptics  and 
pedants  as  one  Dent  on  reviving  the  past,  Savonarola  was 
held  by  great  souls  of  Michelangiolo's  stamp  to  be    as 
he  truly  was  the  precursor  of  a  new  era,  in  which  'the 
power  of  Christianity  would  again  be  revived,  without 
prejudice  to  nature  or  antiquity. 

But  at  this  point  the  nature  of  our  subject  leads  us 
to  an  inquiry  into  Savonarola's  ideas  on  the  beautiful 
vhich  indeed  constituted  neither  a  small  nor  insignificant 
part  of  his  doctrines.  The  Friar's  mind  ranged  over  a  va*t 
domain  of  thought  ;  his  philosophy  embraced  the  entire 
scibile ,  and  everything  en  which  he  turned  his  glance 
inspired  him  with  new  and  original  conceptions  We 
will  first  give  a  few  ideas  culled  from  his  sermons  «  In 
what  does  beauty  consist?  In  colour  ?  No.  In  form  » 
No  !  Beauty  is  born  of  the  correspondence  of  parts  and 
«lours  ;    .   .   .   this    as    regards    composite   things  :     the 

33 


I ,  ONAROUtS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

beauty  i  f  simple  things  is  in  their  light.     Behold  the  sun 

their   beauty   is  in    the   light   they   shed; 

bold  the  -  the  blessed,  their  beauty  consists  d 

;  behold  God  is  lightl    He  is  beauty  itself)  .  .  •• 

l  bus  the  beaut  man  and  woman  is  the  greater  and 

nn  :  the  more  resemblance  it  hath  to  primary 

beauty.     What,  then,  is  this  beauty?      It  is  a  quality 

■  ni   the   proportion  and  correspondence  of   the 
:md  y  f  the   body.      Thou  dost  not  call  a 

woman  beautiful  on  account  of  her  beautiful  nose  and 
beautiful  hands,  but  when  all  is  in  harmony.  What  is 
the  source  of  this  beauty  ?  On  investigation  thou  wilt 
j  that  it  emanates  from  the  soul.  .  .  .2  Now  take  two 
►men  of  equal  beauty  ;  let  one  be  good,  modest,  and 
pure  ;  the  other  a  prostitute  :  thou  wilt  see  the  good  one 
shine  with  an  almost  angelic  beauty,  and  that  the  other, 
however  handsome  she  may  be,  is  in  no  way  comparable 
with  the  good  and  virtuous  woman.  .  .  .3  Thou  wilt 
see  that  this  holy  one  will  be  dearer  to  every  one,  and 
that  all  eyes,  even  those  of  carnal-minded  men,  will  be 
attracted  to  her."  4 

"  And  the  reason  of  this  is  because  the  untainted  soul 
shares  the  beauty  of  God,  and  lends  its  Divine  charm 
to  the  body.  We  read  concerning  the  Virgin,  that  her 
great  beauty  struck  all  who  looked  on  her  with  amaze- 
ment, but  that  she  was  so  encircled  by  a  halo  of  sanctity,- 
as  to  excite  impure  desire  in  no  man,  all,  on  the  contrary, 
holding  her  in  reverence."  This  gave  Savonarola  an 
opportunity  to  address  his  female  hearers,  and  censure 
their  attention  to  outward  and  material  beauty  while 
neglecting  the  spiritual  beauty  that  alone  had  any  value 

1  "  Prediche  sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria."  Sermon  of  Friday  after  the 
third  Sunday  in  Lent. 

a  Sermon  xxviii.,  on  Ezekiel.  3  Sermon  iii.,  on  Haggai. 

4  u  Prediche  sopra  Amos  e  Zaccaria."  Sermon  of  Friday  after  the 
third  Sunday  in  Lent. 


BIS  IDEAS  ON  THE  BEAUTIFUL.  400 

in    his    eyes.      «  Ye    women  that    glory    in    your    finery 
in  your  hair  and  your  hands,  I   tell   ye  that  ye  are   all 
hideous  !    Would  ye  behold  true  beauty  ?   .  .  .  Note  some 
devout    person,    either    male    or   female,    that    hath    the 
Divine  spirit  ;  note  him,  I  say,  when  engaged  in  prayer, 
and  in  the  flush  of  Divine  beauty  and  on  his  return  from 
prayer  ;  then  will  ye  see  the  beauty  of  God  reflected  in 
his  face,  and  his  countenance  almost  as  that  of  an  angel  "  « 
He  then  turned  to  the  artists,  who  in  painting  the  Virgin 
and  the  saints,  not  only  delighted  in  representing  varied 
fashions    of   attire,    but    instead    of  seeking    to    express 
the  nobility  and  holiness  of  some  elevated  and  sublime 
type,  frequently  gave  portraits  of  persons  notorious  for 
their  evil  life  and  indecent  and  scandalous  habits.     «  And 
these  young   men   go  about   saying   of  this  woman   and 
that— Here   is   a   Magdalen,  here  a  Virgin,  there   a  St 
John  ;  and  then  ye  paint  their  faces  in  the  churches,  the 
which    is    a   great    profanation    of  Divine    things       Ye 
painters  do  very  ill  ;  and  did  ye  know,  as  I  know,  the 
scandal  ye  cause,  ye  would  certainly  act  differently. 
Ye  fill   the  churches  with  vain    things  ;    think  ye    that 
the  Virgin  should  be  painted,  as  ye  paint  her  ?     I  tell 
ye  that  she  went  clothed  as  a  beggar."  2 

These  ideas,  which  are  frequently  met  with  in  Savona- 
rola s  sermons,  form  an  integral  part  of  his  system.  His 
great  aim  was  to  ensure  the  triumph  of  Christianity  and 
religion  ;  and  therefore,  in  art  and  morals,  in  politics  and 
everything  else,  he  steadily  kept  this  purpose  in  view 
But  for  a  deeper  knowledge  of  his  aesthetic  principles 
we  must  turn  to  a  little  work  of  his  upon  poetry  The 
idea  of  it  was  conceived  in  the  following  way.  Carried 
away    by   the   heat    of    his    eloquence    Savonarola    often 

■  Sermon  xxviii.,  on  Ezekiel. 
hi  ;'eco"d  CShue„d°aPyrfn  ull  '  Z*CC™"    ™<  that  of  Saturday  following 


goo  AND  TIM 

vere    and    perhaps  :idcmnati«»n 

and    the   use    made   of  their  WOrkfl   bj 

ntemporary  preachers,  who   filled  their  sermons  with 

I  writers  of  this   kind,  and    I  illy  from 

the  heathen  worl       This  gave  rise  to  many 
mum.,        ad  alth  hisown  poems  were  well  known 

all,    his    adversaries    proclaimed    him    hostile   to   poets 
and    ;  in  general.      Thereupon    the  famous  scholar, 

(        lino    Verino,    then    a    great    admirer    of  arola 

(although    al  irds     his    betrayer)    sent    him    a    Latin 

epi  mpanied  by  some  verses  in  praise  of  religion. 

lie  spoke  of  poetry  in  his  letter,  declaring  that  he 
I  with  Savonarola  as  to  the  benefit  to  be  derived 
true  p^ets,  and  the  evil  caused  by  obscene  writers 
and  undue  admiration  of  Paganism.1  lie  seemed  to  wish 
to  lead  the  Friar  to  a  clearer  explanation  of  his  own  ideas, 
and  thus  refute  the  calumnies  of  his  opponents.  And  it 
was  then  that  Savonarola  published  his  little  work  on  the 
"  Division  and  Utility  of  all  the  Sciences,"  one  portion 

1  Verino  is  known  as  the  author  of  a  poem  in  three  books  :  u  De 
Illustratone  Urbis  Florentine."  His  Latin  letter  and  verses  mentioned 
above,  have  been  published  in  Gherardi's  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  184 
and  fol.  After  citing  various  instances  and  authorities  in  favour  of  true 
poetry,  Verino  adds:  "Ut  ad  Poeticem  redcam,  non  opinor  te  a  nostra 
bcntcntia  discrepare  :  egregios  poetas  gravibus  plurimum  prodesse  sen- 
tentiis,  et  elegantia  et  struttura  verborum  valde  delectare  lectores  ;  malos 
vero  ac  lascivos  ut  pestem  esse  vitandos,  quod  male  abutantur  tarn 
clara  dicendi  facultate.  .  .  .  O  impudentiam  singularem,  Iovem  quam  * 
Christum,  thyrsum  quam  Crucem,  Iunonem  et  Bacchum  quam  Mariani 
et  Johannem  malunt  nominare  ...  Da  veniam  tcmeritati  :  haec  non 
ideo  scripsi,  ut  Poetica^  exhibeam  patrocinium,  sed  illos  pariter  incre- 
parem  qui  ea  male  abutuntur,  et  tua;  detrahunt  sanctitati  :  posse  ctiam 
salva  stili  dignitate,  deserte  et  ornate  poema  confìngi  de  Christiana 
felicitate.  Vale."  This  letter  clearly  proves  the  nature  of  Savonarola's 
real  opinions  on  the  subject.  Signor  Gherardi  believes  it  to  have  been 
written  in  149 1,  since  the  author  mentions  having  witnessed  three  years 
before  the  performance  in  Florence  of  the  Menechmi  of  Plautus,  and 
one  of  these  performances  is  known  to  have  been  given  in  1488.  It  is 
impossible  to  discover  the  exact  date  of  the  work  Savonarola  wrote,  in 
reply  ;  but  we  believe  it  was  written  before  the  year  1494. 


ON  THE  ART  OF  POETRY.  C0I 

of  which  is  entitled  :  «In  Apology  of  the  Art  of  Poetry  »  . 
The  aim   of  the  author  was  to  prove   that  he  desoised 

z  e ir  rL°kf  huBUT  krwJedge-  h  sou^  *>  *ts 

its  due  rank.  But  having  spoken  elsewhere  of  the 
division  of  the  sciences  adopted  by  the  Friar,*  we  need 
on  y  here  explain  the  portion  of  the  work  devoted     o 

SS'ofdJ ^  *  Settk  ^  P°int  b  discus-n  by 
means  of  the  authors  own  words.  y 

Accordingly  Savonarola  begins  with  a  letter  to  Verino 
in    which    he    says:     "I    have    never    been   minded    to 
condemn  the  art  of  verse,  but  only  the  abusfmade  of 
«  by  many.3  although  not  a  few  have  sought  to    alumniate 
me  in  their  speech  and  their  writings.8    For,  inTS 
it  was  my  purpose   to  pay  no  heed  fo  these  things    in 

CTS°fi  H  e  PKCCept  :  neV6r  t0  anSWer  a  foo1  -ford- 
ing to  his  folly  ;  but  now  thy  words  force  me  to  take 

up  the   pen.     But    thou   must    not  expect   2  to  wrke 

e  egantly,  since  for  the  last  twenty  year?  I  have  negleTted 

all  the  humanities  for  other  and  graver  pursuits  "  g After 

th,s  short  preamble,  he  enters   into   the  main  question 

by   first   drawing   a  distinction    between   the   foTm    and 

sub  tance  of  poetry.     «  By  some  it   is   held   toTonsS 

solely  of  form  ;   but  in  this  they  are  greatly  deceived 

the  essence  of  poetry  consists  in  philosophy  and  thought' 

since  wnhout  these  no  man  can  be  a  true  poeT  And 

should  any  one  believe  that  the  art  of  poetry  only  teaches 

dactyles  and  spondees,  long  or  short  syllables .and verba 

flourishes,  he  is  undoubtedly  in  great  error."  4     HeThen 

poét^o^e"^  «**«»  scientiarum  :   i„ 

edition ^^wiftouf  indication  oS^d  pje"6  "  a'3°  3  «'-«^-century 
Vide  bk.  l.  chap.  vi.  ' 

rumdaNme7b?suarnÌ^rÌOpi:[orad0evtÌCam  à^aaaÌlaa  P«<™  sed  quo- 
treatise  :   ''ApologeLus'derati^e^eticT'artts'.n6.  'T™?  °f  the 

*us  essa?  op™e~™P;  ^ior.^nd5-; 

:enetur"  (^pologetLus,"  &c.?p.  3^)  ""'  magn°  pr°fect0  erro™ 


502  $AV(  TIMI 

v  on  th<          ly 

but    quickly   chai  his    tot 

\  ideas  :  Vi  Die  pur]  4  poetry,*1 

he  says,                           by  means  of  I  m  calici 

ample,  expressed  in  elegant   1  \  in  order  to 

■■.vince  and  delight   at   the  same  time.      And    inasmuch 

OUT     soul     finds     sovereign     pleasure     in     songs     and 

harmonies,  so  the  ancients  contrived  the  art  of  metrical 

an  t,    the    better     by    this    means    to    urge    men 

virtue.      But   this   metre    is    purely   conventional,   and 
the   poet  can   deal   with    his    theme   without    the   aid   of 
metre  or  rhyme.1      This  is  proved  by  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
which  the  Lord  hath  given  the  true  poetry  of  wisdom, 
the  genuine  eloquence  of  the  spirit  of  truth  ;  thus  instead 
«  f  feeding   men's   minds  with   the    husk:   of   words,   they 
instantly  imbue    them  with    the    spirit,  show    them    the 
essence  of  truth,  and  give  marvellous  nourishment  to  all 
that    are    free   from    earthly    vanities.     For    verily  what 
serveth  an  eloquence  that  never    achieveth   its  proposed 
end  ?     What    serveth    a    painted    and    decorated    bark, 
that  is  always  struggling  with  the  waves,  never  bearing 
its  passengers  nearer  the  port,  but  always  moving  farther 
away  from  it  ?     What    profiteth  it  to  the  soul,  merely 
to  tickle  the  ears  of  the  multitude,  praise  oneself  as  a 
divinity,  mouth  lauds  of  the  philosophers,  and  sing  poets' 
verses  out  of  tune,  while  forsaking  or  barely  remember- 
ing the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  !  "2 

After  speaking  in  this  way  of  poetry  in  general,  he 
next  treats  of  the  poets  of  his  own  day.  "  There  is,"  he 
says,  "  a  false  race  of  pretended  poets,  who  can  do  nought 
but  run  after  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  repeating  their 
ideas,    copying    their  style   and  their  metre  ;    and    even 

1  "  Potest  enim  poeta  uti  argumento  suo,  et  per  decentes  similitudines 
discurrere  sine  versu  "  (''  Apologeticus,"  &c,  p.  38). 
a  Ibid.  pp.  45-48. 


INVECTIVES  AGAINST  FALSE  POETS  5o3 

invoking  the  same  deities,  almost  as  though  we  were  not 
men  as  much  as  they,  with  reason  and  religion  of  our  own.1 
Now  this  is  not  only  false  poetry,  but  likewise  a  most 
hurtful  snare  to  our  youth.     Were   this  not  already  as 
clear  as  sunlight,  I  would  labour  to  prove  it  :  experience, 
the  only  teacher  of  all  things,  having  so  plainly  mani- 
fested to  all  eyes  the  evils  born  of  this  false  kind  of  poetry, 
that  it  is  needless  to  pause  to  condemn  it.2     And  what 
shall  we  say,  on  finding  that  even  the  Pagans  condemned 
poets  such  as  these  ?     Did  not  Plato  himself,  whom  nowa- 
days all  extol  to  the  skies,  declare  the  necessity  of  making 
a  law  for  the  expulsion  from  the   city  of  all  poets,  who 
by  the  example   and  authority  of  most   iniquitous  deities, 
and  the   allurements   of  most   shameful  verse,   filled  the 
world    with     ignominious    lust    and    moral    destruction  ? 
Why  do  our  Christian  rulers   make   no   sign  ?     Why  do 
they  dissemble  these  ills  ?     Why  do  they  not  pass  a  law 
banishing  from  the  city  riot  these  false  poets  only,  but  even 
their  works,  and  those  of  the   ancient  writers  treating  of 
vicious  subjects,  and  in   praise   of  false  gods  ?     It  would 
be  an  excellent  thing  were  such  books  destroyed,  and  only 
those  inciting  to  virtue  preserved/'  3 

These  were  the  utterances,  some  of  which  are  certainly 
unduly  severe,  serving  as  the  basis  of  many  of  the  charges 
alleged  against  Savonarola.  We  have  given  them  in  full, 
the  better  and  more  clearly  to  show  how,  after  all  that 
had  passed,  even  after  the  proofs  he  had  given  of  his 
regard  for  the  treasures  of  ancient  and  modern  art,  what 

1  Having  given  this  passage  word  for  word  in  an  earlier  chapter,  we 
only  give  a  summary  of  it  here. 

2  "  Modus  autem  artis,  quern  nunc  nostri  poeta?  servant,  .  .  .  hoc  es«- 
metrorum  ac  fabularum,  laudumque  Deorum,  adolescentibus  pestis  es\ 
perniciosissima.  Et  certe  ad  hoc  probandum  laborarem,  nisi  sole  clarius 
appareret.  Experietitia  ipsa,  rerum  magistra,  ita  nostris  oculis  mala 
quae  ex  perverso  usu  poetica?  artis  eveniunt  manifestar,  ut  non  oporteat  in 
probatione  sudare"  ("  Apologeticus,"  &c,  p   53). 

3  "  Apologeticus,"  &c,  p.  54. 


• 


'l  handle  f  ive  tO  his  enemies,  and  how  he 

ml  into  them  In- his  indignation  against 
••nevi  the   beautiful,  while   I  be   its 

The  intemperance  of  his  Lang  justi- 

tt  the  moment  by  the  corruption  of  a   time,  in  which 

the   tn  us   and  noble   poetry  of  Dante    Alighieri, 

•    d    in    the    general    craving    for    and    delight 

in  obscenities,  u  Nevertheless,"  continued  Savonarola, 
"even  among  the  ancients,  there  he  some  that  condemned 
vicious  things,  and  extolled  the  generous  deeds  of  great 
men  :    by  these,  poetry  was  turned  to  good  use,  and  I  have 

ither  the  right  nor  the  wish  to  condemn  them."  l  Hut 
then  he  adds  with  fresh  excitement,  "  even  the  best  of  these 
heathen  poets  should  only  be  studied  after  a  strong  and 
healthy  Christian  training.  Let  them  accordingly  be  kept 
from  the  eyes  of  the  young  until  the  latter  have  been  first 
nourished  on  evangelical  doctrines,  and  had  them  firmi v 
impressed  on  their  tender  minds.  It  is  a  matter  of  no 
slight  importance  to  give  a  good  direction  to  their  first 
.raining  ;  but  rather  of  great,  and  the  greatest  importance, 
since  the  beginning  is  more  than  half  of  the  work.  For 
my  part,  I  hold  it  better  to  see  Christians  adorned  with 
good  morals  but  scanty  eloquence,  rather  than  see  them 
rendered  unworthy  of  the  name  of  Christ  by  the  bril- 
liancy of  their  eloquence."  2 

In  conclusion,  he  speaks  of  the  benefit  that  poetry  may 
confer  on  religion,  and  says  :  Were  a  poet  only  to  sino- 
the  praises  of  religion,  he  might  certainly  do  it  honour, 
but  would  be  of  no  real  service  to  it.      Unless  vivified  by 

1  "  Verum  quidam,  non  amatoria,  non  laudes  idolorum,  non  turpia,  sed 
lirorum  fortium  gesta  atque  moralia  versibus  descripserunt,  et  bene  usi 
sunt  arte  poetica  et  modo  eius  :  hos  igitur  damnare  nee  possum  nec 
debeo"  ("  Apologeticus,"  &c,  p.  55). 

2  "  Ego  melius  puto  Christianos,  moribus  ornatos,  minore  fulgere 
eloquentia,  quam  propter  eloquentiam  Christi  nomen  perdere"  ("Apolo- 
geticus," &c,  p.  55). 


ART  VERSUS  MORALITY.  5 

the  spirit,  the  letter  kills  ;  the  honour  and  glory  sought 
by  the  poet  always  consist  in  the  art  he  employs,  rather 
than  in  the  subject  treated  by  him.  How,  then,  can  he 
serve  religion,  before  which  all  other  human  interests 
are  as  nought  ?  The  example  of  a  poor,  simple,  ignorant 
woman  kneeling  in  earnest  prayer  doeth  more  good  to 
mankind  than  all  the  poets  and  philosophers  who  celebrate 
thQ  Lord  s  praise  with  pompous  declamation  ;  for  whereas 
the  woman's  heart  is  warmed  by  faith,  these  men's  minds 
are  full  of  worldly  vanity."  I 

Undoubtedly,   this   will  be  regarded   by  many  as  too 
exclusive  a  mode  of  investigating  the  subject;  nevertheless 
it  appertains  to  a  sounder  method  of  criticism  than  might 
be  supposed  at  first  sight.     Art,  it  is  true,  lives  in  a  world 
of  its  own,  in  which  it  finds  its  own  end,  and  is  sufficient 
to    itself.     Those    who    in  seeking    to    elevate    it,    have 
tried  to  use  it  as  an  instrument  for  some  moral,  political 
or  religious  end,  have  always  reduced  it  to  the  kvd  of 
prose.  ^    No  picture,  poem,  or  musical  work  has  ever  be- 
come immortal  through  being  composed  for  a  purpose,  no 
matter   how    noble    or  generous   that  purpose  may  have 
been,  whereas   numerous  works,   conceived   for   no   very 
laudable  aim,  have  lasted  through  many  centuries.   Hence 
Savonarola  showed  no   inadequacy   in   his  conception  of 
art,  when  distinguishing  it  so  clearly  from   morality  and 
religion  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  proved  that  he  had  grasped 
its  true  nature.    Where  he  erred,  was  in  allowing  too  little 
for  the  ennobling  effect  of  mental  culture  on  the  soul 
and  the  refinement  of  mind  acquired  in  the  realms  of  art' 
Being  at  that  time  solely  dominated  by  religious  ideas  he 
was  over  jealous  in  his  attacks  on  the  philosophical  studies 
in    which   he    was   himself  so    well    versed,   and  on  the 
poetical   art  once  so  dear  to  him.     But  in   deploring  his 

T  This  idea  is  not  only  enounced  in  the  above-mentioned  work  but 
continually  reiterated  in  the  sermons.  '  Dut 


5o6  5  >ZjTS  AND  TIMES. 

:  on  tills  point,  we  mutt  not  forget  that  there 
re  many  odd  and  phil  n  in  th< 

d   to  the  revival  i 

i,    and    others  who    believed   them  to   have 

•he  summit  of  art    by  the    shameless    indeccne; 
they  had  strung  together  in  Yirgilian  verse   or  Ciceronian 
prose.      On    the   other    hand,    it    was   a   great    mistake  to 
believe  Savonarola  insensible  to  the  sublime    symphom 

true  art,  or  to  the  secret  harmony  ot  the  beauti- 
ful. Was  it  not  philosophy  that  had  given  him  strength 
and  courage  to  bear  the  cruel  trials  of  his  youth?  Had 
not  music  and  poetry  served  as  a  solace  and  vent  to  his 
:  liest  griefs  ?  His  verses  prove  him  to  have  been  no 
unworthy  disciple    of   the  arts   which  he  was  now  held 

despise.  For,  although  his  compositions  may  not 
always  rise  to  the  rank  of  true  poetry,  they  all  show  a 
special  originality  and  elevation  of  thought,  and  are 
therefore  valuable  proofs  of  the  nobility  of  their  author's 
mind.  Some  space  must  accordingly  be  given  to  their 
examination. 

Although  exclusively  on  religious  themes,  these  verses 
are  to  be  divided  into  two  distinct  classes,  and  they 
strangely  confirm  Savonarola's  declared  views  on  the 
nature  of  poetry  and  its  various  forms.  Most  of  the 
Canzoni  were  written  in  his  youth,  before  he  had  fled  from 
the  world,  while  he  was  still  ardently  devoted  to  letters, 
and  only  wrote  to  give  vent  to  his  innermost  feelings. 
But  his  more  numerous  Laudi  Spirituali  were  composed, 
at  a  riper  age,  with  the  exclusively  religious  purpose  of 
overthrowing  the  Canti  Carnascialeschi  which  were  then 
so  popular  in  Florence.  These  Lauds  are  altogether 
outside  the  field  of  genuine  art  ;  for  their  metre,  form 
and  even  almost  their  ideas  are  suggested  and  determined 
by  the  very  species  of  poetry  they  were  meant  to  super- 
sede.    The   author  set  them   to  the  same  music   as  the 


SPIRITUAL  SONGS.  5o7 

Carnival  Songs,  and  followed  the  same  arrangement,  while 
trying  to  substitute  a  word  of  faith  or  religion  for  every 
one  of  their  lewd  .  expressions.  Hence,  having  volun- 
tarily stretched  himself  on  this  bed  of  Procustes,  he  is 
forced  by  his  very  antagonism  to  imitate  lines  which  are 
often  poor  in  idea  and  full  of  artificial  conceits,  and  is 
driven  to  unworthy  verbal  devices  and  subterfuges.  Ac- 
cordingly we  cannot  be  surprised  at  the  absence  of  true 
poetry  in  these  Lauds,  but  rather  that  they  should  often 
show  a  certain  amount  of  temperance,  decorum,  and  good 
sense.  When  Girolamo  Benivieni,  a  famous  poet  in  his 
own  day,  attempted  the  same  style,  he  frequently  passed 
the  limits,  not  only  of  art,  but  of  common  sense  ;  and  in 
singing  the  joy  and  delight  of  growing  mad  for  love  of 
Christ,1  ventured  to  apply  the  name  of  poetry  to  the 
following  lines  : — 

To'  tre  once  almen  di  speme, 
Tre  di  fede  e  sei  d'amore, 
Due  di  pianto,  e  poni  insieme 

Tutto  al  foco  del  timore  : 
Fa'  dipoi  bollir  tre  ore  ; 
Premi  in  fine,  e  aggiungi  tanto 
D'umiltate  e  dolor,  quanto 
Basta  a  far  questa  pazzia.3 

Compared  with  effusions  such  as  these,  Savonarola's 
Lauds  seem  resplendently  good,  for  at  least  they  are  more 
simply  conceived,  have  more  spontaneity  of  feeling,  and  a 
more  practical,  moral,  and  loftier  aim.     We  subjoin  the 

1  Vide  "Poesie"  by  Girolamo  Benivieni.    Florence,  1500. 
Ognun  gridi,  com'  io  grido  : 
Sempre  pazzo,  pazzo>  pazzo. 
("  Let  all  cry,  as  I  cry  ;  mad,  mad,  for  ever  mad.") 
a  "Poesie"  of  Girolamo  Benivieni  :— "  Take  of  hope  at  least  three  ounces, 
three  of  faith,  and  six  of  love,  then  two  of  hope,  and  set  all  to  boil  on 
the  fire  of  fear  :  Let  them  boil  three  hours,  and  lastly  squeeze  and  add 
enough  humility  and  grief  to  create  this  madness." 


\VONA        A  S  i n  r  AM)  times. 
first  id  ill  the  HUM  year  in  which  the 

n       .  rnment  was  tornici. 

Viva,  viva  in  DOttrO  core 
Cristo  re,  duce  e  signore. 

Ciascun  purghi  l'intelletto, 
La  memoria  e  volontade, 
Del  terrestre  e  vano  allctto  ; 
Arda  tutto  in  caritade, 
Contemplando  la  bontade 
Di  lesù  re  di  Fiorenza  ; 
Con  digiuni  e  penitenza 
Si  riformi  dentro  e  fore. 

Se  volete,  lesù  regni, 
Per  sua  grazia  in  vostro  core, 
Tutti  gli  odii  e  pravi  sdegni 
Commutate  in  dolce  amore  ; 
Discacciando  ogni  rancore, 
Ciascun  prenda  in  sé  la  pace  : 
Questo  è  quel  che  a  lesù  piace, 
Su  nel  cielo  e  qui  nel  core.1 

Of  the  many  Lauds  composed  by  Savonarola,  some 
have  remained  unpublished  to  the  present  day  ;  but  these 
latter  add  nothing  to  his  reputation  as  a  poet,  since 
besides  having  all  the  defects  common  to  the  rest,  they 
were  never  revised   by  their   author,  and  have  been  pre- 

1  This  Laud  is  the  fifth  in  the  collection  of  Savonarola's  poems  pub- 
lished by  Audin,  and  is  entitled  "Canzona  ai  Fiorentini."  Literally 
translated,  it  runs  thus  :  "  Live,  O  live  in  our  heart,  Christ  our  king  and 
chief  and  lord.  Let  each  one  purge  his  mind  and  memory  and  will,  of 
earthly  and  vain  affections  ;  let  him  burn  with  charity,  in  contemplating 
the  loving  kindness  of  Jesus,  king  of  Florence  ;  Let  each  one  purify  him- 
self within  and  without  by  fasting  and  penitence.  If  ye  would  have 
Jesus  reign  by  His  grace  in  your  hearts,  change  all  your  hate  and  evil 
wrath  into  tender  love  ;  casting  forth  all  rancour,  let  each  dwell  in 
peace.  This  is  that  which  is  pleasing  to  Jesus,  in  heaven  above  and  here 
in  our  hearts." 


HIS  EARLY  POEMS.  5o9 

served  in  their  original  rough,  fragmentary,  and  extremely 
incorrect  form.1 

But  whenever  Savonarola  shakes  off  the  fetters  and  bonds 
imposed  by  the  theme  of  the  Lauds  ;  whenever  his  verses 
are  no  longer  made  to  serve  an  aim  with  which  poetry  has 
no  concern,  and  whenever  his  words  flow  freely  and 
spontaneously  from  his  heart,  then  he,  too,  has  the  right  to 
say  :  I  also  am  a  poet.  We  find  many  proofs  of  this  in 
the  Canzoni,  which,  as  we  have  said,  were  nearly  all 
written  in  early  youth,  while  he  was  still  wrestlino-  with 
earthly  passions,  and  as  yet  unabsorbed  in  the  spiritual 
delights,  which  inspired  him  with  so  excessive  a  contempt 
for  the  world.  In  the  two  Canzoni,  "  De  ruina  Ecclesia?  " 
and  "De  ruina  Mundi,'*  we  already  find  much  rough 
vigour  and  an  energetic,  though  careless  style  of  versifi- 
cation. In  others,  on  the  contrary,  we  meet  with  great 
delicacy  of  feeling,  expressed  with  a  certain  amount  of 
elegance,  as  may  be  seen  by  certain  portions  of  the 
Canzone,  beginning  thus  : 

Quando  il  soave  e  mio  fido  conforto, 
Per  la  pietà  della  mia  stanca  vita, 
Con  la  sua  dolce  citara  fornita 
Mi  trae  da  l'onde  al  suo  beato  porto, 
Io  sento  al  core  un  ragionare  accorto.9 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Canzone  addressed  to 

■  Some  of  these  Lauds  were  published  for  the  first  time  in  the  first 
edition  of  these  works.  We  derived  them  from  the  original  manuscript 
possessed  by  Count  Giberto  Borromeo  of  Genoa,  and  explained  that  they 
were  rough,  unrevised  drafts.  They  are  reprinted  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
present  (Italian)  edition  (doc.  xxxv.),  but  we  must  remind  the  reader  that 
they  were  republished,  together  with  the  rest  of  the  Lauds  in  1862  by 
Commendatore   C.    Guasti   and   Count   C.    Capponi.     "Poesie   di    Fra 

,?  ?I?u°  Savonarola  tratte  dal1'  autografo."     Florence  :  Cecchi,  1862. 
When  my  gentle  and  faithful  comforter,  in  pity  of  my  weary  life,  fur- 
nished with  his  sweet  citara  (lute),  draws  me  from  the  flood  of  his  blessed 
port,  I  feel  a  subtle  reasoning  in  my  heart." 


VONAa  AND  TIMES. 


Jen,1  in  which  he  irith  much  fisci 

don  borne  to  heaven  by  Jesus  Christ  : 


E  tutto  il  IUO  cor  arde 
E  nel!'  a:  Dio  non  si  raffreni.' 


Bui  to  give  a  good  idea  of  th<  dons,  we  sub- 

join  in   tuli   •   Canzone  written  in    praise    of    Caterina   de 

ri,  who  was   horn   in    1463,  and   afterwards   canonized 
as  a  saint  by  the  Roman  Curia  in  1724. 


\ 


Anima  bella,  clic  le  membra  sante, 
Salendo  al  cicl,  abbandonasti  in  terra, 
Per  tar  fade  fra  noi  dell'  altra  vita  ; 
Or  eh'  è  fornita  pur  la  lunga  guerra, 
Ove  giammai  non  fusti  isbigottita, 
Ni  mai  voltasti  al  Sposo  tuo  le  piante, 

Sci  gita  a  lui  davante 
Col  cor  pudico  e  ccn  la  mente  pura, 
Per  trionfar  della  tua  gran  vittoria, 

In  sempiterna  gloria, 
Fuor  di  quest'  aspra  e  cieca  vita  dura. 
Là  dove  ormai  con  Cristo  sci  sccura. 


11. 
Il  sacro  corpo  ben  dimostra  quanto 
Esaltata  t'ha  Iddio  nell'  alto  ciclo, 
E  la  virtude  che  fra  noi  si  vede, 
Spirto  gentil,  esempio  al  mondo  fclo^ 
Fiamma  celeste  alle  coscienze  frede, 
E  degli  afflitti,  o  refrigerio  santo  ! 

Chi  con  devoto  pianto 
A  te  s'inchina,  Vergine  beata, 
Sciolto  riman  da  mille  pensier  frali; 

Perchè  quanto  tu  vali 
Dinanzi  a  Cristo,  o  sposa  coronata, 
Il  cicl  il  vede,  e  '1  mondo  ove  sei  nata. 


■  This  is  No.  xiii.  of  Audin's  collection  ;  No.  xii.  is  also  addressed  to  the 
same  saint,  but  is  a  very  inferior  work. 

a  "And  all  her  heart  is  on  fire,  and  she  freely  pours  out  her  love  of 
God." 


CANZONE  TO  STA   CATERINA.  t,  ; 

o-  * 

in. 

Da  mille  parti,  sol  per  fama  core 
Diverse  genti  a  rimirar  le  membra, 
Che,  essendo  spente,  par  che  viva  ancora, 
E  del  suo  spirto  par  che  si  rimembra.1 
Ogn'  uomo  il  vede,  quivi  ogn'  uom  l'adora, 
E  pien  di  maraviglia  gli  fa  onore. 

Deh  !  qual  selvaggio  core 
Non  lacrimasse  forte  di  dolcezza, 
Vedendo  l'opre  sante  e  l'umil  viso? 

Se  adunque  è  un  paradiso 
Il  corpo  al  mondo,  e  tanto  qui  si  prezza, 
Che  ria  a  veder  di  spirto  la  bellezza? 
O  felice  alma,  che  giammai  non  torse 
Il  santo  pie  dal  dritto  suo  cammino, 
Sempre  sprezzando  quel  che  '1  mondo  brama  !  a 

Unless  we  are  mistaken  this  Canzone  shows  an  ex- 
quisite refinement  and  delicacy  of  feeling.  But  in  general, 
it   must  be  confessed,  that  were  we  to  regard  the  Friar's 

1  It  would  be  an  arduous  task  to  correct  the  grammatical  errors  of  this 
strophe,  although  it  is  not  without  merit. 

"  Fair  soul,  whose  holy  limbs  have  soared  to  heaven  and  fled  the  earth 
to   teach  us  faith  m  the  future  life;   now  the  long  combat  is  done,  in 
which  thy  courage  never  failed,  nor  didst  thou  ever  turn  thy  back  on  thy 
bridegroom,  thou  art  now  gone  to  His  presence,  to  rejoice  with  modest 
heart  and  pure  mind  in  the  triumph  of  thy  victory,  in  everlasting  glory  ' 
removed  from  this  blind,  harsh,  and  unkind  world,  and  art  now  safe  with 
the  Lord  on  high.     Thy  holy  body  well  showcth  how  the  Lord  had  chosen 
thee  for  His  own,  and  the  virtue  thou  didst  manifest  here  below.     O 
gentle  spirit,  wast  an  example  to  the  wicked  world,  a  celestial  fire  to  luke- 
warm hearts,  and  a  holy  refuge  to  the  afflicted  !     He  that  bows  before 
thee,  O  sainted  virgin,  with  pious  tears,  is  delivered  from  all  frail  thoughts  • 
tor  heaven  sees  thee,  and  the  world  that  gave  thee  birth,  in  thy  true  place' 
a  crowned  bride  in  the  company  of  Christ  Jesus.     From  a  thousand 
parts,  drawn  by  thy  fame,  the  peoples  flock  to  gaze  on  the  form  that, 
dead  though  it  be,  seems  still  to  live  and  be  renewed  by  the  spirit  within 
All  men  see  this,  all  men  therefore  adore  it,  and  full  of  marvel  come  to 
do  it  homage.     What  heart,  howsoever  fierce,  could  fail  to  shed  rivers  of 
sweet  tears  on  beholding  thy  holy  works  and  humble  countenance  ?     If 
therefore,  even  thy  body  seemeth  a  paradise  in  this  world,  and  is  so  valued 
here,  what  were  it  not  to  see  the  beauty  of  thy  spirit  ?     Thou  happy  soul 
that  never  turned  thy  holy  steps  from  the  true  path,  but  ever  despised  all 
that  is  cherished  of  the  world  !  »     This  Canzone,  No.  iii.  of  the  Audin 
edition,  seems  to  have  been  left  unfinished. 


s   UFE  AND   TIM 


itions  solely  from  the  artistic  point  of  view, 
hould  often  be  compelled  to  judge  them  most  severely, 
e   nearly  all   arc   verj  pie,  and  their 

the  height  of  real  poetu         don. 

Nevertheless   we   carni  id  these  works    without    an 

inert  ■  their  author,  since  w  impres 

by  the  true    poetry    of   his    nature   even    when    he    tails    to 

express  it  in  his  ;   for  in   his  case,  this   is  an  integral 

K>ul  rather  than  a  product  of  the  mind. 
It  is  true  that  this  poetic  spirit  is  only  seen  in  occasional 
flashes  ;  but  is  all  the  more  luminous  owing  to  the 
author's  apparent  unconsciousness. 

Some  other  Latin  compositions  of  Savonarola's  pen  may 
also  he  classed  as  poetry,  for  although  devoid  of  metrical 
form,  thev  are  modelled  on  the  Psalms.  One  of  these, 
brating  the  praises  of  the  Lord,  runs  as  follows  :  "  1 
sought  Thee  everywhere,  but  found  Thee  not.  I  asked  of 
the  earth  :  Art  thou  my  God  ?  And  the  earth  answered  : 
Thales  is  deceived  ;  I  am  not  thy  God.  I  questioned  the 
air,  and  the  air  replied  :  Thou  must  go  higher.  I  ques- 
tioned the  heavens,  the  stars,  and  the  sun,  and  all  made 
reply  :  He  that  created  us  from  nothing  He  is  thy  God  ;  He 
rilleth  heaven  and  earth,  He  dwelleth  in  thy  heart.  Thus, 
O  Lord,  I  had  sought  Thee  afar,  and  Thou  wert  near.  I 
asked  of  my  eyes  whether  Thou  hadst  entered  in  through 
them,  but  they  answered  that  they  only  knew  colours.  I 
asked  my  ear,  and  it  answered  that  it  only  knew  sound. 
Wherefore  the  senses  know  Thee  not,  O  Lord  ;  Thou  hast 
entered  into  my  soul,  Thou  dwellest  in  my  heart,  and 
workest  in  me  when  I  do  deeds  of  charity."  1  Thus  in  all 
that  Savonarola  wrote  we  find  a  spiritual  tendency  ;  some 
noble  and  holy  aspiration  piercing  the  often  rebellious  husk 
of  form  to  show  us  his  moral  greatness,  and  prove  that, 
if  seldom  a  poet,  he  was  ever  a  fit  theme  for  poetry  of  th- 
highest  kind. 

■  Vide  "  Alcuni  devo^^oii  trattati,"  &c.    Venice,  1537. 


BOOK  IV. 

CHAPTERS  I.— XI. 
(J497-I498-) 


a 


CHAPTER  I. 


A    F'RESH    ATTEMPT    TO     rRE-ESTAWir^TYr^0^ 

(1497.) 

URING  _  Lent,   1497,   Savonarola    con- 
tinued his  course  of  sermons  on  EzekieJ, 
touching  upon  various  important  points 
connected  with  the  struggle  with  Rome, 
now    becoming    daily    more    virulent.' 
Consequently  these  discourses  were  very 
imperfectly  reported  by  Violi,  who  only  made  short  and 
and  summaries  of  them,  and  often  omitted  to  record  topics 
of  real  interest   in  favour  of  revelations  and  prophecies 
We  will  therefore  confine  our  attention  to  certain  of  the 
more  noteworthy  fragments. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  points  in  these  sermons  is 
the  question  of  the  temporal  possessions  of  the  Church 
upon  which  Savonarola  had  hitherto  refrained  from  ex' 
pressing  his  full  views,  probably  in  the  hope  that  a  better 
opportunity  would  be  afforded  him  at  the  assembline  of 
the  Council.  Nevertheless,  in  this  Lenten  course  on 
Lzekiel,  he  plainly  declared  that  the  Church  was  entitled 
to  temporal  wealth,  and  that  the  possession  of  it  had  been 


5.6 


SAVOA         UTS  UFE  AND  TIMES. 


v.vll  as  useful,  although  now  api  i- 
I    into    a    mischievous    burden.       "    1  he 

I  ;      •  exclaimed,  "hath   been   ruined   by  wealth. 

ly  then,  0    Friar,  that   the  Church   should 
temporal    wealth?      Nay,  it   were    heresy    to   say 

-  wv  cannot  believe  that  St.  Sylvester  would  have 
pted   riches  for  the  Church,  or  St.  Gregory  confirmed 
her  in  ;  sion  of  them,  had  it  been  unlawful  so  to  do  ; 

and  for  this  reason  we  submit  ourselves  to  the  Church  of 
me.     Oh,  but   which   is   best,  that   she   have  riches  or 
have  them  not  ?     This  is  a  serious  question,  for  we  all  see 
that  for  the  sake  of  wealth  she  hath  been  led  to  do  evil, 
and  of  this  I  need  give  ye  no  proof.    -We  will  therefore 
replyj  but  in  no  absolute  sense,  even  as  the  mariner  who 
doth  not  absolutely  wish  to  cast  his  riches  into  the  sea,  but 
only  seeketh  to  escape  danger,  and  will  say  that  the  Church 
would   be  better  without  riches,  since  she  could  thus  be 
drawn   nearer   to   God.     Wherefore   I   say  to   my    friars, 
Seek  to  adhere  to  poverty,  for  when  riches  enter  among 
ye,   death   too  comes   in."  «      Pursuing  the  same    theme, 
he  inveighed  against  all  laymen  and  priests  who  usurped 
ecclesiastical  property  and  made  a  bad  use  of  it.     "Who- 
ever hath  usurped  any  ecclesiastical  property,  let  him  restore 
it  to  the  Church  of  Christ,  if  there  be  any  good  pastors  ; 
if  not,  let  him  give  it  to  the  poor  without  regard  to  the 
canonical  law.      Thou,  O  canonist  !  mayst  say  what  thou 
wilt,  but  my  chief  canon  shall  ever  be  that  of  charity.      I 
bid  ye  take   this    for   your    rule,   that    no  canon  can  be 
opposed  to  charity  and  conscience,  for,  if  so,  it  is  a  false 
canon."  2 

•  •'  Prediche  Sopra  Ezechiele,"  &c,  already  quoted.  It  should  bo 
noted  that  this  volume  includes  both  the  Lenten  and  Advent  series;  the 
Advent  course  ends  with  viii.,  the  Lenten  begins  with  ix. 

a  Sermons  xiii.  and  xiv.  He  alludes  more  particularly  to  the  holders 
of  family  benefices,  who  made  an  unworthy  use  of  them,  either  by  sellici 
them  or  causing  men  to  enter  the  Church  without  any  true  vocation. 


DENUNCIA  T10NS  A  GAINST  ROME.  5 1 7 

To  Savonarola,  indeed,  charity  was  the  universal  law, 
conscience  the  supreme  guide.  He  desired  to  make  no 
changes  of  dogma,  but  did  not  believe  that  a  purely 
ecclesiastical  reform  could  suffice  to  cure  the  universal  cor- 
ruption of  the  Christian  world  ;  it  was  necessary  to  revive 
men's  faith  and  regenerate  their  hearts.  "  What  is  all  this 
war  stirred  against  me  ?  What  is  its  cause  ?  Only 
because  I  have  discovered  the  corruption  of  the 
wicked.*  .  .  .  But  I  will  do,  even  as  Fra  Jacopone  in 
Concistory,  who  on  being  bidden  to  preach  in  a  certain 
way,  looked  round  and  repeated  three  times  :  I  marvel 
that  the  earth  doth  not  split  and  engulf  ye  on  account 
of  your  sins."  2 

During  this  Lent,  also,  many  sermons  were  filled  with 
accusations  against  Rome,  which  were  rendered  the  more 
impressive  by  the  general  presentiment  of  an  approaching 
crisis  in  the  prolonged  struggle,  and  of  the  speedy  revolt 
of  all  Christendom  against  the    abominations  of  Rome. 
And  Savonarola  no  longer  hesitated  to  declare,  that  he 
would  take  the  lead  in  any  movement  for  the  purification 
and  reform  of  the  Church.     "  The  earth  teems  with  blood- 
shed," he  said,  "  yet  the  priests  take  no  heed,  rather  by 
their  evil   example  they  bring  spiritual   death    upon    all. 
They  have  withdrawn  from  God,  and  their  piety  consists 
in  spending  their  nights  with  harlots,  and  all  their  days 
in  chattering  in  choirs  ;  and  the  altar  is  made  a  place  of 
traffic  for  the  clergy.     They  say  that  God  hath  no  care  of 
the  world,  that  all  cometh  by  chance,  neither  believe  they 
that  Christ  is  present  in  the  sacrament.3  .  .  .  Come  here 
thou  ribald  Church.    The  Lord  saith  :  I  gave  thee  beauti- 

'  Sermon  xix.  •  Sermon  xvii. 

'Sermon  xxn.,  afterwards  suppressed  by  the  Congregation  of  the 
Index.  One  of  the  charges  Savonarola  frequently  brought  against  the 
clergy  was  that  they  had  no  belief  in  Transubstantiation.  This  proves 
how  far  he  was  from  sharing  the  Reformed  doctrines  of  which  some 
nave  declared  him  to  be  the  initiator. 


SA  i  i 

but  th<  them.     Thou 

,1  the  ry,  the 

meni  imony;  thou  lì.  imeless  harlot  in 

thy  lust    ;  irt  lower  than  a  beast,  thou  art  a  mon 

ibomination.     One-,  thou  felt  shan     I  ins,  but 

.   thou  art  shameless.     Once,  anointed  priests  called 
-  nephews;    but   now  they  speak  no  more  of 

r  nephews,  but   always  and  everywhere  of   their  sons.1 

rywnere  hast  thou  made  a  public  place  artd  raised  a 

house  of  ill-fame.   And  what  doeth  the  harlot?  Shesitteth 

the  throne  of  Solomon,  and  soliciteth  all  the  world:  he 

that  hath  gold  is  made  welcome  and  may  do  as  he  will  ;  but 

he  that  seeketh  to  do  good  is  driven  forth.      O  Lord,  my 

d,  they  will  allow  no  good  to  be  done!     And  thus, 

0  prostitute  Church,  thou  hast  displayed  thy  foulness  to 
the  whole  world,  and  stinkest  unto  I  leaven.  Thou  hast 
multiplied  thy  fornications  in  Italy,  in  France,  in  Spam, 
and  all  other  parts.  Behold,  I  will  put  forth  My  hand, 
saith  the  Lord,  I  will  smite  thee,  thou  infamous  wretch; 
my  sword  shall  fall  on  thy  children,  on  thy  house  of 
shame,  on  thy  harlots,  on  thy  palaces,  and  my  justice 
shall  be  made  known.  Earth  and  heaven,  the  angels, 
the  good  and  the  wicked,  all  shall  accuse  thee,  and  no 
man  shall  be  with  thee  ;  I  will  give  thee  into  thy  enemy's 
hand.2  .  .  .  O  priests  and  friars,  ye,  whose  evil  example 
hath  entombed  this  people  in  the  sepulchre  of  ceremonial. 

1  tell  ye  this  sepulchre  shall  be  burst  asunder,  for  Christ 
will  revive  His  Church  in  His  spirit.  Think  ye  that  St. 
Francis,  St.  Dominic,  and  the  other  saints  have  forgotten 
their  creed,  and  no  longer  intercede  for  it  ?  We  must  all 
pray  for  its  renovation.  Write  to  France  and  to  Germany; 
write  everywhere  to  this  effect  :    That  Friar  ye  wot  of 

1  Here,  he  plainly  alludes  to  Alexander  VI.  who  wrote  and  spoke  of 
his  "  children  "  without  the  least  shame. 
8  Sermon  xxii.,  afterwards  suppressed. 


PROPHETICAL   WARNINGS.  5I9 

bids    ye   all    seek    the    Lord    and    implore   His   coming. 

Haste  ye  at  full  speed,  O  ye  messengers  !    Think  ye  that 

we  aJone  are  good  ?     That  there  be  no  servants  of  God 

in  other  places  ?     Jesus  Christ  hath  many  servants,  and 

great  numbers  of  them,  concealed  in  Germany,  France  and 

Spain,  are  now  bewailing  this  evil.    In  all  cities  and  strong 

places,  in  all  manors  and  convents,  there  be  some  inspired 

with  this  fire  of  zeal.     They  send  to  whisper  somewhat 

in  my  ear,  and  I  reply  :  Remain  concealed  until  ye  hear 

the  summons — Lazare,  veni  for  as  !     I  am  here,  because 

the  Lord  appointed  me  to  this  place,  and  I  await  His  call, 

but  then  will  I  send  forth  a  mighty  cry  that  shall  resound 

.   throughout  Christendom,    and  make  the  corpse    of    the 

Church  to  tremble  even  as  trembled  the  body  of  Lazarus 

at  the  voice  of  our  Lord. 

:<  Many  of  ye  say  that  excommunications  will  be  decreed; 
but  I  repeat  to  ye  that  more  than   excommunication   is 
intended.     For  my  part,  I  beseech  Thee,  O  Lord,  that  it 
may  come  quickly.    What,  hast  thou  no  fear  ?    Not  I,  for 
they  seek  to  excommunicate  me,   because  I  do  no    evil. 
Bear  this  excommunication  aloft    on  a  lance    and    open 
the  gates  to  it.      I  will  reply  unto  it,  and  if  I  do  not 
amaze  thee,  then  thou  mayst  say  what  thou  wilt.     I  shall 
make  so  many  faces  turn  pale,  that  they  will  seem  to  thee 
a  multitude  ;  and  I  will  send  forth  a  shout  that  will  cause 
the  world  to  tremble  and  shake.     I  know  well  that  there 
be  one  in  Rome  that  striveth  against  me  without  cease. 
But   that  man  is  not  moved   by  religious  zeal,  but  only 
hateth  me  because  he  is  ever  crawling  after  great  lords 
and  potentates.'     Others   say  :    The  Friar  hath   yielded, 
he  hath  sent  one  of  his  friends  to    Rome.     I    can    tell 
1  This  is  an  allusion  to  Fra  Mariano  da    Genazzano,   whose   secret 
intrigues  Vili  soon   come  to   light.     But   Savonarola  was  so   reluctant 
to  make  personal  attacks,  that  he  afterwards  asked  the  people's  pardon 
for  having,  in  this  almost  solitary  instance,  made  too  plain  an  allusion  to 
a  person,  whom  he  had  nevertheless  left  un-named. 


SA  .  D  TIMa 


bold  not  t Ik  ;  and  that  it  1 

•  -,  1       uld  not  now  be 

,  nor  clad  in  a  i  1  i    be,  and  would  be 

my  present  danger.1     But   I  seek  none  or 
i  i   I         |       k  only  Thy  <        \  let  me  be 
■,  1  b  k  this  grace  of  Thee.     Lei  me  not  clic  in 
my  bed,  but  let  me  od  for  Thee,  even  as  Thou 

•    rhine  tor  me.*  .  .  .  Meanwhil         ibt  not,  my 
ildren,  for  the  Lord  will  certainly  lend  us  His  aid." 
Th  led   the   course   of   Lenten    sermons   that    had 

much  sensation  as  to  attract  many  hearers  from 
distant  parts,  and  among  others  Ercole  d'Kstc,  son  of  the 
D.  ke  or  Ferrara,  who  came  expressly  to  Florence  in  dis- 
Savonarola was  now  engaged  in  preparing  both 
himself  and  the  people  for  a  decisive  struggle,  being 
>'ved  to  defy  excommunication,  and  placing  his  only 
hope  in  the  Council,  which  he  hoped  to  see  speedily 
embled.  He  was  aware  that  his  refusal  to  agree  to  the 
junction  of  the  Tuscan  and  Roman  Convents,  a  measure 
that  even  the  Cardinal  of  Naples  was  now  seeking  to  pro- 
mote, had  caused  this  prelate  also  to  join  the  ranks  of  his 
enemies,  and  had  irritated  the  Pope  to  the  highest  pitch. 
Hence,  all  hope  of  further  truce  was  at  an  end.  Alex- 
ander VI.,  nevertheless,  instead  of  venting  his  rage, 
devised  a  final  expedient  of  truly  diabolical  ingenuity.  He 
caused  the  Florentines  to  be  informed  in  strict  confidence 
that  in  case  of  their  joining  the  Holy  League  and  separating 
from  France,  he  was  empowered  to  negotiate  with  them 
for  the  surrender  of  Pisa.     The  Ten  instantly  despatched 

1  This  would  seem  to  allude  to  the  offer  of  the  cardinal's  hat. 

2  Sermon  xxviii.,  another  of  those  afterwards  suppressed. 

3  On  the  5th  of  March,  1497,  the  orator  Somenzi  wrote  to  Ludovico  from 
Florence  to  the  following  effect  :  "Yesterday  evening,  Messer  Hercule, 
son  of  the  Lord  Sigismund  of  Este,  arrived  here,  and  has  come  solum 
and  in  disguise  with  six  horses.  .  .  .  He  informed  me  he  had  come  to 
hear  this  Friar  Hieronymo  of  Ferrara  preach."  This  letter  u  not 
included  i**  Prof.  Del  Lungo's  published  collection, 


BRA  CCI'S  INTER  VIE  W  WITH  THE  POPE.       ;  ,  t 

Ser  Alessandro  Bracci  as  special  envoy  to  Rome,  and  he  sent 
a  report,  m  two  letters  dated  the  i4th  and  15th  of  March 
of  his  interview  with  the  Pope.     First  of  all,  the  Holy 
father  had  emphatically  deplored  the  craft  of  the  French 
saying  ;    "May  God  pardon    the  author  of   that  expe- 
dition which  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  woes  of  Italy  as 
your  State,  having  been  dismembered  by  the  loss  of  Pisa 
must  be  well  aware.    It  would  be  worse  still  if  the  French 
came  again      Wherefore  we  are  using  our  best  efforts,  as 
our  Lord  God  knows,  to  weld  the  whole  of  Italy  into  one 
body.      Io  effect  this  we  count  chiefly  on  your  sagacious 
wits.     After  great  difficulty  we  have  induced  the  League 
to  oestow  Pisa  on  you,  but  only  on  condition  that  you  join 
with  us,  and  act  as  good  Italians,  by  leaving  the  French 
in  b ranee.     And  for  this  we  must  have  stronger  guaran- 
tees than  mere  words." 

The  Florentines  however  declined  to  fall  into  the  trap 
I  hey  knew  that  the  Venetians  were  aiding  Pisa,  and  that 
Ludovico  was  at  odds  both   with  them  and  the  Pope 
bracci  accordingly  kept  to  generalities  and  only  replied  • 
that   ab  antiquo   and    always,   the    Florentines  had  been 
held    to  be  _  not  only  good,  but    excellent    Italians,  and 
that  their  simple  word  was  the  best  security  that  could 
possibly    be    found.       Nor    could    their    alliance    with 
France,  to  whom    they  owed    so  many   obligations,    be 
held  to   imply  that  they  wished  to  do  injury  to  any  of 
the    Italian    potentates.     «But    at    this    point    he    was 
interrupted  by  the  Pope,  who  roughly  exclaimed  :  '  Mr 
Secretary,    you    are  as  fat    as  Ourself,  but    pardon  me 
you    have    come   on   a  lean    mission,    and    if  you   have 
nought  else  to  say  to    me,   you  may  go  back    at    once 
to  your  post.'      And   after  adding  that  the   Florentines 
would    be    driven    by  force  to  that    which    they    would 
not  do  of  their  own   accord,   and   would    repent  when 
it    was    too    late,    he    lost    all    scl-<ot~^    and    cried  : 


E  AND  TIM 


4  We  well  kn  -ill  tir.  ir  faith  in  the 

and  alio* 
,  insult  us,  threaten  us,  and  tran 
immeriti i  no  ipy  the  Holy  Chair 

|  I  to  explain  that  I  [is  1  i 

i  had  been  misinformed,  that  Savonarola  was  tuli  of 
goodness  and  modesty,  thus  "  endeavouring,"  as  he  wj 

44  to   culm  the  with  which    I   saw   him    so    influir, 

But   all    was   in    vain,  for   u  he   continued  to  ride  the  high 
taring  that  the  League  would  do  this  and 
■ ."  ■     Mcsser  Riccardo  Becchi,  the  orator  in  ordinary, 

lated  the  same  information,  also  adding  ''that  the  ofter 
to  surrender  Pisa  was  futile  and  quodammodo  hurtful, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Venetians  who  were  opposed 
to  it.  "  The  rage  against  Savonarola,"  he  said,  in  con- 
clusion, "  is  increasing  on  all  sides  in  Rome,  so  that  it  is  no 
more  possible  to  say  a  word  in  his  defence.  And  we  must 
be  on  our  guard  against  the  intrigues  of  Piero  de'  Medici 
who  will  certainly  try  to  profit  by  the  present  serious 
aspect  of  affairs,  which  is  decidedly  favourable  to  him."  2 
In  fact,  the  Bigi  faction  in  Florence  was  now  showing 
an  unusual  activity  that  caused  no  little  anxiety  to  the 
friends  of  the  free  government,  who  saw  that,  in  the 
present  state  of  things,  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy  might  lead  to  the  gravest  danger.  The  scarcity, 
and  consequently  dearness,  of  food,  was  continually  in- 
creasing, the  demand  for  labour  had  diminished,  and  no 
day  passed  without  the  city  being  invaded  by  fresh  bands 
of  famine-stricken  rustics,  who  went  begging  about  the 
streets  the  very  incarnations  of  misery.  And  in  the  midst 
of  the  famine  many  diseases  had  broken  out,  worst  of  all 
the  plague,  which  now  began  to  spread  with  alarming 
rapidity.     The  hospitals  and  all  public  buildings  were  full 

1  Gherardi,  "Nuovi  Documenti," pp.  79-84, 
•  Ibid.  pp.  84-86. 


PLOTS  FOR  THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  MEDICI.  523 

of  sick  and  starving  people,  and  the  Piagnoni  generously 
threw    open     their    private    abodes    to    all.       Notwith- 
standing  this   aid,  Jacopo   Nardi   calculates   that   sever?! 
thousand  persons  perished  of  hunger  in   those  days,  and 
tells  us  that  he  himself  saw  many  dying  of  exhaustion  by 
the  roadside  and  on  doorsteps.*      This  was  undoubtedly 
a  most  opportune  moment  for  Medicean  plots,  and,  in  fact, 
while  the  Piagnoni  were  devoting  all  their  energies  to  the 
relief  of  the  poor,  the  Bigi  were  secretly  conspiring  for 
Piero's  return.     One  of  the  most  active  of  their  accom- 
plices was  the  Friar,  Mariano  da  Genazzano,  whose  hatred 
for  Savonarola  was  still  red-hot  ;   and  who,  after  continually 
inflaming  the  Pope's  rage  against  him,  now  suddenly  re- 
appeared in  Florence.     But  before  narrating  these  party 
intrigues,  and  the  means  employed  by  Piero  de'  Medici  to 
execute  his  purpose,  it  is  necessary  to  give  an  account  of 
the  latter's  proceedings  and  ideas  at  this   period.      For- 
tunately we  have  a  very  minute  report  of  all  these  things 
compiled  by  Lamberto  dell'  Antella,*  who  had  taken  tn 
active  share  m  all  Piero's  plots,  and  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  manners  and  customs  of  his  confederates. 

After  the  failure  of  his  last  year's  attempt  to  enter 
Florence  by  force  of  arms,  Piero  had  fled  to  Rome,  a 
ruined,  hopeless,  and  almost  friendless  man,  and  there  led 
a  most  degraded  and  scandalous  life.  On  rising  for  the 
day,  shortly  before  dinner,  his  first  thought  was  to  send 
to  the  kitchen  to  see  whether  the  chosen  dishes  suited 
his  taste,  and  if  not,  he  repaired  to  the  San  Severino 
Palace  where  a  sumptuous  banquet  was  daily  held,  and 
where  he  accordingly  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  time. 
Ine  meal  over,  it  was  his  habit,  so  Amelia  informs  us,  to 
remain  closeted  with  some  courtezan  until  supper-time,  or 

1  Nardi,  "Storia  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  115 

u,wi!e  Sha11  haVe  Pccasion  t0  refer  again  to  Lamberto  and  his  narrative 
which  is  given  in  the  appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc  1.       narratlve* 


D  TIM. 


r,  and  then  I  forth  with  loose  and  feather- 

headed  i  m  into  the  i  (  Rom         ;  after 

f  the  night  i:  '  his  w 

;.    Th  consumed  his  time  and  strength 

Uttony,  gambling,  lewdness,  and   every  description 

rural  vice;    hut  of  all  his  >ns   pn  1  love   of 

•..  re  the  two  -  st.     He  considered  that 

:  him  were  bound  to  yield  him  implicit  obedience, 

and  allow    him  to   tyrannize   over   them    in    any    way    he 
pleased.       He    never    felt    the     least    gratitude  or   mercy 
r   those    who   served   him  ;   no  amount  of  fidelity   nor 
jvotion   availed  to  save  them   from   brutal  and  arbitrary 
tr.  at.      By  way  of  rewarding  a  certain   Francesco  del 

Nero,  who  had  traversed  all  Italy,  by  his  command,  bring- 
ing him  large  sums  of  money  and  serving  him  with  the 
utmost  zeal,  Piero  took  a  sudden  dislike  to  the  man,  and 
positively  begged  Lamberto  dell'  Antella  to  contrive  his 
assassination.  Among  the  oldest  and  most  devoted 
servants  of  his  house  there  were  always  some  to  whom 
he  showed  the  greatest  affection  whenever  he  was  in 
need  of  their  services  ;  but  directly  they  ceased  to  be  of 
use  he  treated  them  worse  than  dogs,  and  even  despatched 
some  of  them  by  poison.  Nor  were  his  retainers  the  only 
victims  of  his  brutality  ;  for  he  vented  it  upon  all.  To 
his  brother  the  Cardinal  l  he  often  behaved  with  such 
excessive  insolence,  even  in  public,  that  more  than  once 
they  came  almost  to  an  open  rupture.  Nevertheless, 
whenever  the  Cardinal  received  any  money,  Piero  exacted 
a  share,  and  in  two  or  three  days  had  squandered  or  lost 
it  all  at  play. 

By  this  mode  of  life  the  two  brothers  were  reduced  to 

such  extremities   as    to   be  driven  to  pledge  their  plate, 

jewels,  and   tapestries.       Being   loaded  with   debts,   they 

borrowed  money  at  20  per  cent.  ;  and,  to  use  an  expression 

1  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  afterwards  Pope  Lee  X. 


PIERO' S  ANTICIPATIONS  OF  SUCCESS. 


5*5 


of  the  period,  every  florin  they  spent  cost  them  eight  lire  1 
Meanwhile  Piero  continually  cherished  the  hope  of  being 
some  day  reinstated  in  Florence,  and  revelled  in  the  anti- 
cipation of  the  bloody  revenge  he  would  then  wreak  on 
his  foes.     He  kept  a  memorandum  of  the  families  he  in- 
tended to  crush  ;  their  houses   were   to   be  razed  to  the 
ground  and  their  property  confiscated.     In  fact,  when  the 
Emperor's  arrival  at  Pisa  had  again  revived  the  hopes  of 
the    Medici,    Cardinal   Giovanni    was  one   day  heard  to 
declare  at  Bolsena,  while  discussing  the  chances  of  their 
being  recalled  to  power,  that  the  number  of  those  sen- 
tenced to  exile  and  confiscation  in  '34,2  and  put  to  death 
in  '78,3  would  be  a  mere  joke  compared  with  what  they 
meant  to  do  this  time,  inasmuch   as   they    would    take 
measures  to  prevent  all  risk  of  again  being  driven  away. 
To  this  effect  it  was  Piero's  intention  to  devote  nearly  the 
whole   revenue    of  the   State    to  the  hire   of  two   large 
mercenary  armies,    under  the    command   of   Orsini  and 
Alviano,  and  thus  be  able  to  ensure  his  revenge  by  force 
of  arms.       He  also  made  continued  applications  to  the 
Italian  potentates,  praying  them  to  come  to  the  aid  of  his 
house,  it  being  his  ardent  wish  to  return  to  Florence  by 
means  of  foreign  assistance,  in  order  to  owe  no   obliga- 
tion to  any  of  his   fellow-citizens,  and  be  able  to  reign 
independently  of  their  favour    and   advice,   from   which 
he    shrank   with    the    utmost  abhorrence.      One  day,  in 
fact,  while  conversing  privately  with  some  friends,  of  his 
longed-for  return  to   Florence,  and  when,   as  frequently 
happens  in  these  cases,  all  spoke  as  though  everything  must 
come   about   as  they  wished,  Messer  ^Ludovico   da  San 
Miniato  turned  to  him  and  said,  "  You  will  be  able  to 

1  The  gold  florin.     The  relative  value  of  florins  and  lire  was  constantly 
i11?.?.111^'  but  Just  then  a  florin  was  worth  between  five  and  six  lire. 

Ihe  year  of  Cosimo's  reinstatement. 
3  After  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi. 


SA  Fi  VS  UFE  A\n  TIMES 

State,  and,  by  means  of  i  good  an 
udì  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  citizens,  to  constitute  ■ 
;  and  .  minions   as    you   c 

[]    Piero    made    a    very    i.  ture, 

,  ii  ITou  ought  to  know  by  this  time  that  I  don't 

mean  to  ask  any  one's  advice,  and  prefer  rather  to  man 

v  <>n  my  <>wn  account  than  well  by  others'  help."  l    Such 

■   the   manners   and   designs   of    the    man   whom    the 

Italian    princes    were  seeking  to   re-establish   in    Florence, 

to   whom   fortune    now  seemed    disposed   to   give   a 

helping  hand. 

In  the  course  of  the  violent  struggle  now  going  on 
:i  the  Arrabbiati  and  Piagnoni  in  Florence,  the  Bigi 
had  rrained  fresh  strength  ;  and  by  remaining  united  and 
compact,  and  throwing  their  whole  weight  now  on  this 
side,  now  on  that,  often  succeeded  in  getting  their 
nominees  elected  by  the  council.  Thus,  when  the  new 
S'i£nory  for  March  and  April  was  chosen,  they  procured 
the  post  of  Gonfalonier  for  Bernardo  del  Nero,  who, 
though  undoubtedly  possessed  of  much  influence  and 
sagacity,  had  always  been  a  creature  of  the  Medici,  and 
desired  either  their  restoration  or  the  establishment  of  a 
restricted  government  in  Florence.2 

When  his  election  was  made  known,  the  Bigi  tried  in 
vain  to  conceal  their  joy.  An  express  messenger  in- 
stantly set  off  at  full  speed  for  Rome  to  carry  the  news 
to    Piero    de*    Medici.     Thereupon    the    latter,    awaking 

*  Vide  in  the  Appendix  (to  the  Italian  edition)  the  report  by  Lamberto 
d'Amelia,  to  which  we  have  previously  referred,  and  from  which  we  have 
drawn  this  description  of  Piero's  life  and  manners. 

3  So  Guicciardini  asserts  in  the  "Storia  Fiorentina,"  chap.  xv.  p.  153, 
but  in  his  M  Storia  Italia,"  vol.  ii.  p.  105,  he  merely  says  that  Del  Nero  was 
a  Medicean  ;  so,  too,  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  118,  and  other  writers.  On  the  day 
of  his  election  (February  26th),  the  orator  Somenzi  wrote  to  Ludovico  as 
follows  :  "  No  Gonfalonier  could  be  better  suited  to  our  friend's  views  ; 
hence  it  is  thought  that  all  will  go  as  we  wish."  Vide  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  doc.  ii. 


PIERO  MARCHES  ON  FLORENCE. 

527 

from  his  lethargy,  hastened  to  write  to  friends,  relations 
and    allies    to    beg    men    and    money.       The    Pope    and 
Venetians  were  very  favourable  to  his  cause  ;   but  the  Duke 
of  Milan  was  cold  by  reason  of  his  old  rancour  against 
nim.i     He  had  many  warm  friends  among  the  Florentine 
youth,   who  continually    sent  him    cheering    letters    and 
messages,  promising  that  as  soon  as  he  appeared  the  whole 
city  should  rise  in  his  favour.     Accordingly,  being  thus 
spurred  and  encouraged,  he  succeeded  in  collecting  i  900 
men  under  the  command  of  Bartolommeo  d'Alviano   at 
that  time  a  young  Italian  captain  of  great  promise.     But 
when  the  hlkn  tyrant  was  ready  to  take  the  field,  and  the 
new  Signory  favourable  to  him  already  nearing  the  end  of 
their  term,  Bernardo  del  Nero  sent  to  advise  him  to  sus- 
pend operations,   considering    that  the    enterprise    would 
have  little  chance  of  success  at  the  moment.  But  Piero  was 
not^  disposed  to  wait,  after  the  sacrifices  made  and  hopes 
excited,  and  on  receiving  more  letters  of  encouragement 
troni  other  friends,  decided,  at  all  risks,    to   make   the 
attempt. 

About  the  20th  of  April  he  began  his  march  to  Siena 
and  found  Pandolfo  Petrucci,  who  was  almost  supreme  in 
that  State,  well  disposed  to  assist  him.  Accordingly,  after 
resting  and  re-organizing  his  men,  he  took  the  road 
towards  Florence  on  the  27th  of  the  month.  His  move 
ments  were  so  rapid  that  two  hours  before  daybreak  on 
the  28th  he  was  already  at  the  monastery  of  San  Gaggio  2 
and  expected  that  at  sunrise  the  people  would  throw  open 
the  San  Pier  Gattolini  Gate  3  and  welcome  him  back  to 
the  city.     During  the  night  a  violent  storm  of  rain  had 

■  "  For  the  which  cause  Piero  took  courage  and  asked  helD  from  th* 

^^rpectedly  faiIed  him"  «m«s5S*»3: 

2  Less  than  a  mile  from  Florence. 

3  Now  known  as  the  Roman  Gate. 


IND  ri 

tiled  him  to  halt  ne  ir  Tavarnel  ictecn 

mi]  ind  while  his  horses  and  men  were 

r,  he  had  had  th  I  or  drive  back  all 

way  to  the  city      But  among  these  was 

a  ;  t,  who,  on  finding  himself  sudden!;.  red  hack 

by  mounted  troops  at  that  point,  divined  that  Pi 

Medici  was  concerned  in  the  matter  ;  and  hurriedly  making 
his  way  across  country,  reached  the  gate  just  as  it  was 
being  op(  and  gave  warning  to  the  guards.      He  was 

immediately  taken  to  the  Signory,  and  before  he  reached 
the  Palace  the  whole  town  was  ringing  with  the  news. 
The  excited  populace  flew  to  arms,  and  the  Signory  were 
immediately  compelled  to  close  the  gates  and  mount  the 
few  pieces  of  cannon  which  were  ready  for  use.  Bernardo 
del  Nero  did  his  best  to  conceal  his  real  sentiments  by 
showing  great  zeal  in  preparing  for  the  defence  ;  but  as 
many  suspicions  were  already  afloat  about  him,  the  citizens 
refused  to  hoist  their  banners  to  summon  the  mob,  and 
only  supplied  weapons  to  well-known  and  trusted  friends 
of  freedom,  who  instantly  proceeded  to  man  the  gates.1 

Just  when  the  general  alarm  and  disorder  were  at  their 
height,  Messer  Filippo  Arrigucci,  one  of  the  Signory,  and 
a  great  friend  of  Savonarola,  sent  Girolamo  Benivieni  to 
ask  the  latter  what  he  thought  would  become  of  the 
city.  Benivieni  relates  that  directly  the  Friar  saw  him 
enter  the  cell,  he  exclaimed,  without  giving  him  time  to 
speak:  "  Modica  fdeiy  quare  dubitasti?"  "Go,  tell  the 
Signory  that  Piero  de'  Medici  will  ride  up  to  the  gates  and 
ride  off  again  without  obtaining  any  success."  2 

In  fact,  day  had  scarcely  dawned  before  Piero  rode  up 
to  the  gate  ;  but,  to  his  great  amazement,  it  was  still 
closed.    And  when  he  saw  that  the  few  culverins  mounted 

1  For  all  these  particulars,  vide  Nardi,  Guicciardini,  Cerretani,  Parenti, 
and  Pitti,  -whose  accounts  are  almost  identical. 

•  Vide  Benivieni's  previously  quoted  letter  to  Clement  VII. 


PIERO  S  IGNOMINIOUS  RETREAT. 

behin/f C  3n0Ut  -°,  °Pen  fire  °"  him>  he  t00k  refuge 
behind  a  wall  vainly  expecting  that  the  people  would 
presently  nse  m  his  favour.  He  remainedP  w£  ^ 
whole  day;  and  although  at  the  head  of  1,300  ^H 
equipped  sold.ers.1  had  not  the  courage  to  make  any  use 
of  them,  preferring  to  expose  himself  to  the  scoffs  of  the 
.«habitants  of  the  suburb,  who  were  watching  him  and 

one  i^the  £  ^  M  Be!»S  «"«%  P-uadeSd  that  o 
one  in  the  city  would  stir  a  finger  in  his  cause  and 
alarmed  by  the  idea  that   the   Florentine    t  oops   before 

ra^ffi  °Ut  °ff  hretT^e  dedded  t0  withdraw  o 
rather  to  fly  inasmuch  as,  before  dawn  the  following  day 
he  was  already  across  the  Sienese  border  b      Y' 

After  this  event  he  could  no  longer  entertain  any  hone 
of  returning  to  Florence.    His  fortunes  were  now  Strie?! 
ably  ruined;  his  attempt  of  the  previous  year  had  shown 
him  how  little  reliance  could  be  placed  in  the  pledges  and 
promises  of  the  allies;    and  now,  even  with  'one^f  his 
oun  friends  at  the  head  of  the  government,  he  saw  the 
falseness  of  the  hopes  held  out  to  him  by  h is  adherents 
Nevertheless  Florence  was  far  from  tranquil,  and  n  uh 
turmoil  and  disorder  prevailed.      The  suspicion  felt  by 
many  that  even  the  members  of  the  Signory  had  intrigued 
m  favour  of  the  Medici,  fostered  a  stafe  of  general  excite- 
ment and  distrust,  exasperated  party  hatred,  and  aroused 
new  dissensions.     Accordingly  it  was    most    sagaciously 
resolved   to  keep  the  affair  quiet   until   sufficient  proofs 
of  gu.lt  could  be  established  to  justify  some  sanguinary 
act  of  retribute.    A  new  Signory  was  chosen  on  the  very 
day  of  the  attempt  ;  the  Council  of  Eight  was  charged  to 

W^fifl  Sa>iS  "^comprised  500  light  horse  and  as  many  or  more 
*ho  was  in  the  best  position  for  knowing  thJttSh.  X  * 


J5 


UVS  UFE  AND  TIM 


-,   Pi  •   '.  m   i  era  nts  ;  while  Francesco  Valori,  who 
the  Ei  nd  Tomi  I  the 

1  •.  vT  what  t:  the 

had  lv  nren  within  the  city.     So  for  a  time 

led  up,  but   with   imminent  danger   of 

ie  violent  political  crina. 


CHAPTER  IL 


SoJSOV^AROLA'S  SERMON  O&C  ASCECWSIOSY  T)AY  AHVm 
THE  -POPULAR  RIOT.  THE  EXCOMMUNHJckT/OVY 
LAUZ^CHET)    qAGAIU^ST     Him,     A&CD     HIS     RE<RIY 

IÌcu^e!^0   °F   THE   pestile*Cce>  W5   its 

<I497-) 

N  the  failure  of  Piero  de*  Medici's 
attempt,  the  fortunes  of  the  Bigi  in- 
stantly began  to  decline,  and  their  most 
bitter  enemies,  the  Arrabbiati,  gained 
ascendency.  The  new  Signory  was 
composed  almost  entirely  of  Arrabbiati, 
and  one  of  their  chiefs,  Piero  degli  Alberti,  was  created 
Gonfalonier  of  Justice.  No  sooner  was  this  party  master 
of  the  field  than  it  strained  every  nerve  to  obtain  reinforce- 
ments and  thin  the  ranks  of  its  adversaries.  But  as  the 
Bigi,  being  terribly  weakened,  tried  to  keep  in  the  back- 
ground, all  hostilities  were  directed  against  Savonarola  and 
the  popular  party.  The  Arrabbiati  were. therefore  regarded 
with  high  favour  by  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  with  still 
higher  by  the  Pope,  who  now  denied  all  complicity  with 
Piero  de'  Medici, l  and  promised  them  his  best  aid  and 

1  Borgia  declared  that  the  affair  had  taken  place  "  without  his  consent 
or  knowledge."  Vide  "  Lettera  a  Lorenzo  di  Filippo  Strozzi,"  written  by 
a  certain  Antonio  servo  tuo,  and  dated  20th  May,  1497.  In  the  Maglia- 
becchi  Library,  Codex  ii.,  ii.  437,  at  sheet  in. 


TIMES 

:  the  Friar      Upon   this 

•  of  all  were  the  Com- 
r,  the  ID     Fo  Spini,  v. 

!   met  togetherat 

■  .  and  amid  I  rful  clinking  of  wine 

•csh  plots  .  oarola.     But  as  he  had 

•r,  and  abstained  from  appear- 

:  in  the  pulpit,  all  they  could  do  was  to  affix  insulting 

convent    walls,    (Usturb   the   services   and 

prayers  in  St.  Mark's  by  riotous  behaviour,  insult  his  con- 
ti, and  await  the  first  opportunity  for  more  serious 

•cks.1 

rheir  chance  soon  came.     On  the  3rd  of  May,  1497, 
the  ach  of  summer  heats  and  the  continuance  of  the 

igue  gave  the  Signory  a  pretext  for  prohibiting  all 
rmons  in  the  churches  after  the  5th  of  the  month.2 
But  on  Ascension  Day,  the  4th,  it  was  still  lawful  to 
preach,  and  Savonarola  resolved  to  show  himself  in  the 
pulpit.  Both  friends  and  foes  were  equally  excited  by  the 
announcement.  The  Arrabbiati  declared  that  the  Friar 
would  not  be  heard  ;  the  Piagnoni  that  he  would.  Not 
only  were  many  wagers  laid  on  the  subject,  but  the  one 
side  prepared  for  defence,  the  other  for  attack.  Upon 
this  the  Signory  issued  a  decree,  annulling  the  wagers  and 
forbidding  any  attempt  to  prevent  the  Ascension  sermon 
from  being  given. 3  But  their  commands  had  no  effect. 
The  Compagnacci  were  bent  on  either  killing  Savonarola 
outright  that  day  or  at  least  doing  him  some  grievous 
bodily  hurt.  First  of  all,  ten  of  the  band  arranged  with 
a  firework-maker,  named  Baia,  to  blow  up  the  pulpit 
during  the  sermon.     This   idea,   however,  was  soon  put 

1  At  sheet  53'  of  the  before-mentioned  Codex,  Violi  gives  a  minute 
account  of  Doffo  Spini. 

7  Vide  the  Decree  in  the  Appendix  to.  tf?«  Italian 
J  Vide  Ibid. 


THE  RIOT  IN  THE  DUOMO.  *„  + 


aside,  on  account  of  the  terrible  havoc  it  would  make 
among  the  assembled  congregation,  and  the  infinite  hatred 
it  would  arouse  against  the  authors  of  the  deed.  So  they 
decided  on  another  plan.  After  defiling  the  pulpit  with 
unmentionable  filth,  they  draped  it  with  the  skin  of  an  ass 
three  days  dead,  and  then  nailed  iron  spikes  into  the  ledge 
on  which  the  Friar  was  accustomed  to  strike  his  fist  in  the 
heat  of  his  eloquence.  All  this  was  a  base  and  futile 
mode  of  attack;  but  Spini  and  his  band  hoped  that  it 
might  lead  to  a  not,  and  thus  give  them  an  opportunity 
or  effecting  their  real  purpose.* 

Meanwhile  a  thousand  rumours,  true  and  false,  were 

afloat  in  the  city  as  to  the  Compagnacci's  designs.     Some 

said   that  the  pulpit  had  been   poisoned  by  an  invisible 

powder  ;  others  declared  that  the  Friar  would  be  murdered 

in  the  church,  in  the  midst  of  his  sermon  ;  some  repeated 

one  story,  some  another.     A  few  of  Savonarola's  friends 

came  to  his  cell  to  implore  him  not  to  risk  his  life  bv 

preaching  on  Ascension  Day.     But  he  replied  with  noble 

indignation  :  «  No  fear  of  man  shall  induce  me  to  deprive 

the  people  of  their  sermon  on  the  day  appointed  by  the 

Lord  to  His  disciples  for  going  to  spread  His  doctrine 

through  the  world."     Accordingly  the  only  thing  to  be 

done  was  to  sharpen  their  weapons  for  his  defence. 

At  early  dawn  the  first  Piagnoni  who  entered  the 
church  cleansed  the  pulpit  of  every  scrap  of  filth,  planed 
its  surface,  and  restored  everything  to  order.  Savonarola 
issued  from  the  convent  a  little  before  mid-day,  and 
entered  the  church  with  an  escort  of  some  of  his' best- 
trusted  friends.  Behind  the  multitude  of  people  squeezed 
into  the  nave,  the  Compagnacci  were  descried  standing 
apart  and  quite  undismayed.  They  were  all  richly  dressed 
and    perfumed,  and    their  airs   of  defiance    and    insolent 

Paremf.  «  v&!fJ&  *£  old  cyclers  and  biographers.      Vide  Nardi  ; 
1  arenti  ;      Vita  Latina,"  at  sheet  31*  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  95  ;  Violi,  &c. 


SAVON.  V2>  TIMES. 

i  marked  contrast  with  the  sober  simplicity 
.1  demeanour  of  the   Piagnoni.1      At   the 
lent  the  Friar  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  began 
with  a  discourse  on  the  ppwer  of  faith  :  "  Faith 
Acnul,"  he  said,  "can  overcome  every  obstacle, 
and  lead  us  to  contemn  earthly  things  by  assuring  us  of 
the  heavenly  life.      The  times  predicted  are  now  at  hand  ; 
the  hour  of  danger  hath  come  ;   and  now  it  shall  be  mam- 
:  who  is  truly  with  the  Lord.     The  wicked  thought  to 
prevent  this  sermon  to-day  ;  but  they  should  know  that  I 
have  never  shirked  my  duty  through  fear  of  man.     No 
mortal   upon   earth,   be   he   great   or   small,   can    boast   of 
having  hindered  me  from  fulfilling  my  office.      I  am  even 
idy  to  lay  down  my  life  for  it.     O  Lord  !  deliver  me 
from  these  foes  who  brand  me  as  a  seducer  ;   deliver  my 
:1,  since  for  my  body  I  fear  not.     I  call  the  Lord,  the 
Virgin,  the  angels,  and  the  saints  to  witness  that  all  things 
predicted    by   me   are  revelations  from   God,  revelations 
granted     me     by    Divine    inspiration    during    the    vigils 
endured   for  the   sake  of  this  people   that  now  plotteth 

against  me." 

After  a  long  and  general  introductory  on  faith,  Savona- 
rola made  a  special  address  to  the  faithful  :_  "  Ye  lose 
heart  too  easilv,  and  are  sad  when  ye  should  rejoice  ;  now 
your  tribulations  are  at  hand  ;  ye  will  be  warred  against 
by  excommunications,  by  the  sword,  and  by  martyrdom  : 
the  days  of  trial  are  come.  God  grant  that  I  be  the  first 
to  endure  them  ;  I  have  already  announced  that  I  shall 
have  to  support  great  ingratitude,  and  that  the  lukewarm 
will  do  unto  me  even  as  Joseph's  brethren  did  unto  him, 
when  they  sold  him  to  the  merchants  of  Egypt.  They 
(the  lukewarm)  cry  that  I  am  no  prophet  ;  yet  they  do 
all   things  to  fulfil  my  prophecies.      I  tell  ye  again   that 

1  These  particulars  arc  minutely  described  by  Violi,  Burlamacchi,  and 
other  biographers. 


THE  ASCENSION  SERMON.  535 

Italy  will  be  devastated  by  barbarian  hordes  ;  and  when 
these  shall  make  peace  among  themselves,  destruction 
after  destruction  will  befall  this  perverted  land.  But  ye 
that  are  righteous  offer  your  prayers,  and  the  Lord  shall 
give  ye  succour." 

"  Now  as  to  the  wicked."  At  this  point  loud  murmurs 
were  heard  in  the  church.  "  Lord,  be  Thou  not  angered 
with  them  ;  forgive  them,  convert  them,  for  they  know 
not  what  they  do.  Ye  wicked  ones,  ye  think  to  combat 
the  Friar,  and  ye  thereby  make  war  on  the  Lord  ;  for  I 
fight  ye  not  from  hatred  to  yourselves,  but  for  the  love  of 
God.  Ye  say  that  I  sow  discord  ;  but  the  Lord  Christ 
Himself  came  to  bring  strife  among  men.  Why  return  ye 
not  to  virtue,  for  then  peace  shall  be  with  ye  ? — O  Friar, 
thou  shouldst  not  have  preached  when  forbidden  by  the 
Signory.  —  That  is  not  true  ;  nor  may  I  refrain  from 
preaching  from  fear  or  by  the  command  of  man.  I  shall 
keep  silent  only  when  my  preaching  may  do  hurt,  or  I 
may  fear  that  scandal  come  of  it." 

At  this  moment,  as  though  it  were  intended  to  take 
him  at  his  word,  a  tremendous  crash  resounded  through 
the  church  ;  the  doors  were  burst  open,  the  crowd 
took  to  flight  ;  and  the  noise,  confusion,  and  disorder 
seemed  enough  to  shake  down  the  building.  The  tumult 
had  been  raised  by  the  Compagnacci.  Francesco  Cei,  one 
of  their  number,  had  seized  the  alms  box  and  hurled  it 
on  the  pavement,  thus  giving  the  signal  for  the  disturb- 
ance. Some  yelled  and  beat  on  the  benches,  while  others 
banged  open  the  doors.  The  conspirators  were  afraid  to 
ring  the  bells,  as  had  been  arranged  ;  but  the  panic- 
stricken  crowd  sought  to  escape,  and  while  some  of  the 
more  faithful  pressed  round  the  pulpit  to  protect  Savona- 
rola, others  had  already  hastened  to  the  Via  del  Cocomero  l 
to  fetch  the  weapons  stored  in  the  he  «uses  of  Piero  Fran- 

1  Now  Via  Ricasoli. 


ì  i!  1   Cambi  the  Rich.1  •   frien 

Icly  reappeared  in  the  church 

I  with  lances   and  da,      At  first  Bight  of  the 

the  alarm  of  the  mull  :,  by 

the  armed  men  for  An  and  the  confi; 

I   that    no   one    coi; LI    move    either 

Thereup  >n  Bartolommeo  Giugni 

Giuliano     Mazzinghi,    who,    as     members     of    the 

.thought   the:  ial  dignity  would   preserve   them 

from  attack,  advanced  towards  the  pulpit  with  the  inten- 
tion of  despatching  Savonarola.  l'ut  they  found  him 
well  gu  ,  and   Giugni   received   a  severe  blow  in    the 

f.ice  from  Corbizzo  da  Castrocaro  —  an  unprecedented 
experience  for  one  of  the  Eight. 

ivonarola  vainly  strove  to  make  himself  heard  in  all 
this  demoniacal  uproar  and  confusion  by  crying  out  : 
44  Ah  !   thtf  wicked  refuse  to  hear   their  fate.   .   .   .   Wait  ! 

j  patience  !  "  Then  raising  the  crucifix  on  high,  he 
.:  :  "  Trust  in  this  and  fear  nothing."  But  find- 
ing that  no  one  heeded  his  words,  he  knelt  in  prayer,  and, 
as  soon  as  the  tumult  was  somewhat  abated,  left  the  pulpit 
surrounded  by  his  friends,  who  welcomed  him  with  loud 
shouts  of  joy  ;  some  brandishing  their  swords  and  spears, 
others  the  crosses  they  held  in  their  hands,  and  with  cries 
of  "  Viva  Cristo!"  all  then  escorted  him  to  St.  Mark's. 
There,  in  the  convent  garden,  in  the  midst  of  his  brethren, 
Savonarola  pronounced  the  following  words  by  way  of 
concluding  his  interrupted  discourse  :  "  The  longer  the 
Lord  stayeth  His  hand,  the  more  heavily  and  severely 
will  He  smite  each  one  according  to  his  works.  The 
wicked  refuse  to  believe,  refuse  to  hearken  ;  but  they  will 
fall  into  the  pit  they  have  dug  for  others  ;  they  are  under- 
mining the  foundations  of  a  wall  that  will  crush  them  as 

1  Surnamed  the   Rich   to   distinguish   him  from   many  others  of  the 
name  of  Cambi  in  Florence. 


A  NEW  EPISTLE  TO  THE  FAITHFUL.  53  7 

jt  breaks.  Now  I  will  sing  praises  unto  the  Lord  and 
joyfully  depart  from  this  life  -  *  His  «  Ascension  Sermon," 
as  it  was  called,  was  speedily  diffused  throughout  Italy. 
Girolamo  Cinozzi  had  the  courage  to  make  a  report 
of  it  in  the  midst  of  the  riot,  and  this  he  published 
together  with  a  faithful  account  of  the  scene  that  had 
passed  under  his  eyes,  and  the  concluding  words 
delivered  by  Savonarola  at  St.  Mark's.^  In  Florence, 
Rome  and  all  over  Italy  the  attempt  in  the  Duomo  was 
the  sole  talk  of  the  day,  and  every  one  feared  the  worst 
consequences  from  the  event. 

Meanwhile  Savonarola  brought  out  a  new  epistle,  dated 
8th  of  May,  addressed  :  «  To  all  God's  chosen  and  faith- 
fui  Christians."  3  In  this  he  said:  "  We  have  resolved  to 
imitate  the  Lord,  who  on  many  occasions  bent  before  the 
rage  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees;  and  will  therefore 
abstain  from  preaching.  But  in  order  that  the  Lord's 
work  may  not  be  overthrown,  nor  the  wicked  made  to 
rejoice,  we  will  express  in  writing  that  which  we  may  not 
say  by  word  of  mouth.      Be  not    troubled,  but   rather 

f«  vLhV^rat';Vei°f  thiS  eVC^  lS  not  on]y  derived  from  the  biographers 
(Vita .Latina,  sheet  31  and  fol.;  Burlamacchi,  p.  93  and  fSl  )  and 
other  histonans  from  whom  we  have  quoted,  bu  also  from  G.  C inozz?'s 
pamph  ets,  mentioned  below,  and  private  manscuriptTette  s  in  the 
Magl.abecchi  Library.  One  of  these  is  addressed  by  Alessandro  Giani 
a  Lorenzo  son  of  Filippo  Strozzi,  and  dated  4th  of  May,  1497  (Codexl 
n.  437,  at  sheet  113)  ;  another,  addressed  to  the  same  person  on  the  same 
day  is  from  the  pen  of  Jo.  de  Borromeis  (same  Codex  at  Thee?  106) 
Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  iv.  h 

dLlhZr^let'  °^which  thuere  are  m*ny  contemporary  editions,  un- 
frnm  rì,Ì  PP  f  US  Wlth  an  authentic  and  detailed  account  of  the  event 
r >  F  H^onlondCayeF,tneSS'f  Jt  is,entitled:  "dedica  del  venerando 
There  is  *  M?^  •  *?"*£>  f?cta  a  matt,na  dell'Ascensione,  1497." 
1  nere  is  a  Prohemio»  affixed  to  it,  beginning  thus:  "  Hieronvmus 
Cmoctius  Barnabe  Rodiano  suo  salute."     This  Cinozzi  must  not  be  ron 

Shor  edLiTethofhSa°ther  °,f  ^  Same  W**^™iSwfc 
ànort    Life    of   Savonarola,   preserved  in   manuscript   in    the   Riccardi 

Library,  and  to  which  we  have  had  to  make  frequent  Reference     ***** 

A  tutti  gh  eletti  di  Dio  e  fedeli  Cristiani."     It  was  renpvpdlv  r* 

prmted  in  ,498,  and  is  also  given  in  Qaétif's  work,  rol.Tp.T70f      * 


AND  TIMES, 

All  our  prophecies  arc  being  nil- 

tii;.  of  all  they  (the  wicked)  have  slandered  u 

th  they  ha  mimuni- 

\  havi  achieve  this  as  vet,  now  Strike 

life,      I  GthertO   no   dl  I   Hath   been  spilt, 

t"(,r  the  1.  rd,  knowing  our  frailty,  hath  not  permitted  us 

nd   our   strength  ;   hut  ini  ur 

t"  tribulation  step  by  step,  will  likewise  rai  e  our 

th,  virtue,  and  courage  to  a  higher  pitch.  Thus  He 
prepareth  us  tor  heavier  persecutions,  so  that  men  being 
amazed  by  our  constancy  may  begin  to  know  that  we  are 
sustained  by  the  certainty  of  a  better  life  than  this,  and 
to  hope  in  it  themselves.  Our  tribulations, 
dc  lie  will  of"  those  that   provoke  them,  will  serve  to 

e  this  light.  We  give  thanks  to  the  Lord  for  having, 
in  these  utterly  faithless  times,  chosen  us  to  sufter  for  the 
faith.  And  as  ye  are  deprived  of  the  word  of  God  by 
the  sin  of  those  who  raised  a  scandal  on  the  day  appointed 
by  the  Lord  to  His  disciples  for  going  forth  and  preaching 
in  the  world,  pray  ye  the  Almighty  that  He  once  more 
deign  to  unseal  the  lips  of  His  preachers,  inasmuch  asjhat 
which  He  ordaineth  no  strength  may  prevail  against." 

During  this  time  the  power  of  the  Arrabbiati  was  daily 
increasing  in  Florence,  and  the  Frateschi  were  more  and 
more  oppressed.  The  authors  of  the  riot  remained  un- 
punished, while  many  men  of  the  people  were  put  to  the 
question  by  the  Eight,  the  which  council  had  positively 
provoked  the  disorders  it  was  its  mission  to  prevent.  The 
Signory  sent  an  edict  to  all  the  churches,  forbidding 
monks  or  friars  of  any  Order  to  preach.1  And  on  the  20th 
of  May,  a  long  and  noisy  Pratica  was  held,  in  which, 
while  proposing  measures  for  the  re-establishment  of  the 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  96  ;  Nardi,  Parenti,  Barsanti,  Cinozzi,  Violi.  Vide 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  ili.,  the  "Deliberations  of  the 
Sijnory." 


FRA  MARIANO  INFLAMES  THE  POPES  WRATH.  53y 

public  peace,  an  effort  was  also  made  to  obtain  an  edict 
for  Savonarola's  banishment.  But  this  attempt  had  no 
chance  of  success,  since  all  soon  perceived  that  it  would 
rouse  too  much  hatred  and  scandal  among  the  Florentine 
people.1  The  Arrabbiati,  however,  were  by  no  means  dis- 
couraged by  this  check,  having  other  and  far  greater 
hopes  in  view.  The  Papal  excommunication,  that  had 
only  been  delayed  pending  the  result  of  Piero  de' 
Medici's  attempt,  was  now  daily  expected.  The  Pope 
also  had  probably  counted  on  great  results  from  the 
Ascension  Day  plot,  the  preparations  for  which  must  have 
been  brought  to  his  knowledge  by  Fra  Mariano.  This  man 
had  fled  to  Rome  directly  after  the  failure  of  the  Medicean 
expedition,  and  never  relaxed  his  efforts  to  urge  the  Pope 
to  destroy  Savonarola,  whom  he  styled  "  an  instrument  of 
the  devil,  and  the  perdition  of  the  Florentine  people." 
After  the  Ascension  Day  riot  the  Pope,  although  increas- 
ingly enraged  at  the  Friar's  daring,  was  rejoiced  to  see 
that  at  this  moment  the  latter's  friends  were  as  weak  as 
his  enemies  were  strong.  In  fact  the  Arrabbiati  now  wrote 
pressingly  to  the  effect  that  the  times  were  ripe  for 
Savonarola's  excommunication,  and  that  further  delay 
would  be  useless.  "  Thus,  finding  the  matter  prepared," 
so  wrote  the  orator  Becchi  to  the  Ten,  "the  medicine 
took  instant  effect  ;  "  2  that  is  to  say,  the  bull  of  excom- 
munication was  despatched. 

1  Some  information  relating  to  this  affair  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
u  Lettera  a  Messer  Lorenzo  de  Filippo  Strozzi,"  of  the  20th  of  May,  1497, 
from  which  we  have  already  quoted  :  "  Throughout  the  territory,  as  thou 
knowest,  there  has  been  great  noise  concerning  the  Friar  ;  and  it  seemed 
as  if  things  were  coming  to  a  point  that  would  have  relieved  some  of  our 
souls.  And  to  avoid  ill  results,  a  great  Pratica  was  held  on  the  affair 
this  morning  ;  and  the  Signory  and  others,  as  I  hear,  are  labouring  to 
establish  real  peace  among  the  citizens,  and  sweep  away  these  parties  for 
and  against  the  Friar,  which  are  a  hurt  and  dishonour  to  the  public  in 
general  and  every  citizen  in  particular.  And  for  the  sake  of  peace  it  is 
proposed  to  exile  fhe  Friar." 

2  Letter  to  the  Ten,  dated  18th  of  May,  1497,  given  in  Gherardi's 
"Nuovi  Documenti,"  at  pp.  91-92. 


SA  VOI  '  TIME, 

1    reseeing  the  storm   that  was  about  to  break  over 

s  head,  Savonarola  tried  to  it  by  addressing    i 

r  to  the  Pope,  I  of  May.     Assuming  a 

liatory  but  also  dignified  tone,  he  began  with  thi 
*   rds  :    UWI  e    is    my    Lord    angered    with    his 

And  continuing  \\\  the  same   strain,  he  coni- 
ai that  the  Pope  ha  iva  refu  ed  to  listen  to  him, 
while  giving  a   ready  ear   to   the  false   charges  alleged 

;ainst  him  by  his  enemies,  although  these  were  trium- 
phantly refuted  by  the  evidence  of  his  public  and  printed 

rmons.  lie  likewise  complained  bitterly  of  the  shame- 
Jess  audacity  of  Fra  Mariano,  who,  after  having  per- 
sonallv  attacked  the  Pope  in  his  sermons,  using  language 
unfit  tor  the  pulpit,  and  being  consequently  reproved  by 
Savonarola  himself  before  the  whole  congregation,1 
now  perfidiously  brought  the  same  charge  against  him 
who  had  never  made  personal  attacks  on  any  one,  far 
less  on  the  ruler  of  the  faithful,  the  vicar  of  Christ, 
lie  again  declared  his  submission  to  the  authority  of 
the  Church,  asserting  that  he  preached  no  doctrine  save 
that  of  the  Holy  Fathers,  as  would  speedily  be  made 
apparent  to  the  whole  world  by  means  of  his  "  Triumph 
of  the  Cross."  He  then  concluded  the  letter  as  follows  : 
"  For  if  all  human  aid  fail  me,  I  will  put  my  trust  in 
God,  and  make  manifest  to  all  the  world  the  iniquity 
of  those  who  may  perhaps  be  driven  to  repent  the  work 
thev  have  in  hand." 

But  at  the   date  of  this  letter,2  the  excommunicatory 

1  Savonarola  frequently  alludes  to  the  violence  of  Fra  Mariano's 
sermons,  which  was  indeed  a  matter  of  general  notoriety. 

2  It  was  dated  May  22,  1497,  and  was  wrongly  believed  by  all  to  be  a 
reply  to  the  brief  of  excommunication.  But  the  brief,  written  on  the 
3rd  of  the  month,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  delayed  by  the  way,  had  not  yet 
reached  Florence.  The  exact  date  of  its  arrival  is  not  mentioned  by  all 
the  historians  ;  but  all  agree  that  it  came  towards  the  end  of  the  month  ; 
and  before  that  time  no  manuscript  letters  examined  by  us  contain  any 
allusion  to  the  excommunication.      Parenti  (vol.  ii.  of  the  original  MS. 


THE  BRIE*  OF  EXCOMMUNICATION.  54, 

brief  of  the  13th  of  May  was  already  despatched.     Only 
by    a    strange,    and,    as    regarded    Savonarola,    fortunate 
chance,   circumstances  contributed    to    lessen  its  efficacy 
It  had  been  indited  in  the  very  unusual  form  of  a  circular 
letter  to    the  Friars  of    the  Santissima   Annunziata    and 
other  convents,i  almost  as  though  the  Pope  were  afraid  to 
couch    it    m    the    more  solemn  form  of   an    address    to 
believers  in   general.     It  was  entrusted    to    the    care    of 
Gian  Vittorio  da    Camerino,   but  on  reaching  Siena  this 
theologian  feared  to  proceed,  lest  he  should  be  seized  and 
torn  to  pieces  by  the  followers  of  the  Friar.2  Accordingly 
he  retraced  his  steps,  and  the    brief  being  consigned  to 
other  hands,  only  reached  Florence  towards  the  end  of 
May.    Even  then,  many  of  the  clergy  hesitated  to  publish 
it   on  account  of  its  unusual   form,  and  in  the  absence  of 
the  Apostolic  Commission  customarily  charged  with  that 
duty.3  D 

The  terms  of  this  brief,  or  circular  letter,  were  no  less 
strange  than  its  form. 

"  We  have  heard  from  many  persons  worthy  of  belief  " 
so  wrote  the  Pope,  "that  a  certain  Fra  Girolamo  Savona- 
rola, at  this  present,  said  to  be  vicar  of  St.  Mark's  in 
Florence,  hath  disseminated  pernicious  doctrines  to  the 
scandal  and  great  grief  of  simple  souls.     We  had  already 

f^  TUt)  an(}  Landucci  (p.  153)  fix  the  date  of  publication  on  the 
18th   of  June.     If  the  letter  of   Savonarola,  recapitulated  above    had 
been  written ,in  reply  to  the  excommunication  it  would  have had  So  sense 
Even  Herr  Meier  seems  to  have  perceived  this,  but  could  not  discove; 
bnef  of' the"   h^err°r\SLnCe'  IikG  many  °thers  he  considered  that  the 

or  I7th  o !Mi3  \  *T?   iGrtainly  readled  Florence   by  th*  16th 

or  17th  of  May.     Savonarola's  letter  is  given  by  Ouétif,  vol    ii   n   i2c 

Landucci    "Diarm"'^   11°^    San*     Crocef   and    'samo     Spirit 
Landucci,      Diano,     p.  153.     See,  too,  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 

J  He  had  already  suffered  imprisonment  as  one  of  the  most  turbulent 

a  leue^of  2? T&  "&*?**  deC^ed  a  rebel>  as  ma?  ^ •  bV  een  by 

a  letter  of  the  Ten,  published  in  Gherardi's  "Nuovi  Documenti  "  and 

by  one   rom  Gian  Vittorio  himself  at  p.  96  of  the  same  '         d 

Burlamacchi,  Pico,  Barsanti,  Marchese,  Nardi,  Parenti,  &c. 


AND  TIME 

.   by  hi  •>- 

to  u  ck  pardon  fi 

llC    Pcfij    •  i    tO    obej  ,    •:•    I     alleged    varici 

i    wc   •  :  hoping  to 

i  by  our  clemency.     But,  on  the  contrary,  he 

!  more  in  his  ;  wherefore,  by  a  second 

;   November,    1496)*  v.-  commanded  him, 

r  pain  of  excommunication,  to  unite  the  Convent  of 

Mark  to   the   Tusco-Roman   Congregation   recently 

I   X    by  us.      But    even    then    he    still    p<  1    in   his 

j,   thus,  ipso  facto,  incurring  censure.      There- 
re    we    now   command    ye,    on   all    festivals,  and  in  the 
prt  i)f  the  people,  to  declare  the  said    Fra  Girolamo 

excommunicate,  and  to  be  held  as  such  by  all  men,  for 
s  failure  to  obey  cur  apostolic  admonitions  and  commands. 
\w\,  under  pain  of  the  same  penalty,  all  are  forbidden  to 
assist  him,  hold  intercourse  with  him,  or  approve  him 
either  by  word  or  deed,  inasmuch  as  he  is  an  excommuni- 
cated person,  and  suspected  of  heresy. — Given  in  Rome 
this  13th  day  of  May,  1497."  3 

Thus,  notwithstanding  the  many  accusations  brought 
against  the  doctrines  of  the  Friar,  the  Pope  only  desig- 
nates him  as  suspected  of  heresy,  and   even   this  only  on 

1  This  proves  the  truth  of  Savonarola's  assertion  ;  *.*.,  that  the  Pope 
had  accepted  his  excuses  for  refusing  to  go  to  Rome. 

3  "  Quod  cum  eo,  in  sua  duritie  persistente,  secus  evenirct,  aliis  nostris 
Jiteris  in  forma  Brevis,  sub  data  septimi  novembris,  &c."  This  shows 
that  the  proposed  Tusco-Roman  union  had  been  imposed  as  a  punish- 
ment. 

.  .v  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  v.  Padre  Marchese  was 
rather  doubtful  whether  this  was  the  real  brief  of  exoommunication, 
because  of  its  irregular  form  ;  but  from  Savonarola's  letters  and  sermons 
there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  any  other,  and  we  shall  return  to  the 
question  elsewhere.  Professor  Del  Lungo  has  since  discovered  the  original 
of  the  copy  sent  from  Rome  to  the  Friars  of  the  Badia,  and  has  published 
it  in  the  u  Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  new  series,  vol.  xviii.  part  i.  p.  17. 
It  is  dated  13th  of  May,  whereas  certain  old  copies  of  it  are  dated  on 
the  12th.  As  separate  copies  were  sent  from  Rome  to  the  different 
convents,  possibly  all  were  not  written  on  the  same  day. 


TERMS  OF  THE  EXCOMMUNICATION  543 

hearsay,  and  therefore  implicitly  avows  that  he  had  never 
examined  into  the  charges  himself.  The  sentence  of  ex- 
communication, accordingly,  was  only  inflicted  on  account 
of  the  Friar's  disobedience  in  declining  to  unite  St. 
Mark's  to  the  new  Tusco-Roman  Congregation.  As  we 
have  already  said,  and  as  is  proved  by  the  terms  of  the 
brief,  this  junction  was  imposed  as  a  punishment,  or 
rather  as  a  pretext  for  compelling  Savonarola  to  silence. 
The  latter  had  opposed  it,  with  the  best  of  reasons, 
showing  the  Pope  that  it  was  not  only  his  right,  but  his 
duty  to  reject  a  measure  that  would  have  such  grievous 
results  for  his  convent  ;  and  likewise. that  the  matter  did 
not  depend  on  the  Pope  alone,  but  required  the  consent 
of  all  the  brethren  of  St.  Mark's.  However  this  may 
have  been,  the  terms  of  the  excommunication  proved  to 
the  world  that  the  Church  could  not  tax  Savonarola's 
doctrines  with  heresy  ;  while  as  regarded  his  refusal  to  go 
to  Rome,  the  Pope  having  accepted  his  excuses  at  the 
time,  had  no  right  now  to  accuse  him  of  disobedience, 
save  on  certain  points  of  little  importance,  regarding 
which  Alexander  himself  had  frequently  sent  contradictory 
orders,  and  used  merely  as  pretexts. 

This  event,  as  may  well  be  imagined,  threw  all 
Florence  in  confusion.  The  Arrabbiati  were  triumphant, 
and  wrote  continual  letters  to  Rome  in  order  to  neutralize 
the  effect  of  every  argument  Bracci  and  Becchi  were 
then  urging  in  the  Friar's  defence.  These  orators  wrote, 
in  fact,  that  the  Pope  was  much  pacified  by  Savonarola's 
epistle,  and  seemed  to  repent  of  having  despatched  the 
excommunication.1  But  they  added  that  the  hostile  car- 
■  On  the  17th  of  June  Bracci  wrote  to  the  Ten,  that  he  had  found  the 
Pope  well  disposed  to  revoke  the  brief,  but  for  the  arrival  from  Florence 
of  private  letters  and  intelligence  to  the  contrary  effect.  The  Pope  told 
tne  Cardinal  of  Perugia  that  "this  publication"  (of  the  brief),  "  hoc 
tempore  facta,  was  displeasing  to  him,  and  was  omnino  preter  mentem 
suam.  Afterwards  his  mood  entirely  changed.  ^Gherardi,  "Nuovi 
Documenti."  p.  98.) 


;.\7>  2 

Arrabbiati  were  fire 

and    -  uid   that  the  t  had   been  accordingly 

ordinala  charged  to  reform  the 

d,  tit,  they  wrote  in  conclusion,  is  that 

for  the  Florentines  to  break 

ace  and  join  in  the  I  1  his  is 

r  of  Pisa,  and  this 

Savona         who  lc<  ou  firm  to 

French  alliance.1 

Nevertheless  the  exc  mmunication  was  launched,  and 

.    on    the    1 8th    of  June   finally  proclaimed  with  great 

solemnity    in    the   churches   of  Santa   Croce,  Santa   Maria 

\    .        .  Santo  Spirito,  the  Annunziata,  and  the  Badia,  to 

all  of  which  it  was  addressed.      It  was  impressively  read 

by  torchlight,  in  the  presence  of  a  considerable  number  of 

tnd  amid  the  tolling  of  small  bells.     And  at  the 

concluding  word  the   lights  were   extinguished,   and   each 

church  plunged  in  silence  and  gloom.2 

It  would  be  difficult  to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the  out- 

.  disorder,  and  lamentation  prevailing  in  the  city.  A  few 

days  afterwards,  on  the  24th  of  June, the  festival  of  St.  John, 

the  patron  of  Florence,  the  friars  of  St.  Augustine  and  St. 

Francis  refused  to  take  part  in  it  if  the  monks  of  St.  Mark's 

were  allowed  to  do  so.     Accordingly  the  latter,  and  also 

the  brethren  of  St.  Dominic  at  Fiesole,  were  ordered  to 

remain  in  their  cloisters  that  day.     The  insolence  of  the 

Compagnacci,    being  encouraged  by  the    Eight   and  the 

1  Ghcrardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  95  and  fol.     This  is  clearly  proved 
by  letters  of  Bracci,  Becchi,  and  the  Ten,  given  in  this  work. 

''  The  "Vita  Latina,"  at  sheet  30',  and  Burlamacchi,  at  p.  92,  give  a 
different  account  of  the  ceremony.  According  to  them  the  friars  of  all 
these  different  churches  were  collected  in  the  Duomo,  and  it  was  there 
ihatthe  excommunication  was  solemnly  proclaimed.  But  Luca  Landucci 
("  Diario,"  p.  153),  who  was  present  in  the  church  of  Santo  Spirito,  and 
Parenti  (vol.  ii.  original  MS.,  sheet  n1)  recount  the  affair  as  it  really 
occurred.  Also,  seeing  that  Savonarola  soon  resumed  his  sermons  in 
the  Duomo,  it  would  be  difficult  to  believe  that  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication could  have  been  pricW:>-<;d  in  that  ch'irch. 


FIRST  RESULTS  OF  THE  BRIER  S4S 

majority  of  the  Signory,  now  passed  all  limits,  so  that 

great    licence,     both    of    speech    and    action,  prevailed. 

Savonarola   was    slandered    on  all    sides,  and    swarms  of 

sonnets,  anonymous  ballads,  indecent  tracts,  and  monkish 

diatribes  were  published  against  his  doctrines.     At  night, 

when  the  brethren  were  attending  service  in  the  choir,  the 

mob  gathered  round  the  convent  shouting  and  singing, 

and    committing    much    damage    by    showers    of  stones. 

And,   being  allowed  full  impunity,   the  audacity  of  the 

rabble  increased.     Immoral   practices  returned    as    if  by 

magic;    the  churches  were    deserted,  the  taverns  filled; 

women  resumed  the  immodest  mode  of   dress  and   the 

jewels  they  had  discarded,  and  again  paraded  the  streets 

attired  with  dazzling  luxury.     Scented  gallants  again  sang 

indecent    songs    under    the    windows    of  their    mistresses 

without  exciting  the  latters'  blushes.     In  less  than  a  month 

Florence    seemed    to    have    gone    back   to    the    days    of 

Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  ;  all  thoughts  of  patriotism  and 

freedom  were  forgotten.    Such  were  the  first  results  of  the 

brief  of  excommunication  !  l 

_  Nevertheless  Savonarola  preserved  his  composure,  and, 
without  precipitating  matters,  began  to  take  measures  of 
defence.  On  the  19th  of  June,  1497,  he  wrote  an 
"  Epistle  against  surreptitious  excommunication,  addressed 
to  all  Christians  beloved  of  God."  This,  after  recapitulating 
all  that  he  had  so  often  before  said  concerning  his  doctrines, 
concluded  as  follows  :  "  The  lukewarm  need  have  no  fear,2 
for  this  excommunication  is  invalid  both  in  the  sight  of 
God  and  man,  inasmuch  as  it  is  based  on  the  false  reasons 
and  accusations  devised  by  our  enemies.  I  have  always 
submitted  and  even  still  submit  to  the  authority  of  the 
Church,  nor  will  ever  fail   in  my  obedience  ;  but  no  one 

1  All  this  is  minutely  described  in  the  "  Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi, 
Nardi,  Violi,  &c. 

3  This  epistle  is  also  given  by  Qudtif,  vol.  ii.  p.  185.  The  fifteenth 
century  editicn  is  undated. 

36 


.  .    AND  TIM. 

b  bound  to  yield  to  commands  op]         to  charity  and  the 

lai  of  G  re  no  longer 

tives  of  the  Lord,     Meanwhile,   seek   by 

ti>   male  r   that  which  may  befall  ye; 

the  matter  i  will   make  the  truth 

.  to  all   the   world.'1      Then,   in   b         (id  leti 
ed,    Contra    :  ■nmunicatonis    contra    se 

:,  he  set  himself  to  prove» by  long  quo- 
•>:i,   th.it    no   one   should   he    cowed  by 
•ust  condemnations,  and  that  to  meekly  submit  to  every 
oounced  "  est  asinina  palientia,  timor  leporinus 
.''     Still   citing   Gerson's  words,  he  went  on   to 
.,  although  only  in  general    terms,  of  making  appeal 
dincil, declaring  that  it  was  not  merely  allowable, 
but  obligatory  to  resist  the  Pope  in  cases  where  the  Pontiff 
jd  to  enforce  his  authority  to  the  detriment    of   the 
lurch.     "  Nor  does  the  Christian  commit  sin,"  the  quo- 
ion   concluded,   "  in   accepting  the   aid   of   the   secular 
power,  in  order  to  escape   from   unjust  excommunication  ; 
for  unjust  sentences  of  this  description  are  mere  violence, 
and  the  law  of  nature  prescribes  that  we  should  repulse 
force  by  force.       And  we    are  specially   justified  in    so 
doing  in  cases  where  care  has  been  taken  to  avoid  scandal, 
and    to    enlighten    the     faint-hearted,  who    believe    the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  to  be  almost  as  God,  having  power  over 
both  heaven  and  earth.     It  is  needful  to  show  humility 
and  meekness    to    him,   but,   when    humility    fails,    then 
accipienda  est  animosa  liber t as."  And  to  these  words  from 
Gerson,  Savonarola  added  :   tc  All  this  speaks  admirably  in 
our  favour  ;  nevertheless  so  great  is  the  ignorance  of  man- 
kind at  this  day,  that  many  would  hold  not  only  ourselves 
to  be  excommunicate,  but  all  who  frequent  the  convent  ; 
while  others,  being  still  more  ignorant,  would  add  that  it 
were  even  necessary  to  shun  all  intercourse  with  those  who 
attend  our  church.     They  do  not  know  what  was  said  by 


EFFORTS  OF  THE  NE  W  SIGNORY  IN  HIS  CA  USE.  547 

Martin  V.  at  the  Council  of  Constance,  the  which  was 
afterwards  confirmed  by  that  of  Basle—  i.e.,  that  we  are 
no  wise  bound  to  shun  the  excommunicated,  unless 
expressly  and  personally  commanded  so  to  do/' ' 

Savonarola's    enemies   lost   no  time  in  communicating 
these  letters  to  the  Pope,  who  could  scarcely  be  expected 
to  feel  gratified  by  their   contents.     But  happily  for  the 
Friar,  amid  the  continual  changes  of  government  in  Flo- 
rence, the  new  Signory  for  July  and  August  was  composed 
of  his  friends  ;  hence,  instead  of  leaving  his  defence  to  the 
Ten,  he  was   able   to  write   in   his  own   name  to  Bracci 
and  Becchi,  hotly  urging  them  to  press  the  revocation  of 
the  interdict.*   And  to  give  greater  weight  to  his  demand, 
he^  had    previously    called  a  meeting  of  all   the   leading 
citizens  on  the  5th  of  July,  in  order  to  hear  their  advice. 
They   all   spoke   in   Savonarola's  favour,  enumerated  the 
benefits  he  had  conferred  on  the  city,  and  counselled  him  to 
make  an  energetic  appeal  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  ex- 
communicatory  brief.     Many  pointed  out  that  this  was 
not  a  religious,  but  a  political  question,  and  that  it  was 
entirely  owed  to  the  efforts  of  the  foes  to  popular  govern- 
ment in  Florence.     Francesco  Gualterotti,  speaking  in  the 
name  of  the  Ten  of  War,  expressed  himself  even  more 
clearly  than  the  rest.     "  My  honourable  fathers  and  col- 
leagues are  anxious  that  peace  and  order  should  be  main- 
tained in  the  city  since  the  safety  of  the  Friar  will  thus  be 
assured.     It  is  their  opinion  that  had  the  censure  of  the 
Church  emanated  directly  and   solely   from  the  Pope,  it 
would  have  behooved  us  to  let  it  follow  its  due  course. 
But  seeing  that  it   really  emanated  from  this  city,  they 
hold  that  some  way  must  be  found  to  quiet  and  extinguish 
it  here,  so  that  the  Pope  (whom  I  now  venture  to  name) 

1  This  Latin  epistle  is  given  in  Quétif,  vol.  ii.  p.  191.  The  fifteenth 
century  edition  is  undated. 

8  These  letters  are  included  among  the  "  Documenti,"  published  by 
Padre  Marchese. 


://;.v. 

nor  our  city  be  injured  by  hii 
tad  the]    lik    ■  ft  that,  it  our  request, 

the  of  the  brief  may  easily  be  obtained."1 

Fter  this  m  the  Signory  not  only  wrote  to  the 

:i,  but  on  the  8th  ofjuly  despatched  a  letter  to 

the  Ì  f   in  the   following   terms:    "  Most   Holy 

Father,  we  an  ito  have  incurred  the  ban  of 

e  Church,  not  only  because  of  the  respect  always  enter- 
tied  by  our  Republic  for  the  Holy  Keys,  hut  because 
B  that  a  most  innocent  man  has  been  wrongfully  and 
maliciously   accused   to   your  Holiness.      We    deem    this 
Friar  to  be  a  good  and  pious  man,  and  thoroughly  versed 
in    the    Christian   faith.      He    has  laboured  many    years 
-  the  welfare  of  our  people,  and  no  fault  has  ever  been 
detected  either  in  his  life  or  his  doctrine.      But,  as  virtue 
is  never  free  from  the  attacks  of  envy,  so  there  be  many 
of  our  people  who  invert  the  name  of  honesty  and  think 
to  rise  to   greatness   by   attacking  the   good.     Wherefore 
fervently  implore  your  Holiness,  in  your  paternal  and 
divine  charity,  to  use  your  own  judgment  in  this  matter, 
and  remove  the  weight  of  your  ban  not  only  from  Father 
Girolamo  Savonarola,  but  from  all   those  who  may   have 
incurred  it.     Your  Holiness  could  do  no  greater  kindness 
to  the   Republic,  especially  in  this  time  of  pestilence,  in 
which  bans  are  of  grave  peril  to  men's  souls."  2 

Throughout  the  remainder  of  the  year  the  Republic 
carried   on  an  energetic    correspondence    in    Savonarola's 

1  Florence  Archives,  "  Consulte  e  Pratiche,"  Registro,  65,  at  sheet  43. 
I  have  reason  to  believe  that  no  other  modern  writer  has  hitherto  made 
use  of  these  *'  Pratiche,"  which  were  discovered  by  myself  in  the  Florence 
Archives.  Since  my  discovery  of  them,  however,  Signor  Lupi,  of  the 
Pisa  Archives,  has  published  the  "Pratica"  of  the  5th  of  July,  together 
r.ith  most  of  those  concerning  Savonarola,  in  the  ''Archivio  Storico 
Italiano,"  series  iii.  vol.  i.  part  i. 

3  This  letter,  which  is  in  Latin,  is  given  by  Quétif,  vol.  ii.  p.  127,  and  is 
included  in  Padre  Marcbese's  "Documenti,"  &c.  "Archivio  Storico, 
Italiano,  Appendice,"  vol.  vili.  p.  155. 


STRANGE  OFFER  MADE  TO  THE  FRIAR.       545 

defence,  since,  fortunately  for  him,  the  various  Signories 
elected  were  all  favourable  to  his  cause,  and  the  Council 
of  Ten  was  always  devoted  to  him.1  The  orator  Becchi, 
a  weak  and  credulous  man,  proved  of  little  use  -2 
but  Ser  Alessandro  Bracci  achieved  good  results  by  his 
energy  and  goodwill.  He  won  over  the  Cardinals  of 
Perugia,  Benevento,  and  Capaccio,  solicited  and  conciliated 
the  Cardinal  of  Naples,  who  was  no  longer  well  inclined  to 
St.  Mark's  ;  and  availed  himself  of  the  aid  of  Giorgio 
Benigno  and  Giovanni  Nasi,  who  were  then  resident  in 
Rome,  and  had  always  laboured  in  the  Friar's  defence. 
And,  while  all  these  efforts  were  being  used,  with  some 
hope  of  success,  not  only  to  soothe  the  Pope's  wrath,  but 
to  win  his  favour,  a  very  singular  offer  was  made  to 
Savonarola.  Jt  is  declared  that  the  Cardinal  of  Siena  3  sent 
him  word  that  if  the  sum  of  5,000  crowns  were  paid  to  a 
certain  creditor  of  his,  he  would  undertake  to  obtain  the 
removal  of  the  ban.  This  impudent  offer  was  not  without 
precedent,  since  anything  could  then  be  had  for  money  in 

1  Many  other  letters  were  despatched  by  the  government.  One  dated 
2 1  st  of  July  praises  Ser  Alessandro  and  Messer  Ricciardo  for  their  efforts 
to  gain  Savonarola  the  goodwill  of  the  cardinals  ;  urges  them  to  still  greater 
zeal,  and  inquires  the  names  of  those  hostile  to  the  measure.  The  Sig- 
nory  again  wrote  to  Bracci  on  the  1st  of  August,  praising  and  congratu- 
lating him  on  the  fact  of"  His  Holiness  seeming  kind  and  well  disposed 
to  us,"  and  they  also  forwarded  two  letters  of  thanks  for  Cardinals 
Capaccio  and  di  Perugia,  who  had  used  their  influence  in  the  Friar's 
favour.  On  the  nth  of  August  they  wrote  that  every  possible  effort  must 
be  made  to  gain  over  the  six  cardinals  entrusted  with  the  reform  of  the 
Church,  and  on  whom  Savonarola's  fate  then  seemed  to  depend.  On  the 
26th  of  September  they  wrote  to  Cardinal  Caraffa,  urging  him  to  do  his 
best  with  the  Pope  ;  wrote  again  to  the  same  effect  on  the  13th  ot 
October  ;  and  on  the  7th  of  November  despatched  two  letters  which  will 
be  mentioned  farther  on.  Vide  Padre  Marchese's  "  Documenti,''  &c, 
"  Archivio  Stor.  Ital.  Appendice,"  vol  viii.  p.  157  and  fol. 

8  As  will  be  seen  by  his  letters,  he  was  actually  persuaded  that  the 
Medici  were  friendly  to  Savonarola.  This  was  one  of  the  reasons  that 
had  compelled  the  Signory  to  despatch  Bracci  as  orator  extraordinary  to 
Rome. 

3  Afterwards  Pius  III. 


55o 

.  indig<* 
,1  it,  and  said,  when  writing  to  a  friend  :  ll  I 
.  .   deem  myself  tar  :         deeply  banned  were  I 

ch  a  price."  ■     But  at  all  events  the 
another  proof  that  the  Holy  Father  was  then 

disposition  to   yield,  and   the  Friar  might   have 
ied  in  thinking  that  all  would  go  well. 
Just    at    this    time    one    of    those    atrocious    tragedies 
Ted  with  which   the  Borgia   family   v.vre  accustomed 

tir  the  horror  of  the  world,  even  in  an  age  that  was 
among  the  most  scandalous  ever  recorded  in  history.  The 
Duke  of  Gandia,  the  Pope's  eldest  son,  was  killed  by  a 
dagger-thrust  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  June,  and  his 
corpse  thrown  into  the  Tiber.  His  brother,  Cesare  Borgia, 
iinal  of  Valencia,  was  the  murderer,  having  been 
impelled,  it  was  said,  to  the  crime  by  unnatural  jealousy  on 
his  sister  Lucrezia's  account,  and  also  by  an  unbounded 
ambition  that  could  tolerate  no  equals  in  power.  This 
monstrous  deed  stirred  even  the  heart  of  Alexander 
Borgia  to  agonies  of  paternal  grief.  For  the  first  time  in 
his  life  he  seemed  to  repent  of  his  numerous  sins,  and 
determined  to  renounce  them.  He  had  accordingly  with- 
drawn into  strict  solitude,  and  appointed  six  cardinals  to 
reform  the  Church  and  thus  remedy  the  many  evils  to 
which  it  was  a  prey.2  This  was  the  commission  charged, 
as  we  have  said,  to  decide  on  Savonarola's  case. 

The  latter,  rejoiced  at  any  suggestion  of  reform  or 
signs  of  true  penitence  in  the  Pope,  determined  to  profit 
by  the  opportunity,  and  addressed  an  epistle  to  Alexander 

1  Letter  to  Lodovico  Pittorio,  Chancellor  to  Duke  Ercole  I.  of  Ferrara. 
Vide  Padre  Marchese's  "  Documenti,"  &c,  loc.  cit.,  p.  129.  The  offer 
made  by  the  Cardinal  of  Siena  is  also  related  in  the  "Vita  Latina,"  at 
sheet  31  ;  in  Purlamacchi,  p.  92  ;  and  is  confirmed  by  Padre  Marchese 
in  a  note  to  the  letter  quoted  above. 

2  Vide  Guicciardini,  "Storia  d'Italia,"  and  other  contemporary  his' 
torians. 


ADDRESSES  CONSOLING  WORDS  TO  THE  POPE.  551 

towards  the  close  of  the  month.  In  this,  after  dexter- 
ously trying  to  comfort  him  in  his  present  affliction,  he 
encouraged  him  to  persevere  in  his  Christian  purpose,  and 
concluded  by  pleading  his  own  cause  in  the  following 
terms  :  "  Most  Blessed  Father,  the  faith  that  worketh 
miracles,  inspireth  all  noble  deeds,  and  is  sealed  by  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs,  can  alone  give  peace  and  true  con- 
solation to  the  heart  of  man.  Faith  surpasseth  sense  and 
reason,  lifteth  us  above  this  world,  transporteth  us  to  the  un- 
seen, and  expandeth  our  spirit.  Faith  giveth  us  strength 
to  bear  adversity  and  rejoice  in  tribulation  ;  wherefore  it  is 
written,  that  the  just  man  shall  never  be  cast  down,  and 
the  just  man  is  he  that  liveth  in  the  Lord  by  faith. 
Blessed  is  he  that  is  called  to  this  gift  of  faith.  Let 
your  Holiness  therefore  reply  to  the  blissful  summons,  so 
that  your  mourning  be  turned  to  joy.  The  Lord  in  His 
mercy  passeth  over  all  our  sins.  1  announce  things  of  the 
which  I  am  assured,  and  for  these  things  I  am  willing  to 
endure  all  persecutions.  But  let  your  Beatitude  turn  a 
favouring  eye  on  this  work  of  faith,  for  which  I  labour 
without  cease,  and  give  ear  no  longer  to  the  impious. 
Thus  the  Lord  will  bestow  on  you  the  essence  of  joy, 
instead  of  the  spirit  of  grief  ;  inasmuch  as  all  my  predic- 
tions are  true,  and  none  that  resisteth  the  Lord  can  ever 
know  peace.  Charity  moveth  me  to  write  these  things, 
Most  Blessed  Father,  and  the  hope  that  your  Beatitude 
may  recive  true  consolation  from  God  ;  for  the  thunders 
of  His  wrath  will  ere  long  be  heard,  and  blessed  will  be 
those  that  have  put  their  trust  in  Him.  May  the  Lord  of 
all  mercy  console  your  Holiness  in  your  tribulation  !  "  l 

It   was  undoubtedly   strange  that  the  excommunicated 
Prior  of  St.  Mark's  should  write  to  the  Pope  and  try  to 

'This  letter,  taken  from  the  Marcian  Library,  in  Venice,  was  published 
by  Perrens  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  i.  of  his  work,  at  page  476.  Both  in 
the  Venetian  MS.  and  that  of  the  Riccardi  Library  2053  it  bears  date 
vii.  Kal.  Julii. 


5  I  :  TIMES. 

itioni  I 
But,  at  the  moment,  Alexan- 
der 1  in   ;  tided  ;   on  the   contrary,  he 

ion  to  be  oua  to  the   Friar — in 

that   he   \\  I   under  the  influence  of 

genuine  f   and    rei  But    this   was   a    brief   and 

.:.      I  le  SOOn  returned  to  his  usual  scandalous 

life,  with   increased    zest,   and   then    made   lou  I 

.plaints  against  Savonarola  for  having  dared  to  insult 

his  fatherly  sorrow.1 

What  is  certain  is,  that  while  Savonarola  and  the  Sig- 
nory  were  working  in  one  direction,  many  were  using  their 
orts  in  another.  The  Arrabbiati  had  already  for- 
warded a  circular  to  Rome  signed  by  most  of  their  party, 
in  which  all  the  old  accusations  against  the  I;riar  were 
once  more  repeated.  On  this  being  made  known  in  Flor- 
•,  by  means  of  the  ambassador,  t  »vo  other  circulars  were 
immediately  prepared  in  support  of  the  Friar.  The  first 
of  these  bore  the  signatures  of  all  the  two  hundred  and 
riftv  brethren  in  the  convent,  who,  extolling  their  Prior's 
life  and  doctrines,  besought  the  Pope  to  remove  the  ban 
and  gain  favour  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  by  aiding  in  the 
sacred  enterprise.  The  second,  reiterating  all  the  same 
things,  was  signed  by  a  great  number  of  the  leading  citi- 
zens. When  first  started  in  July,  three  hundred  and 
sixty-three  signatures  were  quickly  collected,  and  more 
would  have  been  added,  had  not  the  alarming  increase  of 
the  plague  interrupted  almost  every  kind  of  business.2 

1  The  Roman  ambassador  speaks  of  this  in  his  letters.  Vide  in  Padre 
Marchese,  doc.  xx.,  Bonsi's  letter  to  the  Ten.  It  is  stated  in  this  that 
the  Pope  complained,  among  other  things,  that  Savonarola  "  had  reproved 
him  for  the  death  of  his  son." 

a  In  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  vii., these  two  declarations 
or  letters  to  the  Pope  will  be  found.  Among  the  names  inscribed  on  the 
second  is  that  of  one  Niccolò,  son  of  Alessandro  Machiavelli,  erro- 
neously believed  by  Mons.  Perrens  to  be  the  famous  secretary  of  the 
Republic.     But  the  latter  was  the  son  of  Bernardo  Machiavelli.     On  the 


THE  PLAGUE  SPREADS  IN  FLORENCE.        553 

There  were  already  from  fifty  to  sixty  deaths  daily,  and 
although  this  was  not  considered  a  great  number,  it  was 
sadly  ominous  of  a  still  worse  state  of  things,  particularly 
when    all   Florence l   was    so    densely  overcrowded   with 
strangers.     The  citizens  now  fled  to  their  country  houses, 
and  a  general  panic  set  in.     But  while  all  were  deserting 
the  city  and  forsaking  the  business  of  life,  Savonarola, 
as  every   one  may  conceive,  undertook  new  and  arduous 
labours.      It  was  his  duty,  he  felt,  in  this  public  emer- 
gency, to   bring  succour   and    comfort    to    the   afflicted. 
Although  precluded  by  his  excommunication  from  going 
about  among  the  people  as  a  minister  of  the   Church,2 
it  will  be  seen  that  he  had  no  light  task  to  perform,  when 
we  remember  that  he  had  the  care  of  250  monks,  many 
of  whom  were  novices,  all  shut  up  in  one  convent,  v/here 
the  most  stringent  precautions  were  required  to  prevent 
contagion.     In  fact,  before  long,  one  of  the  community 
sickened,  and  both  the  plague  and  its  terrors  had  gained 
foothold  in  St.  Mark's.     The  more  timid  brethren  wished 
to  take  flight,  others  besought  their  Prior  to  provide  for 
his  own  safety,  and  several  citizens  placed  their  villas  at  his 
disposal.     But  Savonarola  was  not  likely  to  shrink  from 
his  duty  at  a  moment  such  as  this.      He  profited  by  his 
friends'  offers  of  hospitality  to  send  all  the  novices  and 
younger  monks,  including  his  own  brother  Maurelio,  into 
the  country.      Thus  the  numbers  in  the    convent  were 
thinned,  and  he  quietly  remained  there  with  a  few  of  his 
more  tried  and  devoted  followers.    He  read  to  them,  with 


9th  of  July  a  Pratica  was  held  {vide  Florence  Archives,  cod.  cit.,  at  sheet 
46),  to  decide  if  anything  should  be  done  with  regard  to  these  circulars  ; 
but  no  decision  was  arrived  at. 

1  See  Savonarola's  letter  to  his  brother  Alberto,  dated  21st  of  July.  In 
Padre  Marchese's  "Documenti,"  &c.,loc.  cit.,  p.  128. 

3  By  forgetting  the  consequences  of  excommunication,  Mons.  Perrens 
was  led  to  make  the  erroneous  statement  that  Savonarola  had  shown 
timidity  and  indifference  during  the  plague 


S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

j  the  1  F  J      tniah,1  Jonah's  | 

:i,  and    did    !  X  to 

n  t!u,;.r 

i while  ■  iquent  and  affectionate  letters  to  the 

mt  members  of  his  f!  clc,  exhorting  them  to  face  the 

dan  -,  and  reproving  the  more  timid  for  their 

11  I  am  using  e-.  he  wrote  to  Fra  Paolo 

del   Ì  tO,  who  M  tO    leave    his   own    convent,   "to 

rye  our  brethren  from  danger;  but  I  find  softie  or 

m  more  timid  than  laymen,  which  is  a  pusillanimity 
unworthv  of  ministers  of  religion,  who  should  rather  seek 
death  than  fear  it.  We  must  trust  in  the  Lord,  not  in 
flight.      Wherefore    I    hold   that    you  ought  not  to  absent 

urself  from  your  convent  at  present.  The  friars  here 
:  death  joyfully,  as  though  they  were  going  to  a 
festival.  All  those  tending  the  sick  keep  their  health. 
To-day,  after  conversing  with  me,  Frate  Antonio  da  San 
Quintino  was  suddenly  taken  ill."  2  All  Savonarola's  letters 
at  this  period  show  much  tenderness  for  his  brethren  and 
his  family  ;  singular  firmness  and  serenity  of  spirit  in 
the  midst  of  these  numerous  perils.  On  the  24th  of  July 
he  wrote  to  his  brother,  Maestro  Alberto,  at  Ferrara, 
giving  him  news  of  their  other  brother,  Maurelio,  one  of 
the  community  of  St.  Mark's.  "  Fra  Maurelio  is  away 
from  Florence  on  account  of  the  pestilence,  which,  though 
not  very  severe  as  yet,  is  beginning  to  look  serious.      We 

1  These  are  probably  the  discourses  of  which  the  rough,  unfinished 
draft  is  contained  in  the  little  volume  entitled  "Alcuni  sermoni  devoti  di 
F.  Jeronimo  Savonarola,  sopra  il  principio  della  Cantica  ed  altri  luoghi." 
Venice,  1556.  These  sermons  on  the  Song  of  Solomon  are  only  in  out- 
line; but  there  are  some  less  imperfect  fragments  of  them  in  Italian. 
The  original  autograph  is  in  the  Codex  at  St.  Mark's,  to  which  we  have 
previously  referred. 

»  It  is  dated  18th  of  August,  1497,  and  a  Latin  copy  of  it  is  to  be 
found  in  Codex  2053  of  the  Riccardi  Library.  An  incorrect  Italian 
version  was  published  at  Venice  in  1537  and  1547.  It  is  also  included  in 
Mansi's  "  Addizioni  "  to  Baluzio,  and  among  the  letters  edited  by 
Ouétif,  although  wrongly  dated  in  the  latter,  8th  of  August. 


HIS  ENERGY  DURING  THE  PLAGUE. 


555 


have    fifty    or   sixty    deaths    a    day    in    the    city— some 
say  as  many  as  one  hundred— and  nothing  is  seen  save 
crosses  and  corpses.     We  are  well,  thanks  to  God  ;  nor 
have  I  left  the  convent,  although  I  have  sent  away  more 
than  seventy  of  the  monks  ;  for,  as  to  myself,  I  am  not 
afraid,  and  only  desire  to  comfort  the  afflicted."  i     Later 
on  the  14th  of  August,  he  again  wrote  to  the  same  brother  • 
"  Have  no  fear   for  me  in  the   midst  of  the  plarme   for 
God  will  aid  me.     Although  friends  have  invited  me  to 
many  places,  I  could  not  forsake  my  flock,  and  therefore 
remain  to  console  the  afflicted.     Likewise  it  is  marvellous 
to  behold  the  cheerfulness  of  those  called  away  :  friars 
and  laity,  men  and  women  die,  praising  the  Lord  with 
their  last  breath."  2 

Throughout  this  trying  period  Savonarola's  energy  was 
unwearied.     He  wrote  a  great  number  of  letters,  exhort- 
ting  men  to   bear  their  tribulations  in  a  quiet  spirit  and 
without   fear  of   the  excommunication  ;    but    it    was  in 
fighting  the  plague  that  he  worked  hardest  of  all.     Nor 
did  he  think  only  of  his  monks,  but  also  did  his  best  by 
word  and  pen,  by  publishing  pamphlets,  and  every  other 
means,  to  encourage  the  laity,  for  whose  benefit  he  com- 
posed an  «  Epistle   to  all  the  Chosen,"  sub-entitled  «  A 
Medicinal  Treatise  against  the  Plague."  3     This  contained 
seven  rules— for  preserving  body  and  mind  by  temperance 
and  tranquillity,  recommending  moderation  in  food,  gaiety 
of  spirit,  and  charity  to  the  sick.     "  Succour  ye  the  sick  " 
he  said,  "  serve  them  and  minister  unto  them  in  all  ways 
even  if  they  be  your  enemies."  4  ' 

-  pTngAThe  !!  Docu™enti"  brought  out  by  Padre  Marchese,  letter  x 
Padre  Marchese,  "  Documenti,"  &c,  letter  xi 

,JcHVmt?  7  the  I5th  °f  July'  I497  '  awards  published  with  another 
V^l        ^ev^CtTS  m  FI°renCe>  b"t  undated  ;  and  then  in  1538  a 
Venice,  in  the  little  volume  entitled   -Alcuni  devotissimi  trattati  di  F 
Jeronimo  Savonarola,"  &c. 

nHnHlrÌin?-thefe  ^^f,  Savonarola  addressed  numerous  letters  to  his 
piincipal  friends  and  adherents  in  different  parts  of  Italy  to  inculcate 
virtuous  and  religious  precepts.  y       inculcate 


\ND   T 


1 

it  had  already  eliminisi 
and  •  the  en d  of  the  month  almi  ' 

return,  country  and  resumed  their 

;   the  conven:  .  Mark  v.  Lin  opened  to  the 

the  15th  of  the  month  the  festiva]  of  the 
M  id  tlebrated  in  the  inner  ci  by  a  public 

lemn  thanksgiving  for  deliverance  troni  peril.     '1  he 
led    its   ordinary    aspect,  and    all    hoped   at    last 
and  tranquillity  after  the  agitations  and  dangers 
of  the  war. 

■  Its  violence  only  lasted  two  months  and  a  half,  and  the  mortality 
it  was  never  very  high* 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  ARREST  OF  LoA<£MBERTO  'DELL*  AZ^TELLoA.  HIS 
REVELoATIOZNlS  COZ^CERV^IV^G  THE  zMETUCI  PLOT. 
THE  TRIoAL  AU^fD  COV^DE^INATIOCX  OF  oALL  THE 
ACCUSED. 

(I4970 

UT  the  truce  hoped  for  by  the  Florentines 
on  the  cessation  of  the  plague  was  broken 
before  it  began,  by  an  event  causing  more 
commotion  in  the  city  than  anything  else 
that  had  occurred  since  the  year  1494. 
While  Valori  and  Tosinghi  were  engaged 
in  unravelling  the  threads  of  Piero's  conspiracy,  they  sur- 
prised a  certain  Lamberto  dell'  Antella,  one  of  the  proscribed, 
on  a  clandestine  journey  to  his  villa,  with  a  letter  to  his 
brother-in-law,  Francesco  Gualterotti,  at  that  time  a 
member  of  the  Ten.  This  letter  promised  minute 
revelations  of  all  Piero's  schemes,  and  the  discovery  of 
certain  ^  matters  of  the  highest  importance  to  the 
Republic.1 

As  an  old  and  faithful  adherent  of  the  Medici,  Antella 
was   certainly  qualified  to  give  full  information  of  their 

1  Nardi,  Machiavelli,  and  many  other  historians  speak  of  the  capture 
of  this  Antella  ;  and  the  Milanese  orator  in  Florence  also  makes  frequert 
reference  to  the  affair.  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  where  the 
letter  brought  by  Antella  is  given  in  doc.  i.,  and  those  written  on  the 
subject  by  the  Milanese  orator  in  doc.  ii. 


SAVONA.     Là      L 

!  i  f  1494  he  and  his  brothef 

1  in  the  he,  and  while  there 

.1  man]  and  encouragements  from 

.  v. ho  v.  q  in  Rome.     ,\  v,  on  mak 

they  h  !  to  hh  :nce>but  he  received 

them  with  marked  coldness,  and  speedily  behaved  to  them 

isual  brutality.  4'  lie  kept  us  continually  On  the 
move,"  writ<  Lamberto  dell'  Antella,  Min  order  to  satisfy 
his  mad  wish  of  returning  to  Florence,  and  then  treated 
us    \  than   dogs."      Piero  de'  Medici,  in   fact,  seemed 

ible  to  live  without  having  some  one  to  maltreat  and 
oppress.  Nevertheless  the  two  Antella  submitted  to  all  this, 
and  accompanied  the  tyrant  on  his  expedition  to  the  walls 
of  Florence  and  his  flight  back  to  Siena;  but  in  the  latter 
they  chanced  to  incur  his  suspicions,  and  were 
immediately  imprisoned  by  his  command.  So  great  was 
Piero's  cruelty,  so  furious  his  animosity  against  these  old 
and  faithful  adherents,  that,  after  leaving  Siena,  he  sent 
several  express  messengers  back  to  Pandolfo  Petrucci,  the 
virtual  lord  of  that  Republic,  begging  him  to  cast  the  two 
brothers  into  the  Carnaio^  a  dungeon  so  terrible  that  none 
ever  left  it  alive.  But  Petrucci,  notwithstanding  his 
friendship  for  Piero,  had  no  mind  to  commit  murder  for 
his  sake,  and  liberated  the  prisoners  on  condition  that  they 
were  to  be  fined  2,000  florins  if  they  attempted  to  quit 
the  Sienese  territories.  But  they  were  too  anxious  to 
revenge  themselves  on  Piero  to  submit  to  delay,  and  fled 
towards  Florence  at  the  first  opportunity.  Lamberto  con- 
sidered it  a  delightful  stroke  of  luck,  when  about  the  1st 
of  August  he  was  seized  and  taken  before  the  magistrates 
with  his  letter  on  his  person,  in  the  manner  we  have 
described.1 

1  These  particulars  are  derived  from  the  letter  found  on  Antella's 
person,  and  from  the  confession  he  afterwards  wrote.  According  to  the 
information  given  by  the  Ferrarese  orator  (Cappelli,  p.  86,  doc.  119), 
the  capture  occurred  on  the  4th  of  August.     In  a  letter  of  the  10th  of 


REVELATIONS  CONCERNING  FRESH  PLOTS.  559 

But  the  Eight,  on  finding  and  reading  this  letter, 
followed  the  barbarous  custom  of  the  time  by  immediately 
putting  poor  Lamberto  to  torture;  and  after  giving  him  at 
least  four  turns  of  the  rack,  interrogated  him  closely  on 
every  point,  so  that  he  should  confess  the  -pure  truth.  On 
noting  down  his  replies,  and  finding  that  several  citizens 
of  great  influence  and  high  reputation  were  implicated  in 
the  plot,1  they  carried  the  affair  before  the  Signory, 
declaring  that  they  must  decline  to  give  judgment  in  so 
weighty  a  case.  The  Signory,  however,  made  answer  that, 
according  to  the  statutes,  the  Eight  alone  were  empowered 
to  judge  political  offences.2  Nevertheless,  in  view  of  the 
importance  of  the  case,  five  Arroti  3  and  seven  officers  of 
the  Ten  were  chosen  to  assist  them  in  carrying  on  the 
trial.  Thereupon  the  business  was  more  closely  investi- 
gated, and  Lamberto  dell'  Antella,  being  offered,  free 
pardon,  penned  a  lengthy  report  of  all  Piero  de'  Medici's 
schemes  and  of  the  names  of  his  adherents  in  Florence.4 
He  even  revealed  certain  preliminaries  of  a  fresh  plot,  by 
which  Piero  was  to  be  secretly  brought  into  Florence  on 
the  night  of  the  approaching  15th  of  August.  Many  of 
the  citizens  being  away  in  the  country — some  to  enjoy 
the  summer  season,  and  others  to  escape  the  plague — Piero 

August,  addressed  by  the  Signory  to  their  ambassador  in  Rome,  the 
affair  is  mentioned  as  having  already  taken  place.  Florence  Archives, 
"  Signori,"  "  Carteggio,"  "  Missive,"  "  Minutari,"  16,  at  sheet  400. 

1  The  above-quoted  despatch  of  the  Signory  states  that  Amelia's  arrest 
has  led  "  to  the  discovery  of  the  root  of  certain  malignant  humours  in 
persons  who  cannot  be  prosecuted^  but  tries  to  attenuate  the  importance 
of  the  affair  by  adding  that  "  these  be  all  vain  attempts,  inasmuch  as  no 
republic  could  be  more  united  in  its  intent  to  destroy  tyranny  than  our 
own." 

8  For  the  whole  narrative  of  this  trial  we  have  always  referred  to 
authentic  documents,  and  among  the  historians  have  preferred  to  rely  on 
the  authority  of  Pitti's  "Istoria  Fiorentina,"  in  the  "Archivio  Storico 
Italiano,"  vol.  i.  pp.  42-50,  which  furnishes  a  most  minute  account  of  these 
events,  and  one  clearly  based  upon  documentary  evidence. 

3  Citizens  qualified  to  give  advice  in  emergencies. 

4  This  is  the  narrative  to  which  we  have  frequently  referred. 


■/:s. 

i  general  hévólt  m 
vir  by  bread  and  money  to  the  hun 

them  to  sack  the  houses  of  the  rich, 
m  of  the  Palace,  to  assume 

.cnim  the  city.1     It  was  a  mad  design  and 

too  audaci  r    Piero  to  venture   to  carry  our  ;   never- 

theless the  preliminary  intrij         which  had  been  woven 
show   his  intent,  and  proved   that  the  Republic 

IS  still  e 

In  the  midst  of  these  agitations  the  twenty  citizens 
charged  to  try  the  case  met  in  council  after  a  careful 
examination  of  the  evidence,  and  took  their  oath  to 
justice  with  strict  impartiality,  regardless  of 
the  rank  or  influence  of  the  persons  implicated  in  the  plot. 
They  then  ordained  that  the  Piazza  should  be  guarded  by 
armed  men  ;  that  the  condottieri  (mercenary  captains)  should 
hold  their  troops  ready  for  action  at  a  moment's  notice  ; 
and  that  no  one  should  leave  the  city.  They  also  called 
out  the  guards  of  the  Signory,  and,  to  avoid  exciting  sus- 
picion, sent  them  to  summon,  in  the  Signory's  name,  all 
the  citizens  most  deeply  compromised  by  Antella's  revela- 
tions. Many  instantly  fled  ;  others,  on  the  contrary, 
obeyed  the  summons  ;  and  the  final  result  of  the  trial  was 
that  five  of  the  persons  in  the  magistrates'  hands  were 
found  guilty  of  high  treason,  and,  according  to  the  law, 
deserving  of  capital  punishment. 

Bernardo  del  Nero,  aged  seventy-five  years,  was  the 
most  important  of  these  criminals  on  account  of  his  great 
influence  and  sagacity.  In  point  of  fact  the  only  real 
charge  proved  against  him  was  that  of  having  known 
of  the  plot  and  yet  failed  to  denounce  it  ;  the  which  crime 
was  held  to  be  all  the  more  heinous,  since  he  was 
Gonfalonier  of  the  Republic  at  that  time.  Next  in 
order  of  guilt  were   Giannozzo  Pucci,  a  youth   of  great 

1  Nardi  speaks  of  this  in  his  "  Istoria  di  Firenze,"  vol.  i.  p.  133. 


TRIAL  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  5 

talent,  and  Lorenzo  Tornabuoni,  who  was  the  general  ad- 
miration of  Florence  as  a  model  of  grace  and  fashion.  The 
popular  hatred  burnt  most  fiercely  against  these  men,  who, 
after  being  acknowledged  partisans  of  Piero,  to  whom 
indeed  Tornabuoni  was  related,1  had,  by  their  constant 
attendance  on  Savonarola's  sermons,  long  contrived  to 
make  every  one  believe  them  to  be  his  most  zealous 
adherents.  The  other  two  persons  inculpated  were 
Giovanni  Cambi,2  a  wealthy  merchant,  and  Niccolò 
Ridolfi,  head  of  the  family  of  that  name,  and  who  was 
also  connected  with  the  Medici. 3 

The  trial  bejng  concluded,  the  twelve  additional  citizens 
withdrew,  leaving  the  Eight  alone  to  pronounce  the 
verdict.  But  being  decidedly  unwilling  to  face  the 
hatred  of  so  many  powerful  families,  these  again 
appealed  to  the  Signory,  who  again  declined  to  assume 
an  office  that  was  not  legally  incumbent  on  them. 
At  last  the  Gonfalonier,  Messer  Domenico  Bartoli, 
seeing  the  culpable  weakness  of  the  magistrates  in 
refusing  to  fulfil  their  duty  from  fear  of  the  great, 
proposed  to  submit  the  case  to  the  decision  of  the 
Greater  Council,  which,  according  to  the  new  law, 
constituted  the  supreme  court  of  appeal.  But  the 
counsel  for  the  defence  resolutely  opposed  this  suggestion 
on  the  score  "  that  it  were  unwise  to  communicate  secrets 
of  the  State  to  so  great  a  multitude,  or  to  run  the  risk  of 
,  many  different  opinions  when  the  verdict  of  the  principal 
\  magistrates  should  suffice."  4     The  gist  of  the  matter  was 

1  Piero's  grandmother  was  a  Tornabuoni. 

2  Not  to  be  confused  with  Giovanni  Cambi,  the  historian,  who  was 
entirely  devoted  to  the  popular  party;  nor  with  the  "rich  Cambi"  of 
Via  del  Cocomero,  mentioned  elsewhere.  The  prisoner  was  one  of  the 
Cambi  of  Santa  Trinità. 

3  His  son  had  married  one  of  Piero  de'  Medici's  sisters.  For  all  these 
particulars,  vide  Nardi,  "  Istorie  di  Firenze,"  i.  p.  130  ;  Cerretani  ;  Parenti  ; 
Guicciardini,  "Storia  Fiorentina,"  chap.  xv.  ;  and  Pitti. 

^it*i,  "  Storia  Fiorentina,"  p.  43  and  fol. 

37 


SAVONAROLA S  I  ÌNL  'UMTS. 

the  Otte  hind  the  m  shrank  from 

their  duty,  the  acci.  n  the  other,  being  equally 

i  the  laws  and  the  fury  of  the  people,  were  anxious 

in  the  hope  that  on  the  election  of  a  new  Signor;/ 

things  might  take  a  decided  turn   in  their   favour.      Three 

of  £e   present   S  .    were    already    on    their   side,    and 

having    now    succeeded    in   winning   over  a   fourth   in   the 

•    Michele  Berti,  a  kinsman  of  Bernardo  del  Nero, 

these    tour   votes  enabled    them   to    prevent   any   decision 

tile  to  their  purpose.1      Thus  they  gained  their  end,  and 

the  final  sentence  was  referred  to  the  judgment  of  a  fresh 

ica,  to  be  held  on  the    17th  of  August.     This  was  a 

signal  advantage  ;   every  day  brought  them   nearer  to  the 

election;     urgent   recommendations  to    mercy   were 

mentarily   expected    from    the   allies,2   to   whom    many 

pressing  appeals  had  been  sent  ;   and  Piero  de'  Medici  was 

already   collecting  a  large  force  in  Romagna.      Moreover, 

being  manifestly  guilty  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  the  only 

hope  of  the  accused  was  in  delay.     But  their  adversaries 

were  perfectly  aware  of  all  this,  on  their  side  were  using 

every  effort  to  bring  the  affair  to  a  speedy  conclusion  ; 

and  it  was  accordingly  foreseen  that  the  adjourned  debate 

would  be  a  pitched  battle. 

The  Signory  had  requested  the  presence  of  some  two 
hundred  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Florence,  and  although 
they  did  not  all  obey  the  summons,  the  meeting  was  at- 
tended by  the  sixteen  Gonfaloniers  of  the  Companies,  the 
Twelve  Worthies,  the  Ten  of  War,  the  Eight  of  Guard 
and  Custody,  the  officers  of  the  Monte,  the  Conservators 

1  The  Signory  being  composed  of  nine  members,  no  measure  could  be 
carried  by  less  than  six  votes  ;  the  same  number  was  required  in  the 
Eight,  since  two-thirds  constituted  the  legal  majority.  When  a  decision 
was  passed  by  a  majority  of  votes,  it  was  said  to  be  voted  by  the  greater 
number  of  beans. 

'  Vide  Somenzi's  letters  to  Ludovico  the  Moor,  in  doc.  ii.  of  Appendix 
to  the  Italian  edition. 


SENTENCE  OF  DEATH.  563 

of  the  Law,  the  captains  of  the  Guelf  party,  many  Arroti, 
and    finally  the    Senate,   a  Council  of   Eighty,  and    the 
Signory— inali  an  assembly  of  136  persons.     The  counsel 
for  the  accused  were  full  of  hope  that  day,  trusting,  should 
all  other  means  fail,  that  with  so  numerous  a  tribunal 
there    would    be    little   difficulty    in    obtaining    a    fresh 
postponement  of  the  verdict.      But,  as  soon  as  the  de- 
positions had  been  read,  the  Signory  ordered  all  present  to 
withdraw  to  their  respective   benches  to  consult  on  the 
verdict,  after  which  each  bench  was  to  freely  report  its 
opinion,  regardless  of  the  old  usage  forbidding  the  expres- 
sion of  any  view  opposed  to  that  of  the  Signory.     The 
votes  were  quickly  given  to  the  effect  that  the  five  accused 
should  be  beheaded  and  their  property  confiscated  to  the 
State.1     The  counsel  for  the  defence  were  so  thunderstruck 
and  dismayed  by  this  verdict  that  they  were  completely 
paralyzed.2    Nevertheless,  remembering  that  four  members 
of  the  Signory  were  in  their  favour,  they  began  to  protest 
that  the  words  of  a  few  individuals  could  not  represent 
the  opinions  of  all,  and  that  every  one  should  be  allowed 
to  vote  separately.     They  hoped  by  means  of  so  new  and 
unprecedented  a  measure  to  throw  the  assembly  into  dis- 
order, since  many  who  were  unaccustomed  to  speak  in  the 
presence  of  the  Signory  might  be  confused,  and  afford  an 
opportunity  for  calling  their  votes  in  question,  and  ob- 
taining fresh  delays.     But  this  design  was  thwarted  by 
Francesco  Valori,  who   promptly  took  his  post    by  the 
Signory's  table,  and   summoning  the  notary  to  publicly 
record  his  words,  cried  in  a  loud  voice  :  that  he  judged 
those  citizens  to  be  deserving  of  death  and  confiscation. 
His  example  was  followed   by  the  rest,  who  almost  all 
concurred  in  the  sentence  he  had  pronounced.     In  this 

1  Pitti,  "  Istoria  Fiorentina,"  loc.  cit. 

a  Pitti  considers  that  the  notary  must  have  neglected  to  record  the 
few  contrary  votes,  being  unable  to  credit  that  none  should  have  been 
given. 


564  v./AV/./w  ////:  AND  ti  Mrs. 

ry  were  compelled  to  charge  the  Eight  with 

the  verdict  ;  and  when  these  magistra 

A  their  own  POteS,  they  were  found   to   have 
ntenCC  by  a  majority  of  SIX  against  two.' 
The  defenders  of  the  1  then  felt  that  all  was  Inst, 

:  last  resouro  advice  of  Messer  Guidan- 

pucd,  a  celebrated  jurisconsult,  and  one  of  the 
werful  of  the  Arrabbiati.  Ile  immediately  BUg- 
d  an  appeal  to  the  Greater  Council  from  the  verdict 
ofth  1  ight, ill  the  manner  authorized  by  the  new  law  of 
the  Six  Beans.  Right  of  appeal  was  immediately  demanded, 
and  when  the  votes  of  the  assembly  were  taken,  it  was 
found  that  four  of  the  Signory  were  in  favour  of  it.  This 
led  to  so  much  disagreement  and  disorder,  that  the  Pratica 
had  to  be  adjourned  to  the  2ist  of  August.  Thus,  after 
all,  the  counsel  for  the  defence  had  once  more  gained  an 
advantage. 

Meanwhile  the  discord  in  the  Palace  had  spread  through 
the  town,  and  people  went  about  everywhere  crying  : 
that  justice  must  be  done  ;  that  the  country  was  in  danger  ; 
and  that  the  postponement  of  the  affair  from  one  Pratica  to 
another  might  prove  fatal  to  the  Republic.  At  the  same 
time  anonymous  letters  were  being  circulated  in  Florence, 
fiercely  denouncing  the  weakness  of  the  magistrates. 
Public  feeling  was  still  in  this  state  when  the  second 
Pratica  met  on  the  2ist  of  August,  to  decide  whether  or 
no  the  right  of  appeal  should  be  granted;  and  it  is  by  no 
means  surprising  that  the  strife  should  have  been  of  the 
hottest.  It  was  declared  on  the  one  side,  in  the  exaggerated 
and  decidedly  democratic  phraseology  that  the  Mediceans 
were  so  apt  in  employing  whenever  it  suited  their  purpose, 
that  :  "  Right  of  appeal  against  the  sentence  of  the  Eight 
was  sanctioned  by  the  law  ;  that  the  people  was  absolute 
lord  of  the  Republic  ;    hence  that   everything  must  be 

1  Pitti,  loc.  cit. 


EXCITING  DEBATE  ON  RIGHT  OF  APPEAL.     565 

referred  to  the  people  ;  that  the  people  had  power  of  life 
and  death  over  the  citizens."     But  these  words  from  the 
lips  of  those  who  had  conspired  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Medici  in  Florence  naturally  excited  the  indignation  of 
the  opposite  party,  who  hotly  replied  :  «  That  from  the 
outset,  as  every  one  knew,  the  accused  had  been  allowed 
the  option  of  being  judged  by  the  people,  but  had  declined 
to  profit  by  it.     That  the  law  of  appeal  had  been  made 
solely  to  deprive  the  tribunal  of  the  Six   Beans  of  the 
power  to  pass  sentence  of  death  or  confiscation  on  the 
citizens  ;  and  that  in  this  case  the  accused  had  not  only 
been  condemned  by  the  Eight  and  the  Signory,  but  by  the 
joint  verdict  of  all  the  magistrates  and  principal  citizens. 
Likewise  that  no  law  could  grant  right  of  appeal  from  a 
tribunal-extraordinary  such    as    this  ;    and    that    no    one 
demanding  it  could  have  any  other  object   in  view  than 
that  of  gaining  time  while  the  Republic   v/as  disturbed, 
the  country  in  danger,  its  enemies  in  expectation  of  aid 
from  without,  and  even  certain  members  of  the  Signory 
engaged   in  conspiring    against    freedom.       Can    you    be 
ignorant,"  they  concluded,  "  that  the  tyrant  is  again  col- 
lecting an  army  ?     Do  you  not  see  that  you  are  opening 
your  gates  to  Piero  de'  Medici  ?  "  i     At  this  point  the 
Collegi  2  were  inflamed  by  so  great  a  fury,  that,  starting  to 
their  feet,  they  threatened  to  display  their  banners  and  lead 
the   people  to  demolish   the   houses  of   all   who    should 
oppose   the  execution  of   so  just  and  unavoidable  a  sen- 
tence.     Upon  this  there  was  a  great  uproar  and  confusion 
in  the  hall,  but,  in  the  midst  of  the  din,  the  voice  of  Messer 
Francesco  degli  Albizzi  could  be  heard  repeatedly  shouting 
in  tones  of  thunder  :   "  Let  justice  be  done,  let  justice  be 
done  !  '      Meanwhile  the  defenders  of  the  accused  were 

x   Vide  Pitti,  who  gives  exact  reports  of  the  speeches  delivered  in  the 
Pratica.      Vide  also  Cerretani  and  Parenti. 

a  /.*.f  the  Gonfaloniers  of  the  Companies  and  the  Twelve  Worthies 
but  in  this  instance  mainly  the  former. 


\ND  TIMI 
their  best  to  increase  the  tumult,  in  the  hope  that 

this  WOuld  OOIIIC   tO  ail  end    without    any  decision 

heir.  L      In  fact,  evening  was  already  at  h.. 

Still  going  Of)  without  any  result  ;   tor  the 

ular  party  were  so  maddened  by  fury  that  they  I    i 

impeded  the  regular  course  of  the  debate,  and  thus  uncon- 

usly  played  into  their  adversaries'  hands. 

Hut  at  this  juncture  some  ambassadorial  despatch.es 
and  private  letters  arrived,  and,  being  read  aloud  to 
the  meeting  by  the  Signory,  roused  all  to  new  fury.  For 
their  contents  proved  that  the  Republic  was  unquestion- 
ably  in  the  greatest  danger  ;  that  the  enemies  of  Florence 
were  intriguing  on  all  sides,  encouraged  by  the  Duke  of 
Milan  ■  and  actively  aided  by  the  Pope,  and  that  the  latter 
was  only  feigning  moderation  and  friendship  towards  the 
Republic  the  better  to  accomplish  its  overthrow.  Upon 
this  a  second  reading  of  all  the  depositions  made  at  the 
trial  was  demanded,  in  order  to  compare  them  with  the 
evidence  contained  in  the  letters  ;  after  which  the  citizens 
withdrew  to  their  benches  to  deliberate  afresh  ;  and 
according  to  usage  each  bench  deputed  a  single  member 
to  express  its  views.2 

The  general  opinion  was  that  the  capital  sentence  should 
be  executed  without  delay  ;  nevertheless  the  knowledge 
that  the  Signory  were  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  accused 
caused  many  to  hesitate  and  fear  to  speak  freely.  Even 
Guglielmo  Altoviti,  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the  same  Gon- 

*  This  is  confirmed  by  the  letters  of  the  Milanese  orator,  given  in  doc. 
ii.  of  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition.      Vide  also  doc.  ix. 

3  Nardi,  Pitti,  and  others  describe  the  effect  produced  by  the  arrival  of 
these  despatches.  A  "Frammento  di  Pratica,"  discovered  by  me  in  the 
"  Archivio  delle  Riformagioni,"  begins  a  summary  of  the  discussion  in 
the  following  terms  :  "  Our  high  and  magnificent  Signory,  having  read 
aloud  several  letters  received  from  Ser  Alessandro  in  Rome  and  Messer 
Francesco  Pepi  in  Milan,  and  several  more,  unsigned,  from  other  citizens 
resident  in  Rome,  .  .  .  and  having  demanded  advice  thereon,&c."  (Florence 
Archives,  "  Consulte  e  Pratiche,"  Registro  65,  at  sheet  81  and  fol.) 


CONTINUANCE  OF  THE  DEBATE.  s6j 

faloniers    of    the    Companies,    who,  shortly    before,   had 
threatened  to  put  to  the  sack  the  abodes  of   all  persons 
opposed  to  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  now  declared  : 
u  That  even  in    his  bench  some   were  disposed  to  con- 
cede right  of  appeal."     But  Messer  Francesco  Gualterotti, 
in  the  name  of  the  Ten  of  Liberty,  spoke  more  frankly, 
and  said  :    "  The  greater  disturbance  you    make  in    the 
city,  the  better  will  you  assist  our  enemies'  designs.     It  is 
clear  that  all  the  potentates  of  Italy  have  plotted  against 
Florence,  and  that  Rome  is  the  centre  of  every  intrigue 
woven  against  us.     The  object  of  the  desired  appeal  is 
not    to    learn  the    will    of  the    people,   which    has    been 
decidedly  expressed  more  than  once,  but  merely  to  gain 
time,  and  invoke  foreign  aid.      Nevertheless,  if  your  Ex- 
cellencies are  resolved  at  all  costs  to  grant  right  of  appeal, 
it  were  best  to  make  sure  of  the   council  first  of  all,  and 
to  lose  no  time  in  assembling  it,  since  delay  can  lead  to 
nought  but  trouble  both  within  and  without  the  walls. 
And  it  likewise  behooves  us  to  keep  the  troops  in  readiness 
to  defend  the  Republic  from  all  the  enemies  by  which  it 
is  surrounded.''     The  next  to  be  heard  were  the  doctors  of 
the  law,  whose  opinion  on  the  question    had    naturally 
great  weight  ;  and  their  representative  candidly  declared  : 
"that   the  present  danger  would  justify  their  refusal  to 
grant  an  appeal,1  and  that  even  were  it  granted,  it  must  be 
fixed  for  the  morrow,  since  the  least  delay  might  be  fatal." 
The    Eight,  who  were    the    ordinary    tribunal    for    State 
offences,  expressed    the    opinion    "that  right  of  appeal 
should    be    decidedly  refused ,  since    the    city  would    be 
ruined   if  the  defence   succeeded    in  obtaining  from  the 
council  a  reversal  of   the  sentence  already  pronounced." 
Lastly  came  the  twelve  benches  of  private  citizens,  who 

1  "  According  to  the  statutes,  whenever  public  disturbance  is  feared, 
it  is  customary  to  refuse  right  of  appeal."  So,  too,  says  Guicciardini  in 
his  "  Storia  Fiorentina/5  p.  160. 


:.rs  LIFE  AND  TIM* 

■   unanimou         f  opinion  that  IC  the  sentence 
i  cecuted,  and  without  delay.*1     But  even  this 
n  concluded  with  the  usual  formula:  "  Never- 
theless our  approval  will  be  accorded  to  any  decision  that 

your    Excellencies    may    be    pleased  to  take."  I      Such 

ncc  of  bygone  customs,  not  only  under  the  new 

•>/\y,  but  even   in  the   midst   of  this   tremendous 
popular  excitement  ! 

It  was  now  ten  o'clock  at  night;  so  the  Signory,  en- 
couraged by  this  moderation  of  tone,  and  noting  manifest 
signs  of  weariness  in  the  assembly,  again  tried  to  spin 
the  debate,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  dissolve  the 
meeting  without  coming  to  any  decision.  But  the  pre- 
vailing calm  suddenly  changed  to  a  tempest  of  fury  ;  for 
Valori,  divining  the  intention  of  the  government,  sprang 
to  his  feet  like  a  raging  lion,  and  with  flaming  eyes 
rushed  towards  the  Signory,  and,  seizing  the  ballot-box, 
rapped  it  violently  on  the  table,  crying  in  a  threatening 
voice  :  "  Let  justice  be  done,  or  there  will  be  a  revolt  !" 
Luca  Martini,  the  president  for  the  day,  was  cowed  by 
his  words,  and  instantly  put  the  question  to  the  vote. 
Five  of  the  Signory  voted  for  death,  but  the  other  four 
being  still  in  favour  of  the  accused,  voted  for  the  appeal. 
Thereupon  Valori,  throwing  etiquette  to  the  winds,  and 
without  any  show  of  respect  for  the  Signory,  shouted  in  a 
voice  hoarse  with  rage  :  <{  Why  then  have  your  Excel- 
lencies summoned  all  these  citizens,  who  every  one  of 
them,  as  recorded  by  the  notary,  had  already  voted 
against  these  plotters  of  novelties,  these  subverters  of  our 
country  and  destroyers  of  freedom  ?  Have  not  all  here 
present  confirmed  their  vote  ?  Do  you  not  hear  the  uni- 
versal cry  of  all  who  care  for  the  public  safety?  Do  ycu 
not  feel  the    imminence  of   our  danger  ?     Your    Excel- 

1  All  this  part  of  the  discussion  is  a  faithful  report  of  the  "  Frammento 
di  Pratica,"  before  quoted. 


VALORI* S  SPEECH  AND  ITS  EFFECT.  569 

lencies  should  remember  that  you  are  placed  here  by  the 
people  of  Florence  on  purpose  to  defend  the  liberty  of 
Florence,  and  if  you  betray  your  duty  in  order  to  favour 
traitorous  citizens,  you  may  be  sure  there  will  be  plenty 
to  defend  so  just  and  holy  a  cause,  to  the  peril  of  all  who 
are  opposed  to  it."  Then,  extending  his  arm  with  a 
resolute  gesture,  he  again  offered  the  ballot-box  to  Martini, 
and  the  latter,  being  either  conquered  or  convinced,  put 
the  sentence  to  the  vote  in  the  following  terms  :  "  Seeing 
that  the  counsels  and  reports  of  the  magistrates,  Senate, 
and  other  citizens  are  all  in  favour  of  execution  ;  and 
seeing  that  delay  would  lead  to  great  peril  and  disturb- 
ance, it  is  hereby  ordained  that  without  delay,  this  same 
night,  the  Council  of  Eight  shall  put  to  death  the  five 
citizens  upon  whom  they  have  already  pronounced 
sentence  in  this  meeting."  The  suddenness  of  Martini's 
motion,  and  above  all  the  ferocious  air  of  Valori  and  the 
threatening  gesture  with  which  he  passed  round  the 
ballot-box,  had  so  intimidating  an  effect  upon  the  four 
dissentient  members  of  the  Signory  that  they  also  voted 
for  death.  After  which  the  order,  already  drawn  up,  was 
formally  consigned  to  the  Eight,  who  immediately  re- 
paired to  the  palace  of  the  Captain  of  Justice  to  make 
arrangements  for  the  execution.1 

Meanwhile  the  defenders  of  the  condemned  men  led 
their  clients,  barefooted  and  chained,  through  the  as- 
sembly, hoping  that  their  appearance  and  supplications 
might  stir  the  pity  of  the  crowd  ;  but  all  was  in  vain,  for 
the  citizens  could  scarcely  contain  their  rage  at  the  sight 
of  the  criminals.  The  latter  were  then  taken  to  the 
Bargello's  palace  2  and  left  for  a  short  space  with  their 

1  As  we  have  already  said,  the  whole  of  this  narrative  and  all  these 
speeches  are  faithfully  compiled  from  Pitti,  pp.  42-50,  and  the  before- 
quoted  "  Frammento  di  Pratica."  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
,doc.  x. 

a  Pitti,  loc.  cit.,  Cerretani,  and  Nardi.     According  to  Pitti  the  prisoners 


5;o  SAI  \ND  TIMES, 

their  i     '      f  death.     During  this 

time  Val  ri,  *  to  have  become  almost  absolute 

the  city,  pi.:  o  foot-soKl;      I    guard  the 

inst  any  attack  from  the  criminals'  kinsmen  or 

All  was  already  arranged  in  the  courtyard  d  the 

dense  and  motley  a  crowd  poured  into 

i  hour  to  hour,  that,  as  a  contemporary  writer  has 

said,  "  it  seemed  a  pit  of  hell."  There  were  hands  of 
savage-looking    men  with  weapons  in    their    hands   and 

vengeance  in  their  hearts,  and  groups  of  nobles  here  and 
there,  who  appeared  to  shrink  from  view  for  fear  of  com- 
mising  their  safety,  and  to  be  trying  to  hide  their  grief 
and  dismay  for  the  friends  or  kinsmen  whose  death  they 
were  about  to  witness.  We  may  imagine  what  cruel 
insults  and  pangs  of  bitterness  these  men  must  have  en- 
dured that  night  !  Meanwhile  the  tumult  of  clashing 
weapons,  curses,  and  yells  went  on  increasing  until  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  a  funereal  silence  fell  on  the 
throng.  For  now  the  condemned  prisoners  were  brought 
out  one  by  one,  accompanied  by  a  criminal  judge  and  a 
confessor,  and  led  to  the  place  of  execution,  where  each  of 
them  in  turn  calmly  laid  his  head  on  the  block.  All 
submitted  to  their  fate  with  the  utmost  fortitude.  Their 
bodies  were  afterwards  delivered  up  to  their  kindred. 

The  same  night,  the  Signory  sent  a  despatch  to  Rome 
giving  an  account  of  the  event  in  the  following  terms  : 
"  The  whole  city  has  been  united  against  these  traitorous 
and  parricidal  citizens,  whose  execution  was  desired  even 

were  conducted  to  the  palace  of  the  Bargello  ;  according  to  Cerretani,  to 
that  of  the  Captain  of  Justice.  Both  these  officials  long  held  residence 
in  the  palace  adjoining  the  old  Custom  House,  and  near  that  of  the 
Signory  with  which  it  communicated.  At  the  time  of  this  trial  there  was 
only  a  Bargello,  but  shortly  after,  as  we  shall  see,  his  post  was  abolished, 
and  that  of  the  Captain  of  Justice  re-established  in  its  stead.  It  was 
only  at  a  much  later  period  that  there  was  again  a  Bargello,  who  was 
then  established  in  the  palace  now  designated  by  his  name,  and  pre- 
viously known  as  the  palace  of  the  Podestà, 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  CONDEMNED.  5;i 

by  their  own  kin.  And  it  is  now  hoped  that  the  State 
may  be  sound  and  healthy  for  a  time,  since  all  are  bent 
on  extirpating  every  other  evil  growth  of  the  same  kind. 
God  have  mercy  on  the  souls  of  those  men,  for  as  traitors 
to  their  country,  they  are  verily  in  sore  need  of  His 
aid."  i 

Such  was  the  end  of  Rve  citizens,  who  by  birth, 
influence,  and  long  experience  of  public  and  private  affairs 
had  ranked  among  the  first  in  the  Republic.  Slight 
punishments  were  inflicted  upon  a  few  others  who  had 
been  privy  to  the  attempt  ;  but  Fra  Mariano  da  Genaz- 
zano,  having  made  good  his  escape  to  Rome,  could  only 
be  sentenced  to  exile,  although  ascertained  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  guilty.  The  two  brothers  Antella  not 
only  had  their  lives  spared,  but  also  their  fines  remitted, 
were  allowed  to  bear  arms,  freed  from  the  ban  formerly 
pronounced  on  them,  and  made  the  recipients  of  other 
favours.2  All  the  depositions  and  documents  of  this 
State  trial  were  scrupulously  kept  secret,  so  that  all 
memory  of  it  might  be  as  far  as  possible  effaced  3  now 
the  authors  of  the  plot  had  expiated  their  crime. 

An  important  point  should  next  be  noted  ;  namely,  that 
throughout  this  time  of  public  ferment  Savonarola  had 
remained  secluded  in  his  convent,  without  taking  any 
share  in  the  excitement,  and  wholly  absorbed  in  revising 
the  proofs  of  his  "  Triumph  of  the  Cross."  Neither  in 
the  histories,  memoirs,  correspondence,  or  biographies  of 
the  period  do  we  find  a  single  word  to  indicate  whether 
Savonarola  was  favourable  or  unfavourable  to  any  of  the 
accused.     During  his   own  trial  he  only  alluded   to  the 

1  Florence  Archives,  "Registro  di  Minute  di  Lettere  ad  Ambasciatori," 
1496-97.  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition  in  doc.  xi.,  the  letter 
dated  August  21st. 

3  Nevertheless  the  decree  freeing  them  from  the  ban  of  outlawry  is  of 
a  later  date. 

3  Nardi,  Cerretani,  Pitti,  Parenti,  Guicciardini,  &c. 


:.rs  /  \ND  TIM 

tin.-  first  time,  when,  in  ipealring  of  Bernardo 

vici  N  sto,  ••  laid  :  "  I  [is  death  give  me  no  satisfaction, 

tld  have  well  pleased  had  he  been  banished;1 

Mid  occasion,  hi-  added  :  "That  regarding  those 

he    had     taken     no    Special   concern;     save 

that  he  had  slightly  recommended  Lorenzo  Tornabumi 
Virion's  mercy/'3     This  plainly  shows  that  the  sole 

•  his  interference  was  to  try  to  moderate  the 
general  fury  Igainst  the  accused.  Yet,  no  sooner  had 
in  to  calumniate  Savonarola's  memory,  than 
all  declared  that  it  was  chiefly  owing  to  him  that  right 
of  appeal  had  been  denied  to  the  prisoners,  although  he 
himself  had  been  the  most  energetic  promoter  of  the  law 
conferring  that  right.  No  one  chose  to  remember  that 
ipucci  and  not  Savonarola  had  been  the  proposer  of 
that  law  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  ultimately  carried, 
or  that  the  Friar  had  not  only  been  dissatisfied  with  it, 
but  caused  his  followers  to  oppose  it,  since  his  own  object 
was  to  establish  the  right  of  appeal  to  a  limited  council 
instead  of  to  the  Consiglio  Maggiore. 3    And,  on  the  other 

1  \'idt\  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  the  printed  version  of  the 
trial  published  during  the  fifteenth  century.  The  reader  should  bear 
in  mind  that  all  the  alterations  then  made  in  the  documents  were  always 
and  entirely  to  Savonarola's  disadvantage  ;  therefore  every  statement 
they  allege  in  his  favour  may  be  fully  relied  upon. 

3  During  his  trial  by  the  Papal  Commissioners.  Vide  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition. 

I  Vide  bk.  ii.  chap.  v.  of  this  work.  Machiavelli  and  Guicciardini 
("Storia  d'Italia")  were  among  the  first  to  bring  these  charges  against 
Savonarola,  and  almost  all  the  other  writers  followed  their  lead. 
Although  both  of  these  most  influential  historians  had  been  acquainted 
with  Savonarola  in  their  youth,  they  only  wrote  about  him  at  a  much 
later  period,  and  when  his  memory  was  already  loaded  with  a  thousand 
false  accusations.  Hence,  they  did  not  always  steer  clear  of  the  many 
calumnies  then  afloat  to  the  injury  of  the  republican  Friar.  But  even 
the  authority  of  a  Guicciardini  and  a  Machiavelli  cannot  prevail  against 
the  truth,  the  which  truth  is  clearly  established  by  documents  of  indis- 
putable weight.  Moreover,  even  Guicciardini  is  most  favourable  to  the 
Friar,  and  avoids  all  erroneous  statements  concerning  him,  in  his  "  Storia 
d'Italia,"  written  at  a  period  less  remote  from  Savonarola's  day.     In  the 


HIS  SEC!  USI  ON  D  URING  THE  TRIAL,         5  7  3 

hand,  the  history  of  this  period  proves  beyond  doubt  that 
during  the  trial  of  the  conspirators,  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  exercise  any  influence  over  the  people  or  judges. 
Being  under  the  ban  of  excommunication  and  with 
negotiations  for  its  removal  still  pending,  it  would  have 
been  not  only  a  grave  blunder,  but  sheer  madness  to 
return  to  the  pulpit  just  then,  and  he  was  never  known 
to  resort  to  indirect  or  clandestine  means.  As  to  Valori, 
who  undoubtedly  did  his  utmost  to  secure  the  prisoners' 
condemnation,  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  seems  to  have 
been  unduly  influenced  by  jealous  hatred  towards  his 
political  opponent  Bernardo  del  Nero.1  Although  a 
generous  and  loyal  man,  his  actions  invariably  proceeded 
from  impulse  rather  than  reason  ;  and  he  showed  himself 
so  incapable  of  self-control  during  the  heated  discussions 
at  the  trial,  that  it  is  quite  improbable  that  he  would 
have  yielded  to  the  authority  of  Savonarola  who  was 
secluded  in  his  cloister   at    the   other  end  of  Florence. 

second  edition  of  his  "Nuovi  Documenti»  (Florence,  Sansoni,  188S)  Signor 
Gherardi  has  added  (pp.  1 12-124)  a  long  extract  from  Parenti  regarding 
right  of  appeal  from  the  Six  Beans.  According  to  this  authority,  the 
Ottimati  opposed  this  right  of  appeal  in  the  first  instance  from  fear  of 
diminishing  the  power  of  the  Council  of  Eight,  of  which  they  frequently 
formed  part.  The  Popolani  also  opposed  the  measure,  fearing  that  it 
might  lessen  the  power  of  the  Signory.  Thereupon  the  Ottimati,  being 
hostile  to  the  Signory  at  the  time,  changed  their  minds  and  joined  the 
advanced  party,  which  not  only  favoured  right  of  appeal,  but  proposed 
appeal  to  the  Greater  Council,  a  measure  that  naturally  met  with  the 
popular  approbation.  Thus,  as  often  occurs  when  the  public  mind  is 
conlused  the  least  cautious  and  most  extreme  measure  was  that  which 
gained  the  day.  According  to  the  same  chronicler,  the  general  confusion 
was  brought  to  a  climax  by  the  sermons  of  Fra  Domenico  da  Ponzo  who 
at  the  express  command  of  Savonarola's  foes,  was  daily  invei-hin- 
against  him  from  the  pulpit,  though  no  one  could  exactly  understand  the 

Sa^'1.  ihfC  att^cks*  Parenti>  wh°  had  no  liking  for  the  Prior  of 
St.  Marks,  declares  that  the  latter  not  only  favoured  but  first  proposed 
this  law  of  appeal  without,  however,  asserting  that  Savonarola  either 
favoured  or  much  less  proposed,  an  appeal  to  the  Greater  Council,  a 
a^nstWswiUS  **  already  Proved  bV  his  own  sermons,  was  carried 

1  Guicciardini  alludes  to  this  •'  n  '*«r  in  his  «Storia  di  Firenze,"  p.  159 


SAVON.  VS  I  il  E  AND  £ 

.llv,  it  should  be  remembered  that,  but  foi  the 
pi  of  the  ami  lorial  despatches1  at  the  very 
.  :.•   when  all   |         :  at   the   Pratica  were  bun. 

t  the  lukewarmness  of  the  magis- 
and  their  too  evident  partiality,  it  is  probable  that, 
even  then,  the  accused  might  have  succeeded  in  obtaining 
a  p  Lement  of  the  verdict. 

1  hus,  many  and  totally  unforeseen  events  combined  to 
bring  sentence  of  death  on  these  live  citizens  ;  and  it 
must    be   acknowl  1  that   not  only  in   the  eyes  of  the 

law,  but  by  the  general  opinion  of  the  people,  according 
to  all  ideas  of  justice  at  that  period,  they  thoroughly 
rved  their  fate.  It  is  true  that  the  trial  was  not 
conducted  with  all  the  usual  judicial  forms;  but  although 
the  first  irregularity  was  caused  by  the  excessive  timidity 
of  the  magistrates,  who,  after  finding  the  acci; 
guilty  of  high  treason,  shrank  from  condemning  them 
to  death,  in  order  to  give  them  a  chance  of  appeal,  the 
worst  and  more  criminal  irregularity  was  committed  by  the 
counsel  for  the  defence.  After  having  first  refused  to 
submit  the  case  to  the  Greater  Council,  and  then  requested 
and  obtained  the  favour  of  being  judged  by  a  special 
tribunal  composed  of  all  the  principal  magistrates  and 
citizens  of  Florence,  they  had  forfeited  all  right  to  demand 
an  appeal.  They  had  nothing  to  urge  in  favour  of  this 
demand,  save  their  very  evident  motive  of  wishing  to 
proceed  from  one  irregularity  to  another,  in  order  to  gain 
time  and  await  the  election  of  a  fresh  Signory.  How 
could  the  magistrates  ao-ain  lend  themselves  to  these 
designs,  or  the  assembly  condone  so  great  an  outrage 
on    legality  ?     Besides,    the    popular    verdict    was    most 

1  From  Somenzi's  letters  (in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  ii.), 
it  is  plainly  evident,  that  even  when  the  accused  were  in  prison  and 
undergoing  trial,  the  Mediceans  still  entertained  great  hopes  of  being 
able  to  overthrow  the  popular  government,  with  the  help  of  the  allies, 
and  were  actively  labouring  to  that  end. 


BY  VOICE  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


575 


decisive,  and  was  additionally  confirmed  a  few  days  after 
the  execution,  when  RidolfTs  son  appeared  before  the 
Greater  Council  to  implore  the  remission  of  the  decree 
confiscating  his  father's  property.  His  demand  was  thrice 
put  to  the  vote  and  thrice  rejected.1  Accordingly, 
neither  by  the  laws  of  the  State,  nor  the  votes  of  the 
Greater  Council  could  the  Uve  prisoners  have  been 
acquitted.2  As  to  Savonarola  he  had  neither  the  will  nor 
the  power  to  influence  a  sentence,  decreed  in  the  heat,  or 
rather  fury,  of  a  whirlwind,  of  debate. 

1  Pitti  and  Cerretani. 

■  It  has  been  justly  observed  by  Guicciardini,  "Storia  Fiorentina"  p 
164,  that  mno  case  could  they  have  been  acquitted,  that  accordingly  it 
would  have  been  far  better  from  the  beginning  to  have  steadily  adhered 
to  the  forms  prescribed  by  the  law. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


So4V0&CAR0LA'S     MINOR     WORKS,    *BOTH    tPUtBLISHEtn 
C/.V7)    U&CPWBUSHE'D.       HIS    "TRIU&i'PH    OF    THE 
S.n 

FTER  the  death  of  Bernardo  del  Nero 
and  his  confederates  the  Piagnoni  be- 
came all  powerful  ;  and  during  the 
following  six  months  three  Signories  of 
the  popular  party  were  elected  in  suc- 
cession, whose  sole  difficulty  in  govern- 
ing was  that  of  carrying  on  the  business  of  the  State  with 
an  absolutely  exhausted  exchequer.1  But  the  Pope's 
enmity  to  Savonarola  became  fiercer  than  ever  and  was 
a  continual  source  of  affliction  to  the  Government  and 
people.  It  was  not  only  grievous  to  them  to  witness  the 
unjust  treatment  of  a  man  who  had  rendered  such  eminent 
service  to  his  country  and  religion,  but  it  was  also  painful 
to  be  compelled  in  the  Friar's  defence,  to  place  themselves 
and  the  Republic  in  an  attitude  of  continual  and  growing 
disaccord  with  Rome.  Nevertheless,  they  daily  despatched 
pressing  instructions  to  their  orator,  Alessandro  Bracci,  to 
do  his  utmost  to  obtain  absolution  for  Savonarola.  "  It 
is  our  desire,"  wrote  the  Signory,  "  that  ye  should  knock 
at  every  door,  and  shout  aloud,  and  make  every  possible 

r  The  Milanese  orator  wrote  to  the  Duke  as  follows  :  "  It  may  now  be 
said,  Illustrissimo  Signore,  that  the  Friar's  party  have  the  government 
entirely  in  their  grasp  "  {Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  ii.). 


11 LAMENTATIO  SPONS&  CHRIST!?  577 

effort,  and  neither  cease  nor  spare  your  labour  until  this 
purpose  has  been  achieved. "  I 

The  Pope  deigned  no  reply,  but  waited  a  favourable 
moment  to  fulfil  his  designs  ;  while  Savonarola,  profiting 
by  the  truce,  remained  shut  up  in  his  convent,  and,  with 
an  energy  that  was  truly  marvellous,  devoted  his  whole 
time  to  the  composition  of  new  tractates  and  the  publica- 
tion of  those  he  had  already  written.  Passing  these  briefly 
in  review,  we  will  bestow  our  chief  attention  on  his 
great  work,  "  The  Triumph  of  the  Cross,"  which  was 
given  to  the  world  at  this  time. 

But,  first  of  all,  we  should  mention  a  short  pamphlet, 
entitled  "  Lamentatio  Sponsas  Christi."  In  this  the  author 
deplores  the  disgrace  brought  on  the  whole  of  the  Christian 
flock  by  the  clergy  of  his  day.3     He  would  also  seem  to 

1  Letter  of  the  Signory,  dated  7th  of  November,   1497.     Vide  Padre 

Marchese,  doc.  xvii.  p.  163. 

2  "  Lamentatio  Sponsae  Christi,  et  Exhortatio  ad  fideles,"  Anno  Domini 
1497.  This  edition  is  undated,  and  without  the  author's  name.  It  only 
comprises  two  sheets,  and  the  pamphlet  concludes  at  the  third  page  and 
is  followed  by  a  poem  in  nineteen  strophes,  beginning  thus  :  Voi  toccate 
la  chiavetta,  &c.  It  has  never  been  ascertained  by  whom  these  verses 
were  written.  The  whole  pamphlet  was  afterwards  prohibited  in  Rome. 
Another  little  work  must  be  mentioned  that  has  been  attributed  to 
Savonarola  both  by  Meier  and  Audin  de  Rians,  but  that  we  cannot 
believe  to  be  his.  It  is  entitled,  "  Loqui  prohibeor  et  tacere  non  pos- 
sum," and  is  undated.  Meier  saw  it  in  MS.  in  the  Boutourlin  Library  ; 
and  Audin  quotes  from  the  printed  fifteenth-century  edition,  of  which 
there  is  a  copy  in  the  Riccardi  Library,  that  we,  too,  have  examined.  It 
is  a  pamphlet  of  six  sheets,  unsigned  and  undated.  As  regards  title, 
style,  and  ideas,  it  differs  little  from  Savonarola's  works,  although  its 
more  studied  Latinity  at  once  made  us  doubt  that  it  could  be  from  his 
pen.  It  begins  as  follows  :  "  The  shepherds  let  the  lambs  stray  at  their 
will,  drive  away  those  that  remain  in  the  right  path,  and  threaten  with 
most  severe  punishment  those  that  seek  the  fount  of  pure  water  ;  hence 
speech  is  forbidden  me  (loqui  prohibeor)).  But  I  see  these  bad  shepherds 
shut  out  their  flocks  from  the  pastures,  and  the  lean,  starving  lambs  left 
a  prey  to  wild  beasts  ;  wherefore  I  cannot  hold  my  peace  (tacere  non 
possum).  The  judges  and  elders  to  whom  judgment  pertains  sit  on  the 
seat  of  perdition  and  subvert  all  order.  Arbitrary  power  replaces  law, 
and  wickedness  stifles  the  faint  utterances  of  the  just  ;  wherefore  speech 
is  forbidden  me  (loqui  prohibeor)."     Continuing  in  the  same  strain,  the 

38 


S  LIFE  AND  TIM. 

have  pub!  simultaneously  another  pamphlet,  entii 

mAji  the  Seven  Steps  of  the  Spiritual  Lifeol 

.,"  i  which,  as  the  name  indicati  lerdy  a 

lummary  of  the  work  of  that  ancient  Father  of  the 

.rch.      Savonarola  also  addressed  many  printed  epistles 
first  part  of  this  composition  concludes  with  these  words:  nJdec  toqut 

And   then,  full  ol   hope,  the  autho: 

ehold,  now  lei  unto  his  Lord 

mouth  is  filled,  O  Lord,  with  Th>  love,  ami  I  will  sing  Ti 
the  night  cmleth,  and  the  dawn  of  a  hotter  day  is  at  hand  ;  our  rodeinp- 
It  goes  on  in   this  w.iy  for  IIX  <>r  .seven   pages  to  the  end. 
The  whole  pamphlet  consists  of  six  sheets. 

All  this  might  well  be  ascribed  to  Savonarola,  were  it  not  that  in  two 
or  three  piai  cs  we  find  him  distinctly  alluded  to  as  being  already  dead. 
Take  the  following  instance  :  "  Fratres  et  discipuli  carissimi  qui,  ab 
ipso  fonte  uberrimo,  praticissima  eloquia,  magno  oblectamento,ftequen- 
tius  auserunt  ;  qui  tanquam  exanimes  et  velut  stupidi  altiora  doctrinae 
mirabantur  ;  qui  virum  omni  quavis  scientia,  prceclarissimum  magnaque 
sanctitate  venerandum  firmissime  asserebant,  instanter  pra?dicabant, 
omnique  demonstrationum  genere  id  animis  hominum  inserere  nitcban- 
tur.  Nunc,  ac  si  lcthaei  fluminis  unda  demersi,  in  silentio  trahunt  dies 
suos  et  ad  uniuscuiusque  rei  pavent  occursum.  Nonnulli  ex  eis,  timore 
perterriti,  digito  labns  imposito  silcntium  indicunt,  si  quos  novcrent  ilari 
vuhu  loquentes  magnalia  Dei.  Nee  desunt  qui  asperior  obediential 
malleo  simplicium  dorsum  incurvent,  quin  et  obliquis  oculis  intuentur 
quos  pristinae  tidei  quippiam  servasse  crediderint."  At  this  point  we 
rind  noted  in  ancient  characters  on  the  margin  of  the  copy  in  the  Ric- 
cardi Library  (No.  123  of  the  fifteenth-century  editions)  the  words  : 
faith  in  the  Friar  {fede  nel  Frate);  and  at  another  point  where 
the  author  names  the  "  Martyres  Dei  inclytOS,"  the  same  hand  has 
written  on  the  margin:  "the  Friar  and  his  three  companions" ;  an 
evident  sign  that  the  pamphlet  was  even  at  that  time  known  to  be  the 
work,  not  of  Savonarola,  but  one  of  his  disciples  after  his  death.  In  fact, 
the  Riccardi  copy  is  bound  up  with  many  other  pamphlets  by  Savonarola 
and  his  disciples,  and  the  volume  begins  with  an  epistle  by  Gio.  Franc. 
Pico  della  Mnandola,  '*  A  li  electi  di  Dio  abitanti  nella  città  di  Firenze  " 
and  dated  TJic  Day  of  Resurrection,  1498.  In  this  epistle  Pico  exhorts 
his  readers  to  have  faith  in  the  doctrines  of  Savonarola,  whose  prophe- 
cies are  all  certain  to  be  fulfilled.  Possibly,  the  above  quoted  pamphlet 
may  also  be  from  the  pen  of  Pico  the  younger. 

1  "  Trattato  sopra  i  sette  gradi  della  vita  spirituale  di  San  Buonaven- 
tura."  An  edition  of  this,  dated  1496,  is  quoted  in  the  bibliography 
prefixed  to  Burlamacchi.  The  greater  part  of  these  Savonarohan  pam- 
phlets were  reprinted  in  various  Venetian  editions,  three  of  which 
appeared  in  1535,  1537,  and  1538,  under  the  title  of,  u  Molti  devotissimi 
trattati,"  &c. 


SAVONAROLA    VISITING   A    CONVENT. 


VARIOUS  DEVOTIONAL  PAMPHLETS.  579 

to  the  friars  of  St.  Mark's.1  In  one,  "  On  the  Exercise 
of  Charity,"  he  showed  how  charity  may  be  practised 
in  all  places  and  conditions,  hence,  that  every  true 
Christian  should  say  like  the  philosopher  of  old — omnia 
mea  mecum  porto.  In  another,  written  in  1497,  on  the 
Eve  of  the  Assumption,  he  congratulates  them  on  their 
steadfastness  ;  and  treats,  in  a  third,  "  On  the  fitting  mode 
of  offering  prayer."  2  Also,  being  daily  besieged  from  all 
sides  by  requests  for  letters,  he  determined  to  put  an  end 
to  these  demands  by  his  beautiful  "  Epistle  to  the  Sisters 
of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Dominic/'  3  commonly  known  as 
the  Sisters  of  Annalena.  In  this  he  said  :  "  Continual 
writing  is  useless,  if  those  who  read  take  no  profit  by  it. 
I  have  already  written  so  much  as  to  include  every  point 
of  the  Christian  life  ;  wherefore  I  cannot  again  take  up 
my  pen,  for  the  fruitless  multiplication  of  tracts.  It  may 
be  useful  in  sermons  to  repeat  the  same  things  over  and 
over  again,  inasmuch  as  spoken  words  fly  and  do  not 
remain  firmly  impressed  ;  whereas  written  words  should 
be  read  again  and  again.  The  Holy  Gospel  was  neither 
written  on  paper,  nor  on  tables  of  stone  ;  but  was  im- 
pressed on  the  hearts  of  the  apostles  and  thus  worked 
great  miracles.  Ye  that  are  always  craving  new  exhorta- 
tions and  new  epistles,  are  of  those  that  by  reading 
much  to  little  profit  never  learn  anything.  It  was  more 
profitable  to  Saint  Antonio  to  have  hearkened  to  the 
words  :  Go,  sell  all  that  thou  hath,  give  it  to  the  poor,  and 
follow  me,  than  it  profits  many  great  theologians  to  turn 
over  and  over  the  whole  mass  of  theology.  Wherefore, 
my  beloved,  there  being  already  enough  works  in  the 
Vulgate  for  the  salvation  of  the  whole  world,  we  must  not 

*  "  Dello  adoperarsi  in  carità." 

•  "  Del  discreto  modo  di  fare  orazione."  This  was  printed  in  Florence 
in  1479  5  anc*  in  the  above-mentioned  Venetian  collection  :  "  Molti  de- 
votissimi trattati,"  &c. 

«  "  Epistola  alle  suore  del  terzo  Ordine  di  San  Domenico  ea." 


SAVONAROLA^  I II- E  AM)  TIMES. 
Ilessly  swell  the  numben  of  tractates  and  epistle*  ;  but 

•    already  written    and    pur   their    precepts 

into  practice."  l 


0  in  Florence,  in  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark,  on  (lie   17th  dav  of 

0«  1497  ;  printed  in  Florem  e  without  date.     We  will  here  mention 

•    pamphlets  written  by  Savonarola  either  this  year  or  earlier. 

of  all,  there  was  the  M  Esposizione  dei  dieci  Comandamenti,"  ad- 
di to  the  Abbess  of  the  Murate  convent,  and  printed  in  Florence  in 

14  >.    It  is  a  minute  and  careful  guide  to  self-examination.    His  "Epistle 

ntcss  della  Mirandola,"  on  her  intention  of  becoming  a  nun, 
«ras also  printed  in  1495,  and  then  repeatedly  republished.  It  turns  on 
the  end  to  be  kept  in  view  when  assuming  the  conventual  garb,  and  of 
the  method  of  achieving  this  end  ;  and  on  the  perfect  union  with  Christ 
that  the  faithful  should  seek  to  attain,  by  causing  him  to  live  in  their 
sotr 

lie  Ten  Rules  of  Prayer  in  Times  of  Great  Tribulation"  were 
printed  in  1497.  together  with  the  Epistle  to  the  Sisters  of  Annalena.  Of 
the  former  work,  Meier  quotes  an  edition  of  1495.  The  rules  are  these  : 
(I  To  pray  Cod  to  send  us  good  shepherds;  (2)  To  be  taught  to  dis- 
tinguish between  true  prophets  and  false  ;  (3)  To  be  made  to  learn  that 
outward  ceremonies  are  of  no  avail,  unless  they  be  informed  by  the  in- 
m  ird  spirit  (of  faith)  ;  (4)  To  be  taught  to  love  simplicity  and  despise 
earthly  things  ;  (5)  That  Cod  may  confirm  our  enlightenment  by  the  gifts 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  These  rules  are  to  enable  us  to  avoid  tribulations  ; 
the  other  five  to  strengthen  us  to  bear  tribulations  when  they  come.  They 
are  as  follows  :  (1)  To  frequently  receive  the  sacrament  ;  (2)  To  be  instant 
in  prayer  ;  (3)  To  implore  the  Lord  to  keep  the  power  of  evil  in  check  ; 
(4)  To  speedily  make  an  end  of  it  ;  (5)  To  grant  perfection  to  the  good, 
and  bring  sinners  to  repentance. 

u  Tractate  on  the  Mystery  of  the  Cross."  This  is  a  representation  of 
the  cross,  with  a  few  mottoes  and  a  brief  explanation. 

•  Tractate  on  the  Sacrament  and  Mystery  of  the  Mass."     It  is  only  of 
two  pages,  recapitulating  things  already  said. 

"  Rules  for  all  vowed  to  religion,  composed  by  Fra  Jeronimo,  and 
given  by  him  to  his  brethren."  (1)  Poverty  ;  (2)  Chastity  ;  (3)  Obedience; 
(4)  Towards  the  renunciation  of  all  vain  amusements  ;  (5)  For  the  avoid- 
ance of  evil  conversation  ;  (6)  Continual  prayer.  The  pamphlet  ends 
with  a  picture  of  the  ladder  of  life,  each  rung  being  inscribed  with  the 
above-mentioned  virtues. 

"Exposition  of  the  Ave  Maria,  at  the  request  of  certain  pious  women. 
This  is  merely  a  literal  explanation  of  the  prayer. 

"Epistle  to  a  devout  woman  of  Bologna."  This  gives  a  few  rules  for 
taking  Communion. 

"Frater  Hieronymus  dilectis  fratribus  suis."  This  is  an  inquiry  why 
nearly  all  his  friars  should  be  toumented  by  pains  in  the  head  ;  he  ends  by 
attributing  them  to  excessive  meditation  and  recommends  moderation. 


n 


««  EXPO SITIO  IN  HABAKKUK.»  5 S I 

Among  the  crowd  of  Savonarola's  minor  works,  his 
"  Expositio  in  Habakkuk  "  must  not  be  forgotten.  It  is 
written  in  Latin,  and  has  remained  not  only  unpublished,  but 
without  examination  on  account  of  its  almost  undecipher- 
able writing.  It  is  impossible  to  discover  the  precise  date 
at  which  it  was  composed  ;  but  it  seems  to  have  preceded 
the  writer's  excommunication.  Savonarola  merely  used  the 
prophet's  words  as  a  text  for  a  discourse  on  Divine  justice, 
and  the  development  of  the  same  arguments  so  frequently 
enlarged  upon  in  his  sermons.  "  The  story  of  the  Old 
Testament  should  serve,"  he  says,  "  to  convince  us  of  the 
necessity  of  the  coming  scourge  ;  hence  it  behooves  us  to 
make  ready  to  endure  it  by  means  of  prayer,  good  works, 
and  the  aid  of  Holy  Writ.  The  prophet  Habakkuk 
makes  lamentation  to  the  Lord  on  the  persecutions  he  had 
borne  ;  and  we  have  undertaken  to  expound  his  words, 
that  his  audacity  may  be  a  lesson  to  us,  and  increase  our 
humility.  The  Lord  is  all-perfect  ;  but  none  may  inquire 
into  His  judgments,  save  in  a  spirit  of  deep  humility  ; 
hence,  even  the  prophet  Habakkuk  came  to  confusion 
through  his  boldness.  He  complains  of  beholding  the 
triumph  of  the  wicked  and  the  oppression  of  the  just, 
without  perceiving  that  all  is  expressly  ordained  in  punish- 
ment of  men's  sins  and  to  call  believers  to  repentance.  It 
has  always  been  the  case,  and  we  now  see  it  repeated  under 
our  eyes  in  the  persecutions  we  ourselves  have  to  bear. 
But  if  we  humble  ourselves  before  God,  we  shall  instantly 
comprehend  the  signification  of  this  triumph  of  the  wicked 
and  in  what  their  felicity  consists."  At  this  point  Savona- 
rola breaks  into  terrible  invectives  against  riches  and 
worldly  wealth,  and  also  against  the  ecclesiastics  who  seek 

41 A  Chapter  held  at  St.  Mark's  on  Holy  Cross  Day  "  (September 
20th).     In  this  he  recommends  fasting  and  abstinence. 

"  A  short  letter  to  a  familiar  friend."  This  consists  of  two  pages  only, 
deploring  that  Italy  should  have  refused  to  listen  to  his  words,  and  thus 
brought  such  heavy  woes  on  her  head. 


LIFE  AND   TI  MI'S. 

and  concludes  by  declaring  that,  even 
in  t  bulation,  the  good  know  far  greater 

n   the  wicked  in  the  midst  of  their  triumph  ; 
that  iinglythey  should  give  thanks  to  the  Lord  who 

them    nearer   to    Him    by   the  scourge.      Although 
there         thing  very  original  in  this  little  work,  it  deser 

ial  mention,  not  Only  because  it  IS  still  unpublished, 
but  also  as  an  example  Of  the  brief  tractates  in  Savonarola's 
hand  inscribed  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  his  annotated 
Bible  in  the  National  Library,  of  which  I  have  already 
spoken,  and  which  no  one  save  myself,  has  hitherto  ex- 
amined.1 

But  at  last  the  moment  has  come  to  speak  of  "The 
Triumph  of  the  Cross."  Savonarola  gives  in  this  book  with 
great  analytical  power  and  by  a  scientific  process  that  was 
entirely  new  at  the  period,  a  complete  exposition  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  stripped  of  the  scholastic  that  had  hitherto 
been  essential  to  every  theological  work.  In  his  desire  to 
bring  the  subject  as  much  as  possible  within  the  compre- 
hension of  the  people,  this  monk  of  the  fifteenth  century 
had  the  glory  of  inaugurating  the  noble  school  afterwards 
made  illustrious  by  the  names  of  Bossuet  and  Leibnitz,2 
and  that  subsequently  fell  into  decay.  For  at  a  later  day, 
the  scholastic   method  once   more  prevailed,  and   in   our 

1  The  autograph  of  this  "  Expositio  "  is  among  the  notes  and  addenda 
in  the  Bible  preserved  at  the  National  Library.  An  old  copy  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  the  Marcian  Library  at  Venice,  Cod.  xli.  chap.  ix.  of  the  Latin 
MSS.  We  would  call  attention  to  certain  words  at  Sheet  50  of  the  Marcian 
MS.:  u  Non  cogitant  nisi  praesentia,  de  futuris  malis  aut  non  habent  fidem 
tìrmam,  aut,  tanquamfrirsumptuosi^putant  misericordiam  Dei  lam  mag- 
nam,  ut  SINE  OPERIBUS  salvei  homines?  The  idea  is  throughout 
opposed  to  that  constituting  the  foundation  of  Luther's  doctrines.  As 
regards  the  other  autograph  and  unedited  writings  contained  in  the  same 
Libie,  see  bk.  i.  chap.  vii.  of  this  work. 

J  We  here  allude  to  the  method  employed  by  both  these  authors,  and 
also  to  their  purpose  of  re-constituting  the  unity  of  the  Church,  but  not 
to  their  theological  doctrines,  inasmuch  as  the  one  was  Catholic  and  the 
other  Protestant. 


M  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CROSS."  58j 

country  theological  science  remained  the  exclusive  posses- 
sion of  the  clergy.  Then,  the  simpler,  more  scientific,  and 
popular  method  introduced  by  the  Friar  four  centuries 
before,  was  entirely  put  aside,  to  the  serious  injury,  not 
only  of  religious  feeling  and  theological  inquiry,  but  like- 
wise of  every  branch  of  our  national  culture. 

The  object  proposed  by  Savonarola  in  his  "  Triumph  of 
the  Cross  "  was  to  investigate  and  expound  the  truths 
of  religion  by  means  of  natural  reason  :  "  Not  that  faith, 
the  spontaneous  gift  of  God,  can  be  acquired  through 
reason,  but  because  reason  is  a  useful  weapon  with  which 
to  combat  unbelievers  or  open  to  them  the  way  of  salva- 
tion ;  to  arouse  the  lukewarm  and  give  strength  to  the 
faithful."  "We  will  accordingly  rely  upon  no  authority, 
and  proceed  as  though  we  could  have  no  belief  in  any 
man  in  the  world,  whatever  his  wisdom,  but  solely  in 
natural  reason."  I  This  language  from  the  lips  of  a  friar, 
and  in  the  fifteenth  century,  an  age  when,  with  regard  to 
religion  and  theology,  men's  minds  were  divided  between 
total  indifference  and  blind  submission  to  authority,  must, 
as  we  have  already  noted,  be  held  as  a  sign  of  the  highest 
courage  and  originality.  What  is  still  more  remarkable, 
is  that  Savonarola  remained  unfailingly  true  to  his  flag 
and  conducted  the  whole  work  on  the  same  principle. 
cc  Reason,"  he  tells  us,  "  proceeds  from  the  seen  to  the  un- 
seen ;   inasmuch  as  all  our  knowledge  is  derived  from  the 

*  Proem.  "  The  Triumph  of  the  Cross  "  went  through  numerous 
editions,  both  in  the  fifteenth  century  and  at  later  periods.  Savonarola 
first  published  it  in  Latin,  and  then  speedily  produced  an  Italian  transla- 
tion, or  rather  paraphrase,  for  the  use  of  the  universality  of  the  faithful. 
We  have  preferred  to  follow  the  Italian  edition,  as  being  far  simpler  and 
easier  in  style  :  the  scholastic  formulas  occasionally  used  in  the  Latin 
edition  are  laid  aside  in  the  Italian  version  in  order  to  make  the  work 
better  adapted  to  the  popular  mind.  "  De  ventate  fidei  in  dominici 
Crucis  triumphum,"  undated  ;  "  Libro  di  Frate  Hieronymo  da  Ferrara 
dello  ordine  dei  Frati  predicatori  :  della  verità  della  Fede  Christiana  ; 
sopra  el  Glorioso  Triompho  della  Croce  di  Christo,"  with  3  preface  by 
Domenico  Benivieni.     This  edition  also  was  undated. 


3*4  SAVONARi  .    .      AND  TIMES. 

lenses,  which  arc  only  (  Lnt  of  outer  things;  intellect, 

on   :  :ry,  pierces   to   the   substance   Of   things,   and 

troni   the   knowledge  o(   matter  rises  to  the  knowledge  of 

the  unseen  and  of  God,  New,  even  as  the  philosophers 
seek  God  in  the  marvellous  and  visible  works  of  nature, 
BO  ire  seek  and  find  in  the  visible  Church  the  invisible 
Church,  and  her  supreme  head,  Jesus  Christ." 

4i  The  philosophers  made  a  tabulated  arrangement  of 
all  created  works  and  beings,  the  better  to  study  them 
as  a  whole  and  appreciate  their  Divine  origin.  In  the 
sanie  way,  we  would  gather  up  all  the  visible  works  of 
Christ  and  His  Church  into  a  single  image;  so  that  the 
splendour  of  their  divinity  might  be  more  easily  apparent." 
This  image  is  the  same  scene  so  often  described  by  Savo- 
narola in  his  sermons.  There  is  a  mystic  chariot  traversing 
the  world  in  triumph.  It  bears  Christ  the  conqueror, 
crowned  with  thorns,  with  bleeding  wounds,  and  illumined 
by  a  celestial  light  from  on  high.  His  right  hand  grasps 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  His  left  the  Cross  and  the 
other  emblems  of  the  Passion  ;  at  His  feet  lie  the  chalice, 
the  Host,  and  all  the  sacramental  symbols  ;  the  Virgin 
Mary  is  seated  beside  Him,  and  near  her  stand  the  urns 
containing  the  ashes  of  martyrs.  The  car  is  drawn  by 
the  apostles,  preachers,  and  prophets,  and  followed  by  the 
multitude  of  the  faithful  and  the  martyrs  ;  while  behind 
these,  are  infidels,  unbelievers,  and  enemies  of  Christ,  with 
their  idols  shattered,  their  books  burnt,  and  their  altars 
overthrown.  Thus  the  car  of  Christ  passes  through  the 
world,  ever  victorious,  and  crushing  every  obstacle  in  its 
path.1  "This  car,"  said  Savonarola,  "  shall  be  as  a  new 
world,  and  shall  endow  us  with  a  new  philosophy.  But  as 
in  every  science,  it  is  requisite  to  take  certain  first  principles 
as  a  basis  from  which  to  start,  so  we,  too,  must  admit  as 
indisputable,  certain  facts,  from  which  to  proceed  :  Thus, 

1  Bk.  i.  chap.  ii. 


*  TUE  TRIUMPH  OF  TUE  CROSS."  s85 

for  instance,  that  Christ  was  crucified,  was  worshipped, 
and  hath  converted  the  world  ;  that  Christians  worship  the 
Virgin,  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  martyrs,  and  so  on.  These 
are  facts  that  none  of  sound  mind  can  deny;  and  if  some 
Pagan  writers  left  them  unmentioned,  the  conversion 
of  thousands  of  the  heathen  has  served  to  confirm  their 
truth."  « 

Here  the  author  at  last  enters  on  his  main  theme, 
and  brings  forward  entirely  rational  arguments  in  discuss- 
ing the  existence  and  attributes  of  God.  He  considers 
God  as  the  prime  mover  and  primal  cause,  and  then  going 
through  all  the  well-known  arguments  of  the  school, 
dwells  more  particularly  on  the  following  :  "  No  natural 
inclination  is  false  ;  therefore,  since  the  whole  human  race 
has  a  natural  faith  and  belief  in  the  existence  of  a  God,  we 
are  forced  to  infer  that  He  truly  exists,  otherwise  we 
should  have  to  declare  that  one  of  our  natural  inclinations 
is  false,  the  which  is  opposed  to  universal  experience.  In 
inanimate  things  in  the  animal  world,  and  above  all  in 
mankind,  we  find  that  nothing  in  nature  is  purposeless, 
but  that  all  is  ordained  to  some  end."  He  then  treats  of 
the  Divine  attributes,  saying  that  God  is  incorporate  and 
without  corporeal  form  or  any  compound  substance  ;  but 
is  one,  immutable  and  eternal,  is  supreme  goodness  and 
infinite  power.  He  then  declares  that  the  true  end  of 
man  is  the  contemplation  of  things  Divine,  the  which  is 
only  to  be  attained  in  the  future  life  ;  wherefore  it  follows 
that  if  the  soul  were  not  immortal,  man  could  never  fulfil 
his  true  destiny.2 

The  second  book  of  "  The  Triumph  of  the  Cross" 
treats  of  those  things  which  are  beyond  the  grasp  of 
reason,  and  yet  only  to  be  known  by  its  aid,  and  by 
admitting,   or   assuming  as    the   point   of  departure,  the 

1  Bk.  i.  chaps,  iii.  and  iv. 
T'    •   from  chap.  v.  to  chap,  xiv, 


AND  TIMI 

A   supernatural   w  of   Christ    and   Ilia 

tain  to  the  know- 
tec;  but  never  to  that  of  the  Trinity, 

s.iw    by    first   assuming   the    truth   of   its   marvellous    and 

irai  operations.     The  knowledge  of  the  existence 
ins  more  peculiarly  to  the  philosopher  ;  but 

the  knowledge  pf  the  existence  of  the  Trinity  is  the  main 

:.*ct  or"  this  work,  in  which,  by   the  aid   of  reason,  v. 
ill  1    endeavour  to   soar   beyond    the    supernatural   and 

E  operations  of  the  Church,  to  the  Church  invisible 
and  to  Christ  Himself".1  First  of  all  we  would  say  that, 
even  as  the  existence  of  God  is  confirmed  by  the  faith 
naturali v  felt  ih  it  by  all  men,  so  the  existence  of  a  true 
religion  may  be  equally  taken  for  granted  ;  inasmuch  as 
everv  man  has  a  natural  tendency  to  worship  and  do 
homage  to  his  God."  2 

These  propositions  laid  down,  Savonarola  continues  :  In 
every  religion  there  are  two  forms  of  worship — the  out- 
ward and  the  inward  ;  and  of  these  the  latter  is  infinitely 
the  nobler  of  the  two,  for  it  is  manifested  by  righteousness 
of  living,  which  is  the  grandest  homage  and  truest  worship 
that  the  creature  can  render  to  his  Creator.3  Wherefore 
we  proclaim  that  of  all  religions  the  only  true  one  is  that 
which  teaches  us  to  lead  a  better  life.  And  what  religion 
can  rival  the  Christian  faith  by  which  we  are  led  to 
forsake  all  that  is  of  this  world,  to  seek  after  spiritual 
things  ;  and  that  leads  us  to  the  contemplation  of  God 
Himself,  the  only  end  that  can  satisfy  both  our  heart  and 
our  intellect,  and  the  which  the  more  it  comprehends,  the 
greater  becomes  its  power  of  comprehension  ?  In  fact, 
no  finite  thing  can  satisfy  its  infinite  desire;  it  finds  no 
rest,  save  in  God  alone.  But  since  God  is  infinite,  and 
intellect  finite,  it  is  needful  to  have  grace,  the  which,  by 
means  of  virtuous  living,  will  lead  us  to  true  bliss."  4 

1  Proem  to  bk.  ii.      Vide  also  bk.  i.  chip  v.  9  Bk.  ii.  chap  i. 

3  Bk.  ii.  chap.  ii.  4  Bk  ii.  chap.  iii.  to  chap.  vii. 


"  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CROSS."  587 

"  Likewise,  were  other  proofs  required  in  favour  of  the 
Christian  religion,  an  infinite  number  might  be  found. 
The  Scriptures,  and  more  particularly  the  prophecies,  the 
greater  part  of  which  have  already  been  fulfilled,  would 
suffice  to  convert  the  most  incredulous.1  We  have  all 
seen  the  marvellous  and  supernatural  effects  wrought  on 
the  spirit  and  life  of  the  faithful  who  habitually  take  the 
Sacrament  ;  we  have  all  seen  how  their  inward  joy  and 
peace  of  mind  are  reflected  in  the  light  of  their  counte- 
nances." He  then  gives  minute  details  of  this  spiritual 
beauty  and  inward  tranquility  of  mind  ;  and  extols  its 
nobleness  and  influence.  "  The  mere  sight  of  Pope  Leo 
sufficed  to  curb  Attila,  the  king  of  the  Huns  ;  and  that 
of  St.  Benedict  brought  Totila  to  repentance.  There  is 
nothing  more  imposing  than  the  aspect  of  a  good  and  true 
Christian  ;  nothing  more  sublime  than  his  inward  peace  : 
it  was  thus  that  the  martyrs  were  enabled  to  meet  death 
joyfully  in  the  midst  of  their  torments."  2 

After  showing  the  necessity  of  a  true  religion,  and  that 
Christianity  is  the  only  true  one,  he  proceeds  to  examine 
the  works  of  its  Founder.  What  could  Jesus  Christ  have 
been,  if  not  the  true  God  ?  How  otherwise  could  He 
have  overthrown  all  other  religions  and  all  idols,  made 
men  believe  Him  to  be  One  with  God  ;  believe  in  the 
Eucharist  and  in  the  Virgin  Mother — in  what  fame  would 
these  things  be  held,  had  they  been  achieved  by  fraud  ? 
Would  it  have  been  possible  to  convert  almost  the  whole 
world  to  belief  in  a  lie  ;  to  overturn  the  Empire  ;  to  give 
Rome  into  the  hands  of  a  fisherman  ;  and  to  achieve  all 
this  in  despite  of  the  priests  of  the  old  faith,  despite  the 
potency  of  the  Empire  and  the  combined  forces  of  nearly 
all  the  world,  without  weapons,  without  gold,  without 
even  the  aid  of  natural  reason  ?  For  how  may  the  force 
of  reason  avail  against  things  beyond  the  reach  of  reason? 
1  Bk.  ii.  chap.  viii.  *  Bk.  ii.  chap.  viii.  to  chap.  xii. 


NA&OLAS  UF&  AND  TIMES 

The  phi:.  .  with  their  endless  urray  of  logical  argu- 

I  in  creating  schools  with  i  limite 
r  ot  followers;   and   hardly  one  was  able  to  bring 

his  to  bear  on  the  realities  of  life.     Christianity, 

the  contrary,  spread  throughout  the  earth,  and  by  in- 
culcating a  doctrine  intangible  to  reason,  and  holding  out 
a  reward  beyond  the  reach  of  imagination,  converted  the 
World,  not  only  to  belief,  but  to  action.  No  one  can 
contemplate  this  work  without  singing  a  song  of  praise  to 
the  Lord  ;  and  without  acknowledging  that,  by  it,  man  has 
been  raised  to  (]ody  that  Christ  is  our  ultimate  end,  and 
that  only  through  Him  can  we  attain  salvation.1 

The  third  book  is  devoted  to  minuter  details,  dealing 
with  the  articles  of  faith,  the  precepts  of  morality,  the 
laws  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church.  "  But  these  things," 
says  Savonarola,  "  have  been  already  expounded  by  many 
Doctors,  we  therefore  need  only  gather  them  together. 
And,  first  of  all,  we  would  note,  that  there  is  no  cause  for 
marvel,  if  certain  dogmas  of  religion  transcend  the  bounds 
of  human  reason,  Is  it  not  often  seen  that  no  man  can 
penetrate  the  thoughts  of  another  ?  Need  we,  then, 
wonder  if  the  creature  cannot  rise  to  the  height  of  the 
Creator  ?  "  And  with  this,  he  proceeds  to  enumerate  the 
articles  of  our  faith. 

This  part  of  the  work  may  be  passed  over,  for  it  is  only 
a  repetition  of  what  is  to  be  found  in  all  Savonarola's 
tractates  ;  nevertheless  even  this  plain  exposition  serves  to 
reveal  his  originality  of  mind.  In  speaking  of  the  Trinity, 
for  instance,  he  observes  that  although  the  unity  of  the 
three  persons  be  a  mystery,  we  may  nevertheless  find  it 
mirrored  to  some  degree  in  all  nature,  and  that  as  we 
mount  the  various  steps  in  the  scale  of  creation,  we 
find  the  symbol  of  the  Trinity  increase  in  perfection.  ^  In 
the  vegetable  kingdom,  for  example,  we   find   the  fruit  of 

1  Bk.  ii.  chap  xv. 


"  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CROSS."  5S9 

the  tree  only  connected  externally  with    the  parent  stem; 
while  in  the  animal  kingdom  we  see  that  the  progeny  lies 
many  months  in  the  mother's  womb  ;  and  if  we  ascend  to 
the  generation  of  thought,  we  shall  find  that  it  is  yet  more 
intrinsic  to  the  mind  that  has  given  it  birth,  almost  indeed 
inseparable  from  it.     Here  then,  we   may  say,   is   a  true 
image  of  the  Trinity  :  there  is  the  mind  that  thinks,  the 
conception   it  has  generated,  and   the  love  that  concep- 
tion inspires  in  it:   truly  these  are  even  as  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.     But  even   this  is  too  faint  an 
image.     When   man  rises  to  the   contemplation  of  God, 
then  the  image  is  far  more  perfect,  for  the  mind   becomes 
rapt    and    merged    in    the    object   of    its    contemplation. 
Nevertheless  we  are  always  clogged  by  the  senses  ;  where- 
fore we  cannot,  while  here  below,  soar  to  the  height  that 
is  only  to  be  reached  in  the  sphere  above.     There,  con- 
templation will  be  made  perfect  and  merged,  as  it  were,  in 
God,  and  the  image  of  the  Trinity  will  clearly  shine  forth 
in  ourselves.     And  if  man  may  soar  to  so  great  a  height, 
how  of  the  Lord  Himself?    In  Him  the  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy   Ghost  are    truly   blended  into  one  ;  His 
substance,  His  being  is  triune  and  one   at   the  same  time. 
Thus  the  Trinity  becomes  as  it  were,  the  universal  law  of 
nature,  which,  by  that  law,  tends  irresistibly  towards  God  ; 
and  the   nearer   it  draws  unto    Him,   the  better  does   it 
represent   the    image  of  the    Holy  Trinity.     We  should 
therefore  be  convinced  that,  if  we  fail  to  fully  comprehend 
this  mystery,  it  is  only  because  it  is  beyond,  but   not  in 
opposition  to  reason. "  ' 

The  author  then  goes  on  to  say  that  "  the  same  ideas 
point  out  the  way  to  a  better  understanding  and  exposi- 
tion of  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation.  The  Lord  was 
made  man,  not  that  He  should  be  abased,  but  the  creature 
raised  ;   for  although  finite,  the  creature  may  hope  to  be 

1  Bk.  iii.  chap.  iii. 


PS  UFE  .\sn  ma 

raised  to  infinite  Miss,  pr         •   because  the  mystery  of 

has    Ik-cm  vouchsafed   almost    .is  a  iure 

pledge  and  example.     In  those  days  men  were  inflamed 

and  rt  intoxicated  with  joy  ;  they  forsook  the  thij 

of  this  world  ;    became   conversant    With    celestial    things, 

tied  death  in   their  cause."  I      Then,   discoursing  on 

inai  sin,  he  declares  that  man  should  not    complain   of 

j  the  penalty  of  Adam's   guilt,  inasmuch   as  justice 

was  \k  Frcegift,  granted  to  us  in  our  first  father,  and  lost  to 

us  through  him.2 

Descending  still  more  to  the  concrete,  he  then  discusses 
the  institutions  and  canons  of  the  Church,  remarking 
that  :  wk  Even  as  there  is  an  immutable  law  of  nature 
amongr  men,  from  which  are  derived  all  the  so-called 
positive  laws,  peculiar  to  every  people,  and  changing 
according  to  time  and  place;  so  there  is  likewise  a 
I  ine  law,  or  rather  an  eternal  moral  law,  in  which,  onlv 
by  grace,  can  we  fully  share,  and  bearing  not  only  on 
the  actions,  but  on  the  thoughts  and  even  on  the  most 
intimate  and  secret  aspirations  of  our  hearts.  This  is  the 
only  source  from  which  the  special  laws  of  the  Church 
are  derived,  and  upon  which  ail  her  canons  and  consti- 
tutions should  be  founded;  even  as  positive,  must  be 
founded  upon  natural  right.  Thes^  two  primary  rights  of 
our  nature,  namely,  moral  and  natural  right,  are  reciprocally 
related  to  each  other  ;  but  the  first  alone  is  a  complete 
and  universal  law  bearing  on  the  whole  life  of  man  ;  the 
second  bears  on  external  actions  only,  for  it  cannot 
penetrate  to  the  inner  spirits  wherein  is  the  true  seat  of 
good  and  evil.  Hence  natural  laws  might  be  considered 
as  a  lesser  part  of  the  moral  law,  with  which  it  neither 
may  nor  can  be  brought  into  opposition.  "  For  the  which 
reason,  we  despise  no  good  works  nor  rational  laws, 
albeit  they  proceed  from  the  people,  from  philosophers, 
1  Bk.  fii.  chap.  vii.  2  Bk.  iii.  chap.  ix. 


"  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CROSS." 


591 


or  from  Pagan  emperors  ;  but  glean  everything  that  is  zocd 
and  true  from  all  doctrines  and  all  books,  assured  that  all 
truth  and  goodness  proceed  from  God,  and  are  especially 
created  for  the  use  of  His  elect."  « 

Savonarola  concludes  by  speaking   of  the   Sacraments, 
styling  them  the  secondary  causes  of  spiritual  salvation, 
of    which   Jesus    Christ    is    the    primary    cause.       The 
Sacraments,  he  says,  may  be  truly  regarded  as  the   instru- 
ments used  by  the  Lord  for  the  bestowal  and   increase   of 
His  grace  ;  as  visible  signs  marvellously  representing  the 
invisible  object  for  which  they  are  decreed.     Jt  is  needless 
to  give  any  detailed  explanation  of  his  doctrine  of  the 
Sacraments,  as  it  is  in  complete  accordance  with   that  of 
the    Doctors  of  the   Church  ;    and  it  would  be  equally 
superfluous   to    repeat    his    minute    description    of   th- 
Sacraments,  and  the  strange  allegories  they  suggest  to  his 
mind.     He  considers  them  to  be  all  complementary,  as  it 
were,  to  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  and  formino-  in 
their  entirety  a  marvellous  world  of  spiritual  harmony 
and  loveliness.2  J 

Thus,  after  having  proved  the  existence  of  God,  and 
the  necessity  of  a  religion  ;  and  shown  the  excellence  of 
the  Christian  faith  in  its  every  part,  Savonarola  devotes 
the  fourth  and  concluding  book  to  confuting  all  other 
doctrines  and  creeds,  and  proving  their  fallacy  when  com. 
pared  with  the  Christian  faith.  He  begins  with  the 
philosophers,  and  exposes  the  strange  variety  of  their 
opinions  upon  all  the  more  important  problems  of  life 
showing  how  it  naturally  follows  that  whoever  forsakes 
religion,  instantly  falls  into  a  bottomless  and  measureless 
abyss,  from  which  there  is  no  escape.3  Continuing  in 
tms  strain,  he  next  assails  judicial  astrology,  against  which 

1  Bk.  iii.  chap.  xiii. 

■  Bk.  iii.  chaps,  xiv.  to  xvi.     Vide  also  bk.  i.  chap.  x. 
bk.  iv.,  Proem,  chaps,  i.  and  ii. 


WAROLA'S  LIFE  AND  TIMES* 

',  is  we  know,  already  produced  i  short  tractate; 

is  idolaf  ts,  and  confutes  the  Jewish 

the  evidence  of  the   Bible.     He   then  attacks 

her  chiamai         id  deals  his  heaviest  blows  at  the 

Mahometans.1     And  this  gives  him  an  opportunity  tor  a 

nduding  definition  and  defence  of  the  Church  militant. 

•   1  hÌ9  Church  is  one,  under  one  head,  in  the  likeness  and 
the  image  of  the    Church   triumphant    in  heaven  under 
the    rule    of    Jesus    Christ."      At    this    point    Savonarola 
quotes  all  the  passives  of  Scripture   in  which  the  unity  of 
the  Church  and  the  authority  of  the  Pope  are  most  plainly 
inculcated.      According  to  St.  John   there   must    he   only 
one    fold    and    one    shepherd  ;     yet    although    Christ    in 
heaven  is  the  true  and  sole  head  of  the  Church,  He  hath 
left  St.   Peter  as  His  representative   upon  earth,  saying  : 
11  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  {pietra)  I  will  build 
Mv  Church,  and  I  will  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  heaven  ; 
and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind   on   earth  shall    be  bound 
in  heaven,  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth  shall 
be   loosed    in   heaven."     Nor   can   these   words  apply  to 
Peter  alone,  for  inasmuch  as  God   hath  promised  that  the 
Church   shall  endure  to  the   end   of  the   world,  so  they 
must   be  held  to  apply  to  Peter   and   the   successors   of 
Peter.      Wherefore   it    is    manifest    that    all    the   faithful 
should  be  united  under  the  Pope,  as  the  supreme  head  of 
the  Roman   Church,  the   mother   of  all    other   churches  ; 
and  that  whoever  departs  from  the  unity  and  doctrines  of  the 
Roman  Church,  unquestionably  departs  from  Christ.''2 

So  ended  a  work  that,  while  written  as  an  exposition 
and  defence  of  Catholicism  also  served  as  an  ample  and 
noble  apology  for  its  author.     Not  even   Pope  Alexander 

*  Bk.  iv.  chaps,  iv.  and  v. 

a  Bk.  iv.  chap.  vi.  We  have  here  quoted  nearly  verbatim  from  the 
author's  text,  but  his  words  are  still  more  prolix,  and  accordingly  even 
still  more  explicit. 


"  THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  CROSS/1  593 

himself  could  have  exacted  a  more   explicit   profession  of 
faith,  or  a  more  absolute  submission   to   Papal    authority. 
In  fact,  Savonarola's   attacks  were   never   directed   in   the 
slightest    degree     against    the     dogmas    of    the    Roman 
Church,  but  solely  against  those  who  corrupted  them.    He 
had  an    enthusiastic  respect  and  reverence  for  religion  ; 
but  fiercely  combated  the  papal  and  clerical  abominations 
by  which  its  safety  was  imperilled,  and  steadily  refused  to 
bend   to  threats   or  oppression.      Numerous  editions   of 
"  The  Triumph  of  the  Cross  ,:    appeared   both   in  Italian 
and  Latin,  and  it  was  even  reprinted  by  the  Office  of  the 
Propaganda   Fide,1   whose   publications  are   intended  for 
missionary    use  ;     while   by    expert    theologians    it    has 
always    been    estimated    as   one   of  the  best   of  religious 
tractates  as  regards  its  matter,  and  of  the  most  original  in 
its  manner  of  exposition,2  it  can   scarcely,   however,    be 
said  to  give  a  complete   idea  of  Savonarola's  mind,  since 
he    always    rose    to    his   greatest    height    in  the  heat  of 
combat,  and  only  showed  in  the  pulpit  the  full   extent  of 
his  powers.     Nevertheless,  the   finer   qualities  of  his  in- 
tellect are  all  displayed  in  this  work,  and  we  are  enabled 
to  appreciate  the  extent  of  his  learning,  embracing  nearly 
the   whole    philosophic    and  religious    knowledge    of  his 
time  ;  for  in  this  work  scholastic  and  mystic    theology, 
Aristotelian  and  Neo-Platonic  philosophy  are  all   handled 
with  equal  mastery,  and  without  any  of  the  extravagances 
by  which  they  were  afterwards  debased. 

During  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  in  fact, 
these  elements  of  knowledge  were  disunited;  and  each 
becoming  dominant  in  its  turn  easily  transgressed  its  due 
limits.  Thus,  the  Aristotelians  inclined  to  materialism  ; 
the  Platonists  to  pantheism  and  frequent  flights  into  the 

1  It  was  printed  without  any  date,  and  together  with  his  "  Meditazione 
sul  Miserere."     There  is  one  copy  of  it  in  the  Guicciardini  Collection. 
*  It  was  highly  praised  even  by  Pére  Lacordaire. 

39 


S  ////■:  AND  TIMES. 

w;id  most  arbitrar]  I  ;  while  the  mysi 

the  R  formation,  by  up  the 

rei;  esupreme  ll 

to  in.     In  his  writings  all  these  dn  were 

:s  and  show  the  need  felt  in  that 
.1  transformation  (  ught.     The  Friar's 

lv  training  in  Aristotelian   philosophy  aided   him   to 

md  the  ;  and  the  Neo-Platonic  doctrines  gave  a 

in   scientific  I  to   the   mystic    beliefs   which   were 

ictory  to  his  ardent  soul.     These  stores  of  learn- 
ing •  >1   of  a  religious  spirit,   whose  clays 
were  spent  in  the  contemplation  of  heavenly  things  and  in 
fervent  admiration  of  the   Holy  Fathers  and  Holy  Writ. 
He  sought  a  faith   in  accord   with   reason,   a  religion   in 
accord    with    liberty  ;    a    Church    that  should    never    be 
hostile  to  the  nation,  nor  opposed   to  the  voice  of  con- 
science and  virtue,  the  true  keystones,  as  he  deemed,  of 
the  Church  and  the  State.     These  various  and  manifold 
doctrines    gave    wings    to    his    free    and    original    mind, 
that  instinctively  flew  towards  the  truth  and,  ever  soaring 
to  lofty  planes   of  thought,   unconsciously  expressed  the 
general  needs  of  the  political,  philosophic,  and  religious  lift 
of    an  entire   epoch.     The   component   elements  of  this 
almost   superhuman   inspiration    and    universal    grasp    of 
thought    were  afterwards  scattered  and    the   progress    of 
mankind  could  only   be   carried  on  in   separate  grooves. 
Therefore  any  one  who,  dominated  by  exclusive  or  pre- 
conceived ideas  and  consequently  incapable  of  fully  appre- 
ciating Savonarola's  mind  and  spirit,  should  consider  only 
one  s?de  of  his  character,  would  gain  a  very  incomplete 
notion  of  the  nature  of  his  ideas  or  value  of  his  deeds  ; 
and  would    limit    to    a    short    period,    the    influence    of 
the  man  who  agitated  and  stirred  an  entire  century,  by 
acting  as  the  representative  of  all  its  loftiest  and  most  noble 
aspirations. 


CHAPTER  V. 


SqADOU^qAROLqA  RESUMES  HIS  SE^MODSTS  ON  SEPTUS 
GESimoA    SUWDAY.       oA    SECOND    ^BU^I^QOF 
THE    VANITIES."      &IORE     <PA<PAL     4. RI E FS 'COW 
TI^CUATIO^C   OF  HIS  SERMONS.         ^A//^-       LUU\ 


^£&^ÉS* 


(1497-1498.) 


fÙ>  HE    year    1497    was   now   coming  to  a 


jkcoJ*  close,  and  the  Republic  much  wearied 
^^3  by  the  slow  progress  of  its  negotiations 
|OX  with  the  Pope.  A  second  ambassador, 
^C^LyW^^  Messer  Domenico  Bonsi,  was  sent  to 
^^^^^^>  Rome  to  assist  Bracci  in  pleading 
Savonarola's  cause,  seek  permission  to  impose  a  tithe 
on  ecclesiastical  property,  and  try  to  obtain  the  fulfil, 
ment  of  the  Pope's  promise  of  restoring  Pisa  to  the 
Florentines.  But  all  was  in  vain.  The  Holy  Father 
refused  to  settle  any  other  question,  until  that  of  the  Friar 
was  decided  ;  but  he  now  insisted  that  Savonarola  should 
be  delivered  into  his  hands,  and  to  this  the  Republic  was 
neither  able  nor  willing  to  accede.  If  the  magistrates 
were  weary  of  all  this  empty  manoeuvring,  Savonarola  was 
still  wearier  and  more  impatient  of  it,  and  his  long  silence 
was  now  becoming  unbearable  to  him.  For  more  than  six 
months  he  had  remained  shut  up  in  his  cell,  solely  occupied 
in  expounding  his  doctrines  by  the  pen,  and  defending 
them  against  attacks  from  all  quarters.  He  had  proved 
the  excommunication  to  be  invalid,  shown  that  a  sound 
Catholic  could  withstand  the  unjust  commands  of  an  ill- 


s       \         r\s  u  s 

med   and   corrupt    Pope;    »nd   had   finally,  in   his 

•  i  riumph  of  tht  (  built  up  in  enduring  memorial 

of  his  innocence  and  fame,     It  was  no  longer  possible  tur 

re  tii.it  one  who  had  so  explicitly  recognized 
the  authority  of  the  Papal    keys,  and   merely  protested 

nst  the  indecent  and  scandalous  uses  to  which  they 
were  turned  by  wicked  men,  had  the  slightest  intention 
of  raising  I  schism  in  the  Church. 

The  quarrel  with  Home  was  now  very  widely  discussed. 
Numerous  publications  appeared  in  defence  of  Savona- 
rola's orthodoxy,  and  even  more  to  declare  the  excommu- 
Ition  invalid.  Most  of  these  pamphlets  were  mere 
>ns  of  things  already  said  by  Savonarola  himself  in 
his  different  sermons  and  epistles.  But  G.  F.  Pico  della 
Mirandola  brought  out  an  "  Apology,"  dedicated  to  Duke 
Ercole  of  Este,  in  which  he  treated  the  question,  if  not 
with  any  striking  originality,  at  all  events  with  much 
learning,  and  after  careful  study  of  the  Fathers  and  papal 
decrees  in  general.1      He  begins  by  proclaiming  his  con- 

»  "Apologia  R.  P.  F.  Hieronymi  Savonarola:,"  per  G.  F.  Picum  de 
Mirandola  Comitem  ad  Herculem  Estensem  I.  Ferrarne  et  Mulina 
Ducem.  Libri  duo.  This  is  the  first  of  Quclif's  "  Additiones  to 
Pico's  Life  of  Savonarola.     Paris,  1674. 

In  the  Proem,  addressed  to  Ercole  L,  Pico  states  that  he  wrote  the 
work  in  consequence  of  a  conversation  he  had  held  with  the  Duke,  and 
almost  in  fulfilment  of  a  promise  made  at  that  time.  But  the  Duke, 
notwithstanding  the  warm  admiration  he  had  hitherto  shown  for  Savona- 
rola and  the  great  encouragement  he  had  afforded  him,  now  took 
alarm,  and  tried  to  deprecate  the  wrath  of  the  Pope  by  sending  him  a 
letter  dated  the  26th  of  March,  1498,  that  does  little  honour  to  the  writer. 
For  he  absolutely  denies  having  spoken  to  Pico  on  the  matter,  or  made 
any  request  of  him.  On  the  contrary,  he  shows  great  indignation  against 
the  author  of  the  "Apologia,"  and  charges  him  with  falsehood  (/«  hoc 
aut finxisse  aid  mentitum  esse),  and  professes  his  submission  to  the  1  apal 
authority,  of  which,  he  declares,  he  has  never  had  any  doubt  (cum  de 
Stimmi  Pontifici*  auctoritate  ac  potcstaie  nunquam  dubitaverim). 
Cappelli,  Girolamo  Savonarola  ec,  doc.  cxlvi.  p.  104.  The  Dukes  con- 
duct resembles  that  of  many  other  of  the  Friar's  adherents,  and  is  an 
additional  proof,  that  no  genuine  religious  movement  was  possible  in 
Italy  at  a  time  when  there  was  an  almost  total  absence  of  any  earnest 
religious  spirit 


PICO'S  APOLOGY.  597 

itant  and  entire  submission  to  the  dogmas  of  the  Church. 
For  the   Church,  he    says,   is    under    the    care    of    Jesus 
Christ  ;  and  hence  can  neither  be  in  error  as  regards  the 
substance  of  faith,  nor  in  all  needful  rules  for  the  godly 
life  by  which  we  attain  to  salvation.1     On  other  points, 
however,  the  Church  is  not  infallible.     And  if  this  may 
be  said  of  the  universal  Church,  how  much  more  may  not 
be  affirmed  of  Popes  and  of  Councils,  who  according  to 
the  Doctors  and    Fathers,  have    frequently   lapsed    into 
error  ?     No  sentence  of  excommunication  that  has  been 
justly  appealed  against,  or  that  contains  manifest  errors  of 
fact,  and  particularly  if  based  on  such  errors,  can  be  held 
valid    or    worthy   of    obedience.      The    apostle    enjoins 
obedience  to  our  superiors  ;    but  he  also  adds  that  we 
must   render   obedience    to    God   rather   than    to    men. 
(Romans  xiii.    i  ;    Acts  v.   29).    For  our  superiors  may 
be  urged  by  their  own  malice  or  by  false  suggestions  from 
others.2     We  are  bound,  it  is  true,  to  submit  even  to  an 
unjust  sentence,  but  only  in  cases  where  refusal  to  obey 
might  give  birth  to  scandal.     And  when  excommunica- 
tion commands  things  contrary   to    faith   and    morality, 
no  one  will   consider  that  we  are  bound  to  submission. 
Undoubtedly,  no  true  shepherd  would  ever  issue  any  such 
command  ;    but   there  might  be  a  wolf  in  the  guise  of 
a   shepherd.      Excommunication    derives    its    force  from 
justice,  and  without  justice  can  take  no  effect. 3     Where- 
fore, according  to  the  Doctors,  many  excommunications 
have  been  invalid. 

Pico  then  proceeds  to  say   that   false   doctrine  is  one 
of  the  charges  brought  against  Savonarola  in  the  Papal 

1  a  ....  de  fidei  substantia  et  moribus  ad  salutem  consequendam 
necessariis  "  (at  page  8). 

3  "  .  .  .  .  vel  malitia  propria,  vel  falsis  suggestionibus  moti  "  (at 
page  22). 

3  "  Porro  excommunicationis  sententia  vires  ex  iustitia  sumit,  qua 
destituta,  languet  et  montar  "  (at  page  25). 


S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 
-    •  ;   but  that  this  ch.  -ilv  have  been  alleged 

th:  enmity  or  error,1  since  it    is  known  to  all  that 

irola  only  teaches  the   word  of  Christ  J      The  Pope 
moved    to    this   by    perfidious    men    in    their    wrath 

•  one  who  was  innocent;  and  he  gave  them  credence 
witho  putting  their  statements  to  the  test.  Wherefore 

his  sentence  can  have  no  force,  inasmuch  as  it  ordains  inv 
!e  and  injurious  things.  The  union  of  St.  Mark's 
with  the  new  Congregation  does  not  depend  in  fact  on 
Savonarola's  consent  alone  ;  but  on  that  of  all  his 
brethren,  against  whom  no  excommunication  has  been 
launched.  I  his  union  would  be  no  reformation,  but 
rather  a  malformation,  since  the  good  would  be  forcibly 
joined  to  the  corrupt.  Hence  it  is  plain  that  Savonarola 
has  no  need  of  absolution,  and  that  none  need  refrain 
from  intercourse  with  him. 3  And  this  can  be  proved 
by  the  logic  of  reason,  since  it  is  needless  to  loosen  that 
which  is  unbound.  Rather  should  all  men  be  convinced 
that  the  sentence  of  excommunication  affords  the  best 
proof  of  his  innocence.* 

1  u  .  .  .  .  malo  zelo  et  ignoratione  causbX  "  (at  page  31). 

»•*....  nihil  docet  prater  Christi  verba  "  (at  page  32V 

3  "  .  .  .  nullam  ci  necessarium  absolutionem  fore,  nee  ab  illius 
e ommunione  uUo  pacto  abstinendum  esse  "  (at  page  3S). 

*  MHi  profecto  in  propria^  conscientia:  luce  viderunt,  nullo  eum 
spirituali  laquco  irretitum,  quod  ...  ex  ipsa  ctiam  causa,  ob  quam 
excommunicato  est  publicata,  plane  confirmatum  est"  (at  page  40). 

Professor  Ranke  dwells  upon  Pico's  "Apologia"  in  his  before-quoted 
work  on  Savonarola  (pp.  289-291),  and  declares  it  to  be  of  great  value 
as  a  clear  definition  of  the  attitude  of  Savonarola  and  his  disciples 
to'.vards  tbe  Pope.  That  he  resumed  his  sermons  after  the  sentence  of 
excommunication,  and  that  he  was  allowed  so  to  do,  are,  he  says,  very 
important  facts.  It  was  not  only  an  act  of  disobedience,  but  one  hostile 
to  the  whole  system  of  the  Church,  and  calculated  to  throw  doubt  upon 
it.  To  draw  a  distinction  between  the  universal  Church  and  the  papal 
power  was  contrary  to  the  recognized  practice  of  the  time,  was  a  step 
towards  transforming  the  constitution  of  the  Church  itself.  Such,  con- 
tinues Ranke,  was  the  position  assumed  by  Savonarola,  who  thus  paved 
the  way  for  Reform.  "Der  Excommunication  zu  widerstehen  war  eine 
Anbahnung  des  allgemeinc  Reform  mit  der  er  umging"  (p.  291).     That 


HE  PREPARES  TO  REMOUNT  THE  PULPIT.    599 

In  fact,  as  we  have  already  seen,  even  the  Pope  shrank 
from  impugning  the  orthodoxy  of  Savonarola's  doctrine» 
and  the  cardinals,  after  careful  examination,  pronounced  it 
to  be  without  a  flaw.  But  what  availed  all  these  dis- 
cussions ?  It  was  more  and  more  evident  that  the 
Borgia's  feud  with  the  Friar  was  of  a  political  and 
personal  character,  was  becoming  more  and  more  scanda- 
lous, leading  to  a  daily  increase  of  immorality  in  Florence, 
and  endangering  the  safety  of  the  Republic.  Reason  and 
discussion  had  absolutely  railed,  and  farther  delay  would 
be  dangerous. 

Accordingly  on  Christmas  Day  Savonarola  put  an  end 
to  all  suspense  by  thrice  performing  high  mass,  and  giving 
the  communion  to  all  his  monks  and  to  a  vast  concourse 
of  laity.  He  then  led  his  brethren  in  solemn  procession 
round  the  square  of  St.  Mark.  In  the  meantime  many  of 
his  friends  who,  by  permission  of  the  Signory,  had  already 
furnished  the  Duomo  with  the  usual  platforms  and 
benches,  came  to  implore  him  to  preach  to  them  again. 
Little  persuasion  was  needed,  and  he  promised  to  remount 
the  pulpit  on  the  following  Sunday  (Septuagesima,  1  ith  of 
February,  1498).  This  was  opposed  by  Messer  Lionardo 
de'  Medici,  vicar  to  the  archbishop,  who  not  only  sternly 
prohibited  every  ecclesiastic  from  attending  the  sermon, 
but  ordered  the  parish  priests  to  impress  their  flocks  with 
the  importance  and  validity  of  the  excommunication,  and 

Savonarola  desired  a  real  reformation  of  the  Church  is  as  certain  as  that 
he  combated  Alexander  VI.  and  even  sought  to  procure  his  deposition. 
But  it  is  no  less  certain  that  he  left  dogma  unassailed,  and  always  recog* 
nized  the  authority  of  the  Pontiff  to  be  indispensable  to  the  unity  of  the 
Church  ;  and  these  declarations  are  likewise  repeated  by  Pico.  This 
constituted  the  difference  between  the  reformation  Savonarola  sought  to 
promote  and  that  founded  by  Luther.  Besides,  as  Ranke  himself  allows, 
the  character  and  deeds  of  the  German  Reformer  were  altogether  different 
from  those  of  the  Prior  of  St.  Mark's.  Nor  can  we  believe  that  it  was 
then  an  unheard-of  thing  to  distinguish  between  the  Church  universal 
and  the  Papal  power,  although  the  Popes  naturally  tried  to  stamp  out 
the  idea. 


(co  '  ra   LIFE  AM)   1 

threaten  them  writ  \\\<-.^w  from  the  confi         J,  the 

1    ■  .     I  ible,  and  even  from  burial  in  <         rated       und, 

i  the  penalty  ol  hearing  ola  preach.     But  the 

v  w  put  ■  step  to  this  by  intimating  to  the  vicar 

that  if  he  continued  these  menaces  hewould  he  proclaim 
a  rebel.1     All  hindrances  being  thus  removed,  the  first 
sermon  was  riven  on  the  appointed  day,  and,  thanks  to 
the  n  the  case  and  the  Friar's  daring,  the  cathedral 

was  even  more  crowded  than  usual. 

The  excommunication,  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  and 
the  right  of  every  honest  conscience  to  resist  unjust  com- 
mands, were  naturally  the  chief  themes  of  these  new  dis- 
courses. "  O  I  .ord,  thou  hast  cast  me  into  a  flood  from  which 
I  have  neither  the  power  nor  the  will  to  escape.  But  I 
beseech  Thee  to  let  no  word  pass  my  lips  that  may  be 
opposed  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  or  to  the  Church.  Let 
us  now  consider  the  decree  of  excommunication.  Know 
then  that  God  ruleth  the  world  through  secondary  causes, 
and  the  righteous  prince  or  the  good  priest  is  merely  an 
instrument  in  the  Lord's  hands  for  the  government  of  the 
people.  But  when  the  Higher  Agency  is  withdrawn  from 
prince  or  priest  he  is  no  longer  an  instrument,  but  a 
broken  tool.  And  how,  thou  wrouldst  say,  am  I  to  discern 
whether  or  no  the  Higher  Agency  be  absent  ?  See  if  his 
laws  and  commands  be  contrary  to  that  which  is  the  root 
and  principle  of  all  wisdom,  namely  of  godly  living  and 
charity;  and  if  contrary,  thou  mayest  be  truly  assured  that 
he  is  a  broken  tool,  and  that  thou  art  nowise  bound  to  obey 
him.  Now  tell  me  a  little,  what  is  the  aim  of  those  who 
by  their  lying  reports  have  procured  this  sentence  of  ex- 

1  Nardi,  voL  i.  p.  136,  actually  says  that  the  Signory  ordered  him  to 
resign  his  post  at  two  hours'  notice,  and  we  find  this  repeated  in  two 
ietters  addressed  to  Duke  Ludovico,  one  of  which  is  dated  from  Florence, 
,  J  3th  of  February,  1498  ;  and  the  other  from  Rome,  21st  of  February, 
1498.  Vide  Appendix  to  Italian  Edition,  doc.  xii.  But  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  this  was  only  a  threat. 


THE  "SEPTUAGESIMA"  SERMON.  60 1 

communication  ?  As  all  know,  they  sought  to  sweep 
away  virtuous  living  and  righteous  government,  and  to 
open  the  door  to  every  vice.  Thus,  no  sooner  was  the 
excommunication  pronounced,  than  they  returned  to 
drunkenness,  profligacy,  and  every  other  crime,  and 
righteous  living  has  been  struck  down.  Wherefore  1  tell 
thee  that,  if  I  be  accursed  on  earth,  I  am  blessed  in  heaven. 

"  Man's  perfection  consisteth  not  only  in  faith  and  in 
law,  but  in  charity,  and  only  he  that  hath  charity  knoweth 
that  which  is  needed  for  salvation.1  Nowadays  we  have 
nothing  but  laws  and  canons  and  controversies  ;  but  the 
apostles  had  fewer  laws,  because  they  were  inflamed  with 
love  and  charity.  All  theology,  all  canonical  and  civil 
laws,  all  ecclesiastical  ceremonies  are  ordained  with  a  view 
to  charity,  and  all  the  world  hath  been  made  for  charity  by 
God.  Therefore  on  him  that  giveth  commands  opposed 
to  charity,  which  is  the  plenitude  of  our  law,  anathema 
sit.  Were  such  command  pronounced  by  an  angel,  even 
by  the  Virgin  Mary  herself,  and  all  the  saints  (the  which 
is  certainly  impossible),  anathema  sit.  If  pronounced  by 
any  law,  or  canon,  or  council,  anathema  sit.  And  if  any 
Pope  hath  ever  spoken  to  a  contrary  effect  from  this,  let 
him  be  declared  excommunicate.  I  say  not  that  such 
Pope  hath  ever  existed  ;  but  if  he  hath  existed  he  can 
have  been  no  instrument  of  the  Lord,  but  a  broken  tool. 

"  It  is  feared  by  some  that,  although  this  excommunica- 
tion be  powerless  in  Heaven,  it  may  have  power  in  the 
Church.  For  me  it  is  enough  not  to  be  interdicted  by 
Christ.  O  my  Lord,  if  I  should  seek  to  be  absolved 
from  this  excommunication,  let  me  be  sent  to  hell  ;  I 
should  shrink  from  seeking  absolution  as  from  mortal  sin. 
O  Father,  there  be  even   some  friars  who  speak  of  this 

1  It  should  be  noted  how,  in  placing  charity  above  faith  and  law, 
Savonarola  is  in  contradiction  with  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  Re- 
formation '.  justification  by  faith  alone. 


it  ion,  laying  that  it  ii  rod  that  none 

m  it.     Would  ye  that  I  teach  ve  the 

w.i  \h  !   it  were  better  1  IciiCC      Ncvcrihck 

will  I  say:  do  thus."     And  here  Savonarola 

ock  two  keys  together  I  fy  by  their  chinking  that 

the  v  of  his  cime  were  ready  to  do  anything  t^r 

mey.     ii  O  Father  l*1   he   then  went  on,  "Thou  didst 

i  us  to  let  the  excommunication  come,  to  hear  it  aloft 

at  the  spear's  point,  and  that  Thou  wouldst  open  the  way 
-  us.1  I  reply  that  all  hath  nor  vet  come  to  pass,  where - 
e  thou  hast  not  en  all  things.      But  thou  hast  seen 

how  some  one  in  Rome  lost  a  son,2  how  a  certain  man 
hath  come  to  his  death  here,  and  will  certainly  be  cast 
into  hell,  and  ve  will  see  how  they  will  be  judged. 3  As 
:  no  miracle  hath  been  forced  from  me  ;  but  when  the 
time  cometh  the  Lord  will  stretch  forth  His  hand  ;  and 
already  so  many  signs  have  been  shown  to  thee,  that  there 
is  no  longer  any  need  of  miracles.4  What  could  be  more 
miraculous  than  the  spread  of  these  doctrines,  despite  so 
many  obstacles?  Citizens,  women,  ye  must  risk  your 
lives  for  this  truth.  I  turn  to  Thee,  O  Lord,  that  didst 
suffer  death  for  the  truth,  and  I  beseech  Thee  to  let  me 
only  die  in  its  defence,  for  the  salvation  of  Thy  chosen 
servants  and  of  this  people."  5 

1  Here  allusion  is  made  to  another  sermon  from  which  I  have  already 
quoted,  and  in  which  Savonarola  gave  his  hearers  to  understand  that  if 
he  were  sentenced  to  excommunication  he  would  give  a  turn  to  the  key. 
But,  as  we  have  seen,  no  real  bull  of  excommunication  had  ever  been 
launched,  nor  did  the  circular  letter  to  the  different  monastic  orders  in 
Florence  brina  any  definite  charge  against  Savonarola's  doctrines. 

3  The  assassination  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  the  son  of  Alexander  VI. 

3  This  is  perhaps  an  allusion  to  the  death  of  Bernardo  del  Nero  and 
his  accomplices,  of  whose  guilt  Savonarola  was  undoubtedly  convinced, 
although  he  did  nothing  to  procure  their  condemnation. 

*  Savonarola  did  not  intend  to  say  that  he  would  perform  a  real 
miracle,  but  believed  that,  were  it  essential  for  the  salvation  of  the 
Church,  the  Lord  would  perform  through  him  some  supernatural  deed 
for  its  sake,  and  of  this  he  was  apparently  fully  convinced. 

*  "Prediche  xxii.,  sopra  l'lisodo  e  sopra  alcuni  Salmi,"  delivered  in  Sta. 


DISCOURSE  IN  ST.  MARK'S,  603 

On  the  15th  of  the  same  month  the  Friar  gave  a  lecture 
in  St.  Mark's  on  the  office  and  attributes  of  the  priesthood, 
in  which  he  denounced  the  vices  of  the  clergy  with  terrific 
force.  "  When  I  reflect  on  the  life  led  by  priests  I  am 
constrained  to  weep.  O  my  brethren  and  my  children, 
shed  tears  for  these  woes  of  the  Church,  so  that  the  Lord 
may  call  the  priests  to  repentance,  for  it  is  plain  that 
terrible  chastisement  awaits  them.  The  tonsure  is  the  seat 
of  all  iniquity.  It  begins  in  Rome,  where  the  clergy 
make  mock  of  Christ  and  the  saints  ;  are  worse  than 
Turks,  worse  than  Moors.  Not  only  do  they  refuse  to 
suffer  for  the  Lord's  sake,  but  even  traffic  with  the 
sacraments.  At  this  day  there  is  a  trade  in  benefices, 
which  are  sold  to  the  highest  bidder  !  Think  ye  that 
Jesus  Christ  will  any  longer  permit  this  ?  Woe,  woe  to 
Italy  and  to  Rome  !  Come,  come,  O  priests  !  come,  my 
brethren  ;  let  us  do  our  best  to  revive  a  little  the  love  of 
God  !  O  Father,  we  shall  be  cast  into  prison,  we  shall  be 
persecuted  and  done  to  death.  So  let  it  be  !  They  may 
kill  me  as  they  please,  but  they  will  never  tear  Christ 
from  my  heart.     I  am  ready  to  die  for  my  God. 

"  Thou  hast  been  in  Rome,  and  dost  know  the  life  of 
these  priests.  Tell  me,  wouldst  thou  hold  them  to  be 
pillars  of  the  Church,  or  temporal  lords  ?  Have  they  not 
courtiers  and  grooms,  and  horses  and  dogs  ;  are  not  their 
mansions  full  of  tapestries  and  silks,  of  perfumes  and 
lackeys  ?  Seemeth  it  to  thee  that  this  is  the  Church  of 
God  ?  Their  vainglory  filleth  the  world,  and  their  avarice 
is  equally  vast.  They  do  all  things  for  gold,  and  they 
ring  their  bells  because  of  their  greed,  and  only  demand 
bread  and  candles  and  coin.  They  attend  Vespers  and 
Offices  in  the  choir,  forasmuch  at  these    services  there  is 

Maria  del  Fiore  (the  Duomo),  and  beginning  on  Septuagesima  Sunday, 
the  nth  of  February,  1498  ;  collected  by  M.  Lorenzo  Violi.  Florence, 
1498.     Vide  Sermon  No,  i. 


:  /.s  ////;  AND  TIMES, 

lined  ;   but   they  go  no!    to    Matita, 
lor  there  no  money  is  distributed     They  sell  benefi 
sell  the  sacraments,  sell  marriage  services,  sell  all  things. 
.v-  |  yet  they  stand  in  dread  otexcommunication  !     Tli 

will    not    give    the   holy   water    to   those   who   attend    mv 
sermons  :-  they  forget  that  they  have  accompanied  the 

ther  with   my  friars  of  St  Mark's.      Whenever 
there  is  profit  to  he  made  they  disregard  mv  excommunica- 
-,  bur  when  it  suits  their  purpose  they  declare  it  to  be 
valid.     O  Lord,  Lord,  smite  them  with  Thy  glaive  !  "  » 

Savonarola  gave  two  more  sermons  before  the  close  of 
the  Carnival.  In  the  second,  delivered  on  Sexagesima 
Sunday  (18th  of  February),  he  spoke  of  the  Pope  and  the 
papal  authority  in  the  following  words:  "I  take  it  for 
granted  there  be  no  man  who  is  not  liable  to  error. 
T  OU  art  mad  to  say  that  a  Pope  cannot  err,  when  there 
have  been  so  many  wicked  Popes  who  have  erred  !  .  .If 
it  were  true  that  no  Pope  could  ever  err,  ought  we  then  to 
do  even  as  they  do  in  order  to  gain  salvation  ?  Thou 
wouldst  reply,  that  a  Pope  may  err  as  a  man,  but  not  as  a 
Pope  ;  but  I  tell  thee  that  the  Pope  may  err,  even  in  his 
judgments  and  sentences.2  Go  !  read  how  many  decrees 
have  been  made  by  one  Pope  and  revoked  by  the  next  ; 
and  how  many  opinions  held  by  some  Popes  are  contra- 
dicted by  those  of  other  Pontiffs."  He  then  went  on  to 
declare  that  the  errors  of  a  Pope  may  proceed  from  ill- 
will,  or  be  based  upon  false  information  ;  and  thereupon 
he  gave  the  history  of  all  the  briefs  launched  against  him- 
self, and  their  contradictory  tenour.  But  as  all  this  has 
been  minutely  narrated  elsewhere,  there  is  no  need  to 
repeat  it. 

1  u  Sermone  fatto  a  molti  sacerdoti,  religiosi  e  secolari  in  San  Marco, 
a  di'  15  Febbraio,  1497  "  (Florentine  stylet.  It  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
collection  of  "  Sermons  on  Exodus."     ("  Sermoni  sopra  Esodo.") 

8  It  should  be  noted  that  this  does  not  refer  to  dogma. 


THE  "SEXAGESIMAL  SERMON.  605 

11  But  why  do  they  rage  against  me  in  Rome  ?  Thinkest 
thou  'tis  for  the  sake  of  religion  ?  By  no  means.  They 
seek  to  overthrow  our  government,  they  seek  to  tyrannize 
over  us,  and  care  not  if  righteous  living  be  destroyed,  the 
which  is  born  of  our  doctrine,  and  will  die  with  it. 
Wherefore  he  that  combateth  this  doctrine  combateth 
evangelic  charity,  and  is  truly  a  heretic.  But  nowadays 
the  preachers  are  hirelings  of  great  potentates,  and  are 
sorely  afraid  to  speak  the  truth,  or  oppose  those  that  are 
above  them.  It  was  not  thus  in  the  times  when  priests 
were  inspired  by  the  true  Christian  spirit  ;  in  those  days 
St.  Paul  reproved  St.  Peter  before  all,  quia  reprebensibilis 
erat!y 

"  These,  then,  are  the  reasons  which  have  prevented  me 
from  writing  to  Rome  to  say  that  I  had  erred.  And  to 
ye,  who  always  quote  canons  and  chapters,  J  make  reply 
that  there  be  many  that  allege  these  things  without  know- 
ing what  they  want.  These  canons  of  yours,  ye  turn  them 
and  twist  them  after  your  own  fashion  ;  make  this  lawful 
and  that  unlawful  as  it  seemeth  best  to  ye,  even  to  the 
extent  of  trafficking  in  the  cure  of  souls.  I  know  well 
there  be  some  that  openly  counsel  this  traffic,  but  I  will 
not  enter  into  that  question  now  ;  some  day,  peradventure, 
I  may  have  the  courage  to  prove  to  ye  that  it  is  pure 
heresy."  l 

On  Quinquagesima  Sunday  Savonarola  preached  for  the 
last  time  during  Carnival,  treating  the  same  subject  and 
using  the  same  arguments.  "  Laws  are  made  for  a  good 
end,  and  should  therefore  be  in  agreement  with  reason  and 
charity.  Come  forward,  thou  priest  or  friar,  whom  I  have 
taken  by  the  arm,  and  I  will  prove  to  thee  that  thou  art 
hke  unto  a  painted  image — with  nought  that  is  good  within. 
If  the  end  of  the  law  be  goodness,  the  quality  of  the  law 

1  "  Prediche  sopra  l'Esodo."     Vide  the  sermon  given  on  Sexagesima 
Sunday. 


SAVONAROLA  S  LIFE  AND  /v  i//.\v. 

Wt\  by  its  fruit  ;    where  good  WOrks  :irc,  there 
is  good  law  ;    where  bad  works  are,  there  good  law  is  not. 

Say,  0  Father  !  it"  all  the  world  were  against  thee,  what 

wouldst  thou  dor     I  would  stand  firm,  tor  my  doctrine 

is  the  doctrine  of  godly  living,  and  therefore  it  proeecdeth 

m  God,     This  excommunication  is  hostile  to  godly 

and  therefore  proeeedeth  from  the  devil.  Yet, 
her,  it  is  declared  by  the  canonical  law  that  even  when 
rmmunication  be  unjust  and  full  of  hidden  errors  it 
should  nevertheless  he  respected  for  the  avoidance  of 
Às.  This  is  true  so  far,  that  if  thou  art  excom- 
municated for  a  sin  of  which  thou  art  innocent,  hut  of 
which  the  people  believeth  thee  guilty,  thou  must  then 
submit  in  order  to  avoid  scandal.  But  when  thine  inno- 
cence is  patent  to  the  eyes  of  all  the  world,  as  in  our  own 
-,  what  scandal  hast  thou  to  fear  then  ?  Moreover,  I 
tell  thee  that  if  excommunicated  in  such  wise,  that  to 
observe  its  decrees  thou  must  needs  act  in  opposition  to 
charity,  it  then  becomes  thy  duty  to  disregard  it.  Wert 
thou  prohibited,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  lata 
sententi*,  from  giving  aid  to  one  in  extreme  necessity-, 
I  must  tell  thee  that,  in  such  case,  no  excommunication 
should  be  held  valid.  Thinkest  thou  that  Jaws  be  made 
for  evil  ?  Were  unjust  sentences  to  be  held  valid,  a 
wicked  Pope  might  destroy  the  whole  Church,  and  it 
would  behoove  us  to  submit.  For  myself,  I  tell  thee  that 
these  excommunications  are  now  cheap  commodities  ;  and 
any  one,  for  the  sum  of  four  lire,  can  excommunicate 
whomsoever  he  pleaseth  ;  hence  they  are  worth  nothing." 
As  we  see,  the  rupture  had  now  become  most  decided. 
Convinced  that  charity  was  the  supreme  law  of  the 
Christian  life  ;  that  no  misconception  was  possible  on  this 
point  ;  that  no  authority  could  prevail  against  it,  Savona- 
rola was  resolved  to  despise  the  decree  of  excommunication 
and   defy    the    Pope.       The    latter's    mode   of  life,  the 


THE  LAST  DAY  OF  CARNIVAL.  607 

scandals  and  abominations  perpetrated  by  himself,  his  chil- 
dren, and  his  courtiers  in  Rome,  had  convinced  the 
Friar  that  resistance  was  a  duty,  and  that  God  would  come 
to  his  aid  in  the  final  struggle.1  He  therefore  concluded 
this  sermon  by  announcing  that  he  should  celebrate  Mass 
on  the  last  day  of  Carnival,  and  solemnly  give  his  blessing 
to  the  people  in  the  convent  square.  At  the  moment 
of  the  elevation  of  the  Host  he  said,  M  I  bid  ye  all  pray 
fervently  to  the  Lord,  that  if  this  work  be  not  inspired  by 
Him,  He  will  send  down  His  fires  to  bear  me  to  hell.2 
Offer  up  the  like  prayer  throughout  these  days  ;  note 
it  down  and  proclaim  it  to  all."  This  was  the  blind  and 
superstitious  belief  that  Savonarola  could  never  shake  off, 
and  that  constantly  threatened  him  with  ruin.  He  felt 
firmly  convinced  that  the  Lord  would  perform  some  great 
miracle  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  doctrine  in  the  hour  of 
need,  and  he  reiterated  his  conviction  with  a  mistimed 
simplicity  that  naturally  tempted  his  enemies  to  take  him  at 
his  word.  His  manner  of  solemnizing  the  last  day  of 
Carnival  was  certainly  of  the  strangest.  At  the  conclusion 
of  High  Mass  he  administered  the  sacrament  to  a  vast 
crowd  of  people,  and  then  ascended  a  wooden  pulpit  that 
had  been  erected  for  the  occasion  before  the  great  door  of 
the  church.  Here  he  offered  a  few  prayers,  while  the 
monks  sang  Psalms  and  afterwards  addressed  the  throng 
of  people  in  the  square,  reminding  them  of  the  appeal  he 
had  begged  them  to  make  to  the  Almighty.  Then, 
raising  the  Host  on  high,  he  blessed  the  kneeling  crowd 
of    excited    worshippers    and    murmured    the    following 

1  It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  shameless  immorality  of  the  Pope 
was  the  chief  cause  of  Savonarola's  wrath  and  irritation.  On  the  1st  of 
February,  1498,  the  Ferrarese  orator  wrote  to  the  Duke  that  Savonarola 
had  told  him  that  he  would  take  no  orders  from  the  Pope  as  regarded 
preaching  or  not  preaching,  "  while  he  saw  him  continue  his  present 
mode  of  life"  (Cappelli,  op.  cit.,  p.  102,  doc.  142). 

2  "  Prediche  sopra  l'Esodo."  Vide  the  sermon  delivered  on  Quinqua- 
gesima Sunday. 


.  :  u  O  Lord,  :.t  my  deeds  be  not  sincere,  if  mv 

wordi  be  noi  Dice,  strike  me  dead  on  the 

I  I:s   countenance   expressed   the  most  extra* 

nary  e  tenti  and  it  was  plain  that  deepest  faith 

v.   rds. 

Atter  the  mid<  .il,  the  people  again  traversed  the 

streets  in  pro<  i,  to  collect    contributions  tor   a  second 

Burning  of  the  Vanities.     Hut  this  time  the  Piagnoni  had 

to  endure  much  insult  and  injury  from  the  Compagnacci, 
who  Stripped  some  of  their  cloaks,  knocked  the  red 
1  out  of  the  hands  of  others,  struck  them  with 
sticks,  and  pelted  them  with  stones.  Nevertheless  the 
procession  managed  to  reach  the  Piazza  of  the  Signoria, 
where  a  pile  of  vanities  had  been  stacked,  of  even  greater 
value,  according  to  Burlamacchi,  than  that  of  the  previous 
year.  It  was  crowned  bv  a  figure  of  Lucifer  surrounded 
by  the  seven  cardinal  sins.  The  people  gathered  round 
the  pile,  chanting  a  7i  Deum  ;  and  it  was  then  fired  and 
burnt  to  ashes  amid  shouts  of  frantic  exultation.  The 
procession  afterwards  repaired  to  the  cathedral  square, 
and  halted  there  to  consign  all  the  money  that  had  been 
collected  to  the  Buoni  Uomini  di  S.  Martino  ^  "  St.  Martin's 
Good  Men."  It  then  proceeded  to  St.  Mark's,  and  a 
crucifix  being  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  square,  friars 
and  laymen  joined  hands  in  three  rings  and  danced  round 
it,  singing  psalms  and  devotional  hymns.1 

Thus  ended  the  Carnival  season  of  1498,  in  which  party 
passion  had  again  come  to  life,  and  that  wras  a  time 
of  such  general   excitement  and    expectation    of  strange 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  1 1 5  and  fol.  ;  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  140.  Again,  as  in  speak- 
ing of  the  first  bonfire,  Nardi,  the  translator  of  Livy,  and  a  lover  of  anti- 
cify,  merely  records  that  "many  dishonest,  indecent,  and  vain  things 
were  consumed."  He  adds  that,  in  this  way,  days  formerly  dedicated  to 
worldly  pleasures  were  now  devoted  to  the  honour  and  glory  of  Christ. 
But,  what  is  still  more  remarkable,  Somenzi,  although  decidedly  hostile 
to  Savonarola,  wrote  to  the  Duke  from  Florence  that  the  pile  consisted 
"of  a  great  quantity  of  lustful  things,  videlicet  mirrors,  women's  false 


EFFECT  OF  THESE  NE  IV  SERMONS.  609 

events.  Savonarola's  new  sermons,  whether  from  the 
intrinsic  force  of  his  arguments,  or  from  the  singular 
daring  with  which  he  defied  the  Pope  and  inveighed 
against  scandals  abhorred  by  all,  were  undoubtedly  received 
with  new  and  increasing  favour.  They  were  printed 
separately  as  soon  as  delivered,  and  diffused  through- 
out Italy  and  other  countries.  "Even  from  Germany," 
as  Savonarola  said,  "  letters  reach  us  from  new  followers 
converted  by  our  doctrines."  l  On  all  sides  men  were 
beginning  to  murmur  against  the  Court  of  Rome, 
and,  as  may  well  be  conceived,  the  Borgia's  fury  was 
proportionately  increased.  In  one  of  the  many  letters 
written  on  the  subject  at  the  time,  we  find  it  said  that 
"  the  news  of  his  (the  Friar's)  preaching  has  again 
reached  Rome,  and  excited  great  noise  there.  I  doubt 
me  there  will  be  a  sharper  war,  and  that  it  will  soon  be 
carried  on  at  close  quarters  :  our  ambassador  there  is 
beginning  to  feel  alarmed."2  Letters  came  daily  from 
the  orators  in  Rome,  and  Messer  Domenico  Bonsi  wrote, 
saying:  "J  am  assailed  by  a  multitude  of  cardinals  and 
prelates,  who  come  to  express  severe  blame  regarding  your 
Excellencies'  conduct,  and  speak  of  the  Pope's  exceeding 
wrath.  You  have  numerous  foes  here,  who  will  all  do  their 
best  to  blow  on  the  fire."  3  At  the  Roman  Court  nothing  was 
talked  of  save  the  audacity  of  this  Friar,  who  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge any  authority  as  superior  to  that  of  God  and 

hair,  playing  cards  and  tables,  dice,  lutes,  masks,  paintings,  quantities  of 
perfumes,  and  every  species  of  lustful  things  ;  the  which  were  valued 
at  a  considerable  sum."  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xii. 
Is  it  likely  that  if  really  valuable  objects  of  art  had  been  included  in 
the  collection,  the  learned  Nardi  and  Somenzi,  the  bitter  enemy  of 
Savonarola,  would  have  both  failed  to  mention  the  fact  ? 

1  In  the  sermon  on  Quinquagesima  Sunday. 

a  A  letter  from  Strozzi  to  the  parish  priest  of  Cascina.  Vide  Perrens, 
doc.  xv. 

3  Despatches  to  the  Ten,  dated  17th  of  February,  1498,  and  on  the 
following   days.      Vide   Padre    Marchese,   "  Documenti,"   &c,  op.    cit., 

p.  164  and  fol. 

40 


6io  S.irOX.l/CO/.A'S  LIFE  AND   TIM. 

his   own  Conscience  ;    who  Stigmatized    Pope  Alexander   as 

I  tool,  and  dared  to   declare  that  all  believers  in  the 
validity  of  th  :nmunieati<>n  were  heretics  !      With  all 

Rinding  in  his  ears,  the  Pope's  rage  was  so 
much  inflamed,  that  it  threatened  to  hurst  into  a  blaze 
at  any  moment.  An<\  among  the  more  assiduous  in 
fomenting  His  anger  was  Fra  Mariano  da  Genaxzano,  who 
had  sworn  to  take  revenge,  and  saw  that  the  moment 
tor  it  was  approaching.  Indeed,  so  tremendous  were  the 
charges  alleged  by  this  man  against  Savonarola's  doctrines, 
that  lie  was  at  last  commissioned  to  refute  them  publicly 
in  the  pulpit. 

On  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent  the  Church  of  the  Augus- 
tine friars  in  Rome  was  unusually  crowded  ;  many 
eminent  cardinals  and  prelates  were  seated  before  the  high 
altar,  and  all  had  come  to  listen  to  Fra  Mariano's  sermon. 
Nevertheless  the  result  by  no  means  justified  his  repute  as 
a  great  theologian  and  preacher.  He  started  by  treating 
of  the  authority  of  the  Pontiff,  and  how  the  Holy  Spirit 
descended  upon  him,  as  it  had  upon  the  apostles  ;  but 
instead  of  at  once  proceeding  to  define  and  confute  Savona- 
rola's arguments,  he  gave  free  vent  to  his  rage  in  loud 
bursts  of  vehement  and  almost  indecent  language  :  "  This 
is  the  true  light,  not  that  of  the  Ferrarese  monk,  who 
preaches  by  the  light  of  the  devil,  and  dares  to  say  that 
Tope  Alexander  is  a  broken  tool.  He  is  a  vile  Jew,  a 
ribald  and  thief,  who  has  stolen  money  and  has  hidden 
treasures  !  O  Pope  !  O  cardinals  !  how  do  you  tolerate 
this  monster,  this  hydra?  Has  the  authority  of 
the  Church  come  to  such  a  pass  that  a  drunkard  of  this 
sort  may  trample  it  so  ignominiously  under  his  feet?  O 
College!  O  Pontiff!  take  heed;  you  know  not  what 
that  man  is  devising  ;  he  will  say  things  to  darken  the 
sun.  But  you  take  no  heed,  so  that  all  may  now  snap 
their  fingers  in  your  face,  and,  but  for  my  reverence,  I  too 


A  NE  W  POLITICAL  TRA  CTA  TE.  6 1 1 

might  do  the  same."  Then  in  spite  of  this  declaration 
of  respect,  he  turned  to  the  cardinals  and  made  the  vilest 
gesture,  shouting  the  while  like  a  madman.  His  hearers 
were  highly  disgusted  with  his  coarseness  of  speech,  and 
the  cardinals,  who  had  come  prepared  to  listen  to  a  logical 
refutation,  could  not  refrain  from  continually  shaking  their 
heads  in  disapproval.  Accordingly,  Fra  Mariano  was 
discomfited  afresh,  but  nevertheless  remained  firm  to  his 
purpose.1 

Meanwhile  Savonarola,  in  his  untiring  energy,  had  pro- 
duced a  new  "Tractate  on  the  rule  and  government  of 
the  city  of  Florence.,,  2  He  had  been  urged  to  compose 
this  work  by  the  past  Signory,  and,  as  he  records  in  its 
preface,  had  willingly  accepted  the  invitation,  "  because, 
although  he  had  preached  on  the  truth  of  faith,  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Christian  life,  on  things  to  come,  and  on 
good  government,  he  had  never  yet  written  a  special 
treatise  on  the  last  of  those  themes.3  He  was  now 
moved  to  write  it,  in  the  idea  that  it  would  be  useful  to 
his  flock,  and  also  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  his  office  by 
giving  another  proof  that  he  preached  sound  doctrine,  in 
no  way  contrary  to  the  Church."   In  the  first  part  of  this 

1  All  this  is  minutely  related  in  a  letter,  of  which  we  possess  an  old 
copy,  without  date  or  signature  :  "  Copia  d'una  lettera  venuta  da  Roma 
della  predicha  di  M.  Mariano  da  San  Ghallo,  chontro  a  Fra  Girolamo." 
Codex  of  the  Magliabecchian  Library,  ci.  xxxiv.  288.  Fra  Mariano's 
monastery  was  situated  at  San  Gallo.  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition,  doc.  xiii. 

2  "Trattato  circa  il  reggimento  e  governo  della  città  di  Firenze."  This 
was  printed  without  a  date,  during  the  author's  life.  See,  too,  the  edition 
produced  by  Audins  de  Rians  (Florence,  1848),  who  believed  it  to  have 
been  written  in  1493,  because  the  Gonfalonier  Salviati,  who  urged 
Savonarola  to  compose  it,  was  in  office  in  '93,  and  again  in  January  and 
February,  '98.  But  a  glance  at  the  tractate  is  enough  to  show  that  it 
continually  refers  to  facts  long  posterior  to  the  year  '93.  It  was  probably 
written  at  the  beginning  of  1498. 

3  The  other  tractates  to  which  he  refers  here  were  chiefly  "  Il  Trionfo 
della  Croce  "  ;  "Della  semplicità  della  vita  cristiana";  and  "De 
veritate  prophetica." 


5  1 1  /a  UFA   AND  TIMES. 

little  \w  rk  he  itatea  that  min,  being  i  free  agenti  needs  to 

be  |  ed|  and  is  lust  governed  by  an  absolute  ruler 

when  that  ruler  is  I  rightCOUS  man.      Then,  following  the 

f  reason,    but  of  experience,  he   adds  : 
WG    I  Crnment  of  this  kind  is  not,  however,  suited  to  every 

pie  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  mutable,  restless,  ambitious 

character  of  the  Florentines  demands  a  civil  government, 

or  rather  a  Republic"  The  second  part  treats  of  govern- 
ment under  a  single  ruler,  in  cases  where  the  ruler  is  had, 
or,  in  other  words,  of  a  despotic  government.  And  here 
Savonarola  describes  tyrants  and  the  evds  of  tyranny  with 
perhaps  greater  eloquence  than  in  his  sermons,  and  certainly 
with  more  correctness  and  polish  of  style.  The  third  and 
last  part  treats  of  free  government  by  means  of  a  Greater 
Council,  the  which,  by  reserving  the  right  of  appointment 
to  all  offices  or  the  State,  becomes  a  safeguard  against 
popular  anarchy  and  the  tyranny  of  the  few.  The  author 
concludes  by  describing  the  miseries  of  despots,  and  the 
happiness  to  be  won  both  on  earth  and  in  heaven  by  those 
who  govern  by  freedom.  Nevertheless  he  always  confines 
himself  to  generalities,  with  the  intention  of  composing,  at 
some  less  turbulent  time,  a  more  important  and  elaborate 
Latin  treatise  on  the  same  theme.  Now,  in  the  midst  of 
so  many  agitations,  he  wrote  only  for  the  people,  and  in 
fact  this  is  the  most  popular  and  best  known  of  all  his 
works,  owing  to  the  vigorcvLS  simplicity  and  eloquence  of 
its  style. 

After  this,  Savonarola  undauntedly  returned  to  the 
pulpit,  and,  dating  from  the  beginning  of  Lent,  continued 
to  preach  regularly.  He  spoke  in  terms  of  rejoicing 
of  the  devout  celebration  of  Carnival,  condemned  the 
insulting  attacks  of  the  Compagnacci,  discoursed  on 
righteous  living,  and  then  recurred  to  what  now  formed 
almost  the  sole  theme  of  his  sermons.  "  O  Rome  !  what 
is   it  that   I    ask   of  thee  ?     A   bull  to  enforce  righteous 


THREATS  FROM  THE  TOPE.  613 

living — this  is  all  that  I  would  ask  of  thee;  but  here, 
on  the  contrary,  men  only  demand  bulls  for  the  destruction 
of  morality/'  1  He  was  careful  at  this  time  to  preserve 
a  moderate  tone,  in  the  hope  of  continuing  to  preach 
without  exciting  fresh  opposition  ;  but  the  Pope,  no 
longer  able  to  restrain  his  fury,  threatened  to  interdict 
Florence,  and  compel  every  Christian  State,  under  pain 
of  excommunication,  to  confiscate  the  property  of  all 
Florentine  merchants.  Nevertheless,  the  more  sagacious 
of  the  cardinals  contrived  to  calm  his  wrath  to  some 
extent  2  by  pointing  out  to  him  that  his  conflict  v/ith 
Savonarola  was  not  only  causing  great  disturbance  among 
the  Florentines,  but  so  much  stir  in  all  quarters,  as  to 
threaten  a  schism  in  the  Church.  A  movement  to  that 
effect  would,  they  said,  be  inevitable  as  soon  as  some 
influential  ecclesiastic  could  be  induced  to  take  the  lead  in 
it;  and  such  a  man  might  readily  be  found  in  the  Cardinal 
of  San  Piero  in  Vincoli,  who  was  known  to  be  abetted 
by  France. 

These  considerations,  added  to  his  natural  indifference, 
and  dislike  to  all  purely  religious  questions,  induced  the 
Pope  to  modify  his  resolve.  But  on  the  26th  of 
February  he  informed  Bracci  and  Bonsi  that  he  absolutely 
refused  to  tolerate  Savonarola's  preaching  any  longer  ; 
that  he  was  amazed  that  the  Signory  shou-ld  sanction  so 
gross  an  insult  to  the  Holy  See,  and  that  unless  measures 
were  taken  to  silence  the  Friar  before  Lent,  he  would 
certainly  put  the  city  under  an  interdict.  Nor  were 
the  orators  allowed  to  reply,  for  the  cardinals  in- 
terrupted them  directly  they  opened  their  mouths,  by 
reading  aloud  some  sonnets  against  the  Pope,  which  had 
just    been    received    from    Florence.       And     Alexander 

1  Sermon  i\\,  "  sopra  l'Esodo,"  given  on  the  last  day  of  February  and 
the  first  of  Carnival. 
*  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  138. 


\ND   TIM 

:  "What!  am  I  to  be  made  a  theme 

:  "  Bonn  finished  tter  by  saying:  "There- 

rmons  have  arrived  in  Rome»  til 

trouble   is  lost,  an d  there  is  BORie  cue  ever  at   hand  to 
w  on  tOW  and  matches  to  in  the  blaze.*1  l 

1  be   following   day   (26th    of    February)   the    Pope 
des:  :  a  very  menacing  brief  to  the  Signory  to  the 

following    effect  :      '4  On    first     receiving    notice    of    the 

I  errors  diffused  by  that  child  of  iniquity, 
ilamo  Savonarola,  we  required  him  to  abstain  entirely 
from  preaching,  and  to  come  to  Rome  to  implore  our 
ion  and  make  recantation  ;  but  he  refused  to  obey  us. 
We  commanded  him,  under  pain  of  excommunication, 
to  join  the  Congregation  of  St.  Mark  to  the  new  Tusco- 
lan  Congregation,  and  again  he  refused  to  obey,  thus 
incurring,  ipso  facto^  the  threatened  excommunication. 
The  which  sentence  of  excommunication  we  caused  to  be 
pronounced  and  proclaimed  in  your  principal  churches, 
likewise  declaring  that  all  who  heard,  or  addressed, 
or  held  intercourse  with  the  said  Fra  Girolamo  would 
also  incur  the  same  penalty.  Nevertheless,  we  now  hear, 
that,  to  the  grave  hurt  of  religion  and  the  souls  of  men, 
this  Friar  still  continues  to  preach,  despises  the  authority 
of  the  Holy  See,  and  declares  the  excommunication  to  be 
null  and  void.  Wherefore  we  command  you,  by  your 
duty  of  holy  obedience,  to  send  the  said  Fra  Girolamo 
to  us,  under  safe  custody  ;  and  if  he  return  to  repentance, 
he  will  be  paternally  received  by  us,  inasmuch  as  we  seek 
the  conversion,  not  the  death  of  the  sinner.  Or  at  least 
put  him  apart,  as  a  corrupt  member,  from  the  rest  of  the 
people,  and  keep  him  confined  and  guarded  in  such  wise, 
that  he  may  have  speech  of  none,  nor  be  able  to  dis- 
seminate fresh  scandals.     But  if  ye  refuse  to  obey  these 

1  Vide  Gherardi,  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  106-10S,  the  letter  dated 
25th  of  February,  1498. 


TWO  MENACING  BRIEFS.  615 

commands,  we  shall  be  forced  to  assert  the  dignity 
and  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  by  subjecting  you  to  an 
interdict  and  also  to  other  and  more  effectual  remedies."  l 

The  Signory  paid  no  attention  to  the  brief,  but  the 
Pope,  perhaps  foreseeing  this,  sent  another  at  the  same 
time  to  the  Canons  of  the  Duomo,2  enjoining  them 
to  absolutely  prohibit  Savonarola  from  preaching  in 
their  church.  Accordingly,  dating  from  the  2nd  of  March, 
the  third  day  of  Lent,  we  find  him  delivering  his 
sermons  in  St.  Mark's,  and  beginning  with  the  following 
exordium  :  "  When  it  was  needful,  we  gave  ye  a  proof 
of  courage  ;  and  are  disposed  to  give  others,  when  the 
moment  shall  arrive  ;  but  at  present  it  rather  beseems 
us  to  use  moderation. "  3  He  thus  tried  to  avoid  giving 
offence,  while  waiting  to  see  of  what  elements  the  new 
Signory  for  March  and  April  would  be  formed. 

But  this  proved  almost  utterly  hostile,  only  three  of 
the  members  being  well  disposed  to  him,  while  the  remain- 
ing six  were  determined  foes.  One  of  these  was  the  Gon- 
falonier, Piero  Popoleschi,  who,  notwithstanding  his  «name, 
had  always  belonged  to  the  Medicean  party.  Instead, 
however,  of  joining  the  Bigi,  he  had  gone  over  heart  and 
soul  to  the  Arrabbiati,  and  was  now  one  of  those  most 
bent  upon  persecuting  Savonarola.  Accordingly,  no 
sooner  did  the  new  Signory  receive  notice  of  the  Papal 
brief,  than  they  determined  to  assemble  a  Pratica,  in 
order  to  gauge  the  temper  of  the  citizens,  and  avoid 
assuming  at  once  too  odious  a  responsibility.  So,  on 
the  3rd  of  March  they  summoned  a  council  to  deliberate 

1  This  brief  was  unknown,  until  unearthed  by  me  in  Codex  2053  of 
the  Riccardi  Library.  Signor  Gherardi  afterwards  discovered  the 
original  document  in  the  Florence  Archives.  Vide  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  doc.  xiv.  Meier  assigns  the  date  of  the  26th  of  February 
to  another  brief  that  will  be  mentioned  farther  on. 

9  This  brief  I  have  been  unable  to  find  ;  but  it  is  mentioned  in  Bousi's 
letter  of  the  27th  of  February.     Vide  Gherardi,  loc.  cit.,  p.  10S. 

»  "  Prediche  sopra  l'Esodo."    Vide  the  sermon  of  the  third  day  of  Lent. 


WON  ■  YD  TIMES* 

uing  the  Pisan  war  with  to  little 
in  th  >,  and  above  all  on  the  measure! 

to  b  pted  con<  -  the  Friar  after  the  brief  from 

R  This  indeed  was  the  real  object  of  the  Pratica. 

1     •    Gonfaloniers    of    the    Companies,    the    twelve 
-,    and    other  da    confined    themselves    to 

Baying  that  it  would  be  best  to  calm  the 
wrath  by  making  him  understand  that,  if  they 
were  to  lav  hands  on  the  Friar,  the  whole  city  would 
ne  in  a  tumult.  But  the  Ten  of  Liberty  and  Peace  ' 
were  tar  more  explicit.  Owing  to  the  importance  of 
their  functions  it  was  their  special  duty  to  answer  all 
demands  then  put  by  the  Signory.  And  as  they  differed 
from  that  body,  by  holding  office  for  six  instead  of  two 
months,  they  had  hitherto  been  unanimous  in  favour  of 
Savonarola.  Accordingly  Battista  Ridolfi,  their  appointed 
spokesman,  made  a  long  speech,  beginning  with  a  most 
melancholy  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  Republic  : 
'•  We  have  disbursed  twenty  thousand  ducats,"  he  said, 
"  and»  ot  the  fifteen  thousand,  per  month,  you  assigned 
to  us,  have  received  almost  nothing.  Our  enemies 
are  daily  increasing  ;  the  Venetian  fleet  is  nearing 
the  port  of  Leghorn  ;  the  dearness  of  provisions  and  the 
disorganization  of  the  troops  would  prevent  us  from 
taking  the  field  on  any  emergency.  Leghorn,  a  most 
important  position  as  regards  supplies,  merchandise,  and 
artillery,  stands  in  great  need  of  repairs,  which  we  cannot 
afford  to  make.  Volterra,  which  should  be  well  garrisoned, 
is  left  defenceless  ;  the  adjacent  hills  are  abandoned, 
and  would  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands  at  the  first 
attack.  It  is  the  same  with  the  cities  in  the  plains. 
Pescia  and  its  valley  are  exposed  to  the  foe.     Through- 

*  At  that  time,  as  we  all  know,  the  Ten  of  War  were  designated  by 
this  name,  in  accordance  with  one  of  the  laws  promoted  by  Savonarola, 
when  the  popular  government  was  first  constituted. 


RIDOLFPS  SPEECH.  6 1 7 

out  the  district  above  Vagliano,  which  is  another 
important  place,  constables,  commissioners,  and  soldiery 
are  all  clamouring  for  money.  The  Pisans  are  already 
making  raids  in  Maremma,  and  the  plague  does  the  rest. 
Wherefore  the  Signori,  my  colleagues,  implore  that  fitting 
measures  be  taken,  since  the  safety  of  the  whole  State 
is  in  question,  and  whatever  should  go  wrong,  they  will 
be  excused  coram  Deo!"  1 

Coming  to  the  subject  of  Savonarola,  Ridolfi  then 
said  :  "  My  Signori  are  of  opinion  that  we  should  avoid 
quarrel  with  the  Pope,  but  must  look  to  the  honour  of 
God  and  the  Republic  :  that  it  consequently  behoves  us 
to  thoroughly  investigate  the  Pope's  statements,  and 
ascertain  whether  his  complaints  be  just  or  not,  and  if 
that  which  he  ordains  be  for  good  or  ill.  They  decidedly 
hold  the  Friar  to  be  a  man  of  virtuous  life  and  great 
learning,  who  has  never  caused  any  evil  in  Florence, 
but  always  rendered  good  service  both  in  spiritual  and 
temporal  matters.  Wherefore  if  the  Pope  be  opposed 
to  his  deeds  owing  to  false  information,  let  all  be  at  once 
made  clear  to  him  in  writing  ;  but  if  (as  my  Signori 
think)  the  affair  stands  on  a  different  footing,  then  our 
sole  care  should  be  to  uphold  the  honour  of  our  city. 
For  in  fact,"  concluded  Ridolfi,  "  letters  from  Milan 
assure  us  that  the  Pope  has  suddenly  changed  his  mood, 
and  become  hostile  to  the  Republic,  not  only  on  account 
of  the  Friar's  sermons,  but  for  other  good  reasons  also  ; 2 
hence  our  replies  should  be  easy  and  brief.  My  colleagues 
would  finally  pray  you  to  remember  how  everything  went 

1  In  Signor  Lupi's  collection  of  "  Pratiche  "  or  debates  concerning 
Savonarola  affairs  ("Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  Series  iii.  vol.  iii.  part  i.) 
the  whole  of  this  passage  is  omitted,  possibly  because  it  does  not  relate 
to  Savonarola.  Most  of  these  documents  were  previously  known  to  me 
in  MS.,  but  a  few  were  discovered  by  Signor  Lupi. 

2  Namely,  for  entirely  political  reasons,  such  as  his  desire  to  overthrow 
the  Florentine  government. 


rS  LIFE  AND  TIMES* 

;:i  consequence  of  the  expulsion  of  \ 

'  l 

The    citi        t     benches     then    expressed     their    views, 

ng:    "That   the    brief  gave    them    much    pain,  but 

that    the    expulsion    of   the    l;riar    from    Florence    would 

•     et  serious  disturbance  throughout  the  city. 

It  might  be   well,   in  sign  of  obedience   to   the  Pope, 

to    prohibit    the    Friar    from    preaching   in    the    Duomo, 

tcially   as    he   had   withdrawn    to    St.    Mark's  on   the 
previous  day.3 

The  real  meaning  of  all  this  was  that  they  did  not 
intend  to  do  anything,  and  the  Signory  were  compelled 
to  yield  to  the  verdict  of  the  majority.  Therefore  on 
the  following  dav  various  letters  were  forwarded  by  the 
Ten  to  the  Florentine  ambassador  in  Rome,  together  with 
one  from  the  Signory  to  the  Pope. 3  They  stated  that 
on  the  arrival  of  the  last  brief,  Savonarola  had  immedi- 
ately withdrawn  to  St.  Mark's  to  prove  his  submission  ; 
they  eulogized  his  doctrine,  his  life,  and  his  prophecies  ; 
and  expressed  their  condemnation  of  his  enemies, 
"  who  detest  light  more  than  darkness,  and  merely  seek 
to  foment  civil  discord."  And  they  ended  by  saying  : 
11  We  are  unable  to  obey  the  commands  of  your  Holiness, 
not  only  because,  in  obeying  them,  we  should  act 
unworthily  towards  our  Republic,  and  unjustly  towards 
one  who  has  deserved  so  well  of  his  country  ;  but  also 
because,  even  if  we  had  the  will,  we  lack  the  power 
to  obey  without  exciting  popular  dissensions  and  placing 
many  persons  in  danger  :  such  and  so  great  is  the  favour 

1  Fra  Bernardino  da  Monte  Feltro,  expelled  during  the  reign  of  Piero 
de'  Medici.     Vide  Parenti,  "  Storia  di  Firenze." 

2  Vide  the  before-quoted  "  Pratiche."  This  stands  third  in  Signor  Lupi's 
collection. 

3  Dated  4th  of  March,  but  really  written  on  the  3rd,  as  can  be  ascer- 
tained from  many  subsequent  documents.  Vide  also  Gherardi's  "  Nuovi 
Documenti,"  p.  Ill,  Note  4. 


MALICIOUS  PURPOSE  OF  THE  SIGNORY.       619 

won  by  this  Friar's  integrity.  We  are  sorely  pained 
that  these  matters  should  have  turned  the  heart  of  your 
Holiness  against  us,  and  that  you  now  deprive  us  of  the 
hopes  you  formerly  held  out,  touching  the  material 
welfare  of  our  Republic.1  Nevertheless,  we  shall  continue 
to  maintain  our  wonted  allegiance  to  the  Church  and  the 
Catholic  faith,  only  premising  that  the  good  of  our 
Republic  is  nearer  to  our  hearts  than  the  convenience 
of  others."  2 

It  is  certainly  hard  to  understand  why  a  Signory  that 
was  avowedly  opposed  to  Savonarola  should  have  spoken 
so  earnestly  in  his  favour.3  It  was  probably  with  the 
malicious  design  of  increasing  the  irritation  of  the  Pope. 
For,  while  replying  in  the  terms  suggested  by  the  Pratica, 
they  were  thus  stirring  Alexander  to  a  more  violent 
rejoinder.  This,  too,  is  the  explanation  given  by  the 
Milanese  orator  to  his  master,  the  Duke.4  It  is  certain, 
at  any  rate,  that  the  letter  was  sent  in  the  name  of  the 
new  Signory,  and  that  Savonarola  quietly  continued  his 
sermons  in  St.  Mark's. 

This  church,  being  too  small  for  the  multitude  of  his 
hearers,  admittance  was  granted  only  to  men.  The 
women  went  at  first  to  hear  him  preach  in  San  Lorenzo, 
and  when  the  canons  forbade  him  the  use  of  that  pulpit, 
they  repaired  to  S.  Niccolò  in  Via  del  Cocomero,  to 
attend  the   sermons   of   Fra  Domenico  da  Pescia.     But 

1  The  question  of  Church  tithes,  and  the  surrender  of  Pisa. 
a  Vide  Documents  in  Padre  Marchese's  before-quoted  work,  p.  165. 
The  letter  is  written  in  Latin. 

3  Mons.  Perrens  held  this  to  be  an  argument  for  denying  that  the 
Signory  were  really  opposed  to  Savonarola  ;  but  all  doubt  on  this  point 
is  removed  by  the  evidence  of  contemporary  opinion  and  of  subsequent 
events. 

4  In  fact  the  Milanese  orator  informed  Ludovico  in  the  first  days  of 
March  that  after  the  brief  of  the  26th  of  February,  the  Signory  had 
written  to  the  Pope  in  defence  of  Savonarola  in  order  that  the  irritated 
Pontiff  "might  be  forced  to  go  farther."  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
eoition,  doc.  xii. 


6so  5  I  8  .;.v/>  TIMES, 

■   :       rurali  to  let  them  again 

r,  that    he  w.is  obliged  to  devote    every 
.v  to  preaching  specially  to  them.1 
1    •  favourite  theme  of  these  l;e>;  Lenten  sermons  wis 

n    of   how  and  wh.cn  a    Pope  may  commit 

error,     M  ro  declare  that  the  Pope»  as  Pope,  can  do  no 

,  is  the   same   as  to  s;iv,  that  neither  the   Christian 

I   |   Christian,  nor  the  ecclesiastic  as  an   ecclesiastic,  can 

wrong,   hut   that,  as  individuals,   Pope,  Christian,  or 

ccck  :   IS  equally    liable  to  error.2   ...   As  Pope   he 

cannot  err,  since  the   Pope  is   merged  in    his  office,   but 

when  he  ens,  he  is  no  Pope  ;  and  i?  he  issues  a  wrongful 

command,  it  cannot  he  held  to  proceed  from  the  Pope. 3 — 

()    Friar,  the   Pope  is  God  upon  earth,  and  the  vicar  of 

Christ. — That  is  true,  but  God  and  Christ  command  us 

•  Burlamacchi,  p.  96. 

•  u Prediche  sopra  TEsodo,"  Sermon  vii.  This  and  the  preceding 
sermon  are  mentioned  by  Machiavelli  ina  letter  to  a  friend,  dated  the 
8th  of  March  (common  style).  In  this  the  writer  shows  himself  de- 
cidedly unfavourable  to  Savonarola,  since,  as  wc  have  pointed  out 
elsewhere,  he  had  some  leaning,  in  early  youth,  towards  the  Arrabbiati 
faction,  and  only  modified  his  opinion  of  the  Friar,  at  a  riper  age.  This 
is  how  he  speaks  of  him  in  the  letter  in  question  :  "  Going  to  hear  the 
Friar  in  his  own  house  (the  Convent  of  St.  Mark's),  and  noting  the 
courage  with  which  he  began  and  continued  his  sermons,  it  was  impos- 
sible not  to  entertain  much  admiration  for  him  ;  for —  starting  with  very 
terrifying  words  and  with  arguments  such  as  seemed  most  convincing  to 
those  who  did  not  discuss  them — he  declared  all  his  followers  to  be  excel- 
lent,  and  his  adversaries  most  vile,  dwelling  on  all  the  points  suited  to 
weaken  the  contrary  side  and  fortify  his  own  ;  and  as  1  was  present  at 
the  time,  I  will  describe  some  of  these  things."  After  giving  certain 
minute  details,  Machiavelli  next  says:  "He  began  to  tear  your  books 
to  pieces,  O  priests,  and  to  treat  you  as  though  ye  were  not  fit  food  for 
dogs.-'  As  to  those  who  sought  to  become  tyrants,  "he  said  so  much, 
that  men  went  about  that  day  making  public  conjectures  about  one  who 
is  no  nearer  a  tyrant  than  you  are  near  heaven  !  ...  Of  the  Pope,  he 
says  all  that  could  be  said  of  the  vilest  wretch  you  please  ;  and  thus,  in 
my  opinion,  he  goes  on  favouring  the  times,  and  giving  colour  to  his 
falsehoods."  These  last  words,  although  very  exaggerated  with  respect 
to  Savonarola,  show  the  general  hostility  to  Rome  still  prevailing  in 
Florence. 

J  sermon  xi. 


HE  SUGGESTS  THE  NEED  OF  A  COUNCIL.     621 

to  love  our  brother  and  to  do  good  ;  wherefore  if  the 
Pope  command  thee  to  do  some  deed  opposed  to  charity, 
if  thou  obey,  then  thou  wouldst  grant  more  to  the  Pope 
than  to  God."  l  "  The  Pope  may  be  Jed  into  error  not 
only  by  false  reports,  but  sometimes  also  from  hatred  to 
charity,  like  unto  Pope  Boniface  VIII.,  who  was  a  bad 
Pope,  to  whom  the  evil  one  had  said  :  I  will  that  thou 
destroy  this  Order  of  preaching  friars  :  who  began  like  a 
fox  and  died  like  a  dog/'  "  Our  Order  hath  often  fought 
and  withstood  Popes  who  sought  to  do  evil.2  Do  we 
not  behold  a  proof  of  it  now  ?  If  I  desire  to  forsake 
religion  and  do  evil,  a  bull  is  soon  granted  me  and  full 
licence  ;  but  to  do  good  no  sanction  is  allowed. 3  And 
the  cause  of  all  this  great  corruption  of  the  Church  is  the 
temporal  power.  When  the  Church  was  poor,  she  was 
holy  ;  but  when  temporal  power  was  conferred  on  her, 
then  her  spiritual  power  was  cast  down  :  she  was  over- 
whelmed in  the  dust  of  riches  and  worldly  things,  and 
began  to  be  puffed  with  pride."  4 

It  is  clear  that  Savonarola  felt  that  the  catastrophe  was 
at  hand  and  could  no  longer  be  averted.  Nevertheless, 
instead  of  withdrawing  from  the  fight  and,  as  would  have 
been  easy,  seeking  safety  in  concealment,  he  persisted  in 
trying  to  achieve  the  reform  of  the  Church,  even  at  the 
risk  of  his  own  ruin.  Hence  he  now  ventured  to  more 
openly  suggest  the  assembly  of  a  council,  a  subject  on 
which  he  had  hitherto  observed  great  caution,  merely 
alluding  to  it  in  metaphorical  sentences  such  as  the  need 
of  giving  a  turn  to  the  key,  and  so  on.     Now,  with  some 

1  Sermon  xviii.  2  Sermon  vii.  3  Sermon  xvi. 

4  Sermon  xii.  One  of  the  arguments  most  frequently  urged  by  him 
in  these  sermons  was  the  indelible  character  of  the  priesthood.  "  No 
priest,"  he  said,  "can  be  deprived  of  this,  even  by  the  Pope  ;  he  bears 
it  with  him  even  to  hell  ;  excommunication  cannot  annul  his  power  of 
administering  the  sacraments  ;  and  this  is  also  the  opinion  of  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas."     Vide  Sermons  xii  and  xiii. 


is  LIFE  AM)  TIMES 
•t  were,  he  Stilted   the   subject  with   a  Latin 

/  simul%  e:  funi    cumtos 

seniores  fili  or  um  Israel.  .  .  .  This  is  I  fine  point  ;  but  I 
Will  hold  it  iti  reserve  vet  I  while,  and  will  keep  it  here 
iti  my  pouch  :  the  moment  is  not  yet  come.  I  will  only 
say  this  : — Tell  me,  O  Florence,  what  meaneth  a  council  ? 

11    w  is  it  that  your  children  are   in   ignorance   concerning 
this   thing,  how  is  it  that  none  is  assembled    nowadays? — 
O   Father,  they   cannot    be    gathered     together. — Pcrad- 
venture   thou   savest   the  truth  ;   but  I  know   not  if  thou 
irdéth  the  matter  as  I  regard  it.     A  council  signifieth 
a  meeting  of  the  Church,  id  est,  of  all  the  good  abbots  and 
prelates,    and    worthies    and     laymen     belonging    to    the 
Church.     But    take  heed    that  one    doth  not  invite  the 
Church  properly  so  called,  unless  where  there  be  the  gift  of 
the  Holy  Spirit.     And   nowadays  where  is  this  form  of 
the  Church  to  be  found?     Possibly  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  only  to  be  found  in  some  lowly  good  man  ;  and 
for  this  reason   thou  mightcst  well  say  that  no  council 
can   be  called.      In  a  council    there  must   needs  be  re- 
formers to  sweep  away  abuses  :  and  where  can  we  find 
these  reformers  ?     Item  in  a  council,  wicked  priests    are 
chastised,  and  a  bishop  guilty  of  simony  or  schism  would 
be  deposed.     Oh  !  how  many  would  have  to  be  deposed  ! 
Perhaps    none  would    be    left  !   .  .   .  That  is  why  it  is 
impossible  to  assemble  this  council. — What  must  be  done 
then  ?     Pray  the  Lord  that  the  day  may  come  for  it  to 
be  at  last  called  together,  to  favour  and  assist  those  that 
seek  to  do  right,  and  to  combat  the  wicked."  1 

These  words  clearly  prove  that  Savonarola  was  waiting 
for  a  suitable  moment  to  risk  an  attempt  to  summon  a 
council,  before  which  he  could  make  an  open  attack  upon 
Alexander  VI.,  and  endeavour  to  set  on  foot  the  much 
needed  reform  of  the  Church.     The  fury  aroused  in  the 

*  Sermon  xiii. 


EVENTS  HURRY  TO  A  CLIMAX. 


623 


Pope  by  these  utterances  may  easily  be  imagined  by  all. 
But  the  actual  extent  of  his  wrath,  and  his  numerous  and 
varied  devices  to  conquer  the  Friar,  and  force  the  Re- 
public to  lend  itself  to  his  sinister  purpose,  are  only  to  be 
learnt  by  following  the  thread  of  this  history.  From 
this  moment  the  plot  daily  becomes  more  and  more  com- 
plicated ;  and  new  passions  and  new  schemes  combine  to 
hurry  it  to  a  climax. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

F  THE  FLORENTINE  VtUBASSAD&R  WITH 
THE  TOPE  MOKE  BRIEFS  AV*D  FRESH  THREATS, 
THE  SIGNORY  <  tfLLS  NEW  {MEETINGS,  )4ND  SAVON- 
tROl  \  !S  tVCHlBITED  FROéM  PRE&tCHING.  HIS  LAS! 
j  W/f  \  SÌRMOK  ASn  F&tREWELL  ADDRESS  TO 
7HEYEOPLE  HIS  LETTER  TO  Till-:  TOPE,  0#JVZ) 
OTHER  LEI  TERS  'TO  THE  TRIV^CES. 

(March,  1498.) 

r^^Jp— V^HK  Signory's  despatch  in  defence  of 
%$Ì)S  Savonarola  reached  Rome  on  the  even- 
■  \73  "mg  of  the  6th  of  March,  and  was 
/J3X-  delivered  the  next  day  to  the  Pope 
?<(i£ty  l>5^ V  by  the  two  Florentine  ambassadors. 
_^1^7^2^2  Alexander  seemed  much  incensed  when 
his  secretary  read  him  its  contents.  "  Your  Signory,"  he 
said,  "  have  written  me  a  wicked  letter.  I  am  not  mis- 
informed, for  I  have  read  your  Friar's  sermons,  and 
spoken  with  those  who  have  heard  them.  He  dares  to 
say  that  the  Pope  is  a  broken  tool,  that  it  is  heretical  to 
believe  in  the  efficacy  of  the  excommunication,  and  that 
he  would  rather  go  to  hell  than  ask  to  be  absolved  from 
it."  Then,  becoming  more  and  more  excited  as  he  went 
on,  he  complained  of  the  Signory  for  allowing  the  Friar 
full  liberty  to  preach,  adding  that  even  Savonarola's 
retreat  to  his  convent  had  not  been  enjoined  by  them. 
And  he  concluded  by  declaring  that  unless  the  sermons 
were  finally  stopped,  he  would  lay  the  city  under  an  inter- 
dict. On  this  point  he  spoke  so  decidedly,  that  the 
orators  ended  their  report  to  the  Ten  with  the  following 


FLORENCE  THREATENED  WITH  AN  INTERDICT  62 


D 


words  :  And  we  are  firmly  convinced  he  will  do  as  he 
says."  They  tried  to  defend  Savonarola's  character  and 
doctrine  ;  but  after  hearing  what  they  had  to  say,  the 
Pope  replied,  "that  he  objected  neither  to  his  good 
doctrine  nor  his  good  works,  but  condemned  him  on  the 
score  that,  being  excommunicate,  he  proved  his  contempt 
for  the  Holy  See  by  neither  asking  absolution  nor  yielding 
obedience/' 

After   this    conversation    the    two    orators    took   their 
leave,  and  the   Holy   Father,  in   the   presence   of  many 
bishops  and  cardinals,  gave  way  to  a  paroxysm  of  true 
Spanish  fury,  threatening  complete  ruin  on  the  Republic 
and  the  Friar.   Thereupon  many  of  the  bystanders  hastened 
to  Bonsi  imploring  him  to  convince  the  Signory  of  the 
necessity  of  taking  strong   measures,  and,   above   all,  of 
putting  a  stop  to  the  sermons  if  they  wished  their  city 
to  escape  serious  harm.     For  Piero  de'  Medici  was  going 
about  offering  heavy  bribes  to  all  who  would  assist  his 
restoration  to  Florence  ;  the  Arrabbiati  were  writing  and 
storming    to    the    same    effect  ;     and    the    Milanese    and 
Venetian  ambassadors  insisting  that  the  Florentines  should 
be  forced  to  join  the  League.     The  Pope,  therefore,  was 
positively   determined    to    lay  them   under   an    interdict, 
unless  they  ceased  to  protect  this  Friar,  who  was  threaten- 
ing to  throw  the  whole  Church  into  confusion.     At  this 
moment,  too,  there  was  so  much  ill-will  in  Rome  against 
Florence    that    Bonsi's    house    was    attacked    by    armed 
men,    with    the     evident    intent    of    killing    its    owner. 
In   the  last  week  of  February  and    first    of   March   he 
sent  repeated  accounts  of  these  things  to  the  Ten.1     And 
shortly  afterwards  we  find  him  despatching  another  letter 

1  Vide  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  the  remarks  at  p.  104  and  in 
Note  1.  Vide  also  at  pp.  104-105,  the  letters  dated  22nd  and  25th  of 
February.  The  letter  of  the  7th  of  March  is  included  among  the  "Docu- 
menti" edited  by  Padre  Marchese  (doc.  xx.),  p.  167. 

41 


AROL/CS  ll:i    AM)  TIMI 

nory,1  on  the  Dece 

m  preaching,  and  adding  that  this  was  the 

only   way   to   facilitate   an   agreement   with    the    Pope. 

\i  He    he   enclosed    ■   copy    of    another   and    stili 

>rc    threatening    brief,    to     the    following    effect:  — 

11  We  should   never   have   supposed    that  your  audacity 

to  the  point  of  contending  with  us  concerning 

Hairs  of  Frate  Girolamo  Savonarola,  almost  as  though 

it  were  a  question   oi   carrying  on  a  quarrel,  and    forgetful 

ir  duty  of  rendering  to  CflBSar  that  which  is  Ca-sar's, 

to  G  d  that  which  is  Ciod's.  Wherefore  it  now  behooves 
us  to  put  an  end  to  these  letters  and  briefs  which  are 
multiplying  <ul  infinitum.  Know  therefore  and  he  assured 
that  this  Fra  Girolamo  has  been  excommunicated  by  us, 
<>v.  i  no  false  reports  nor  instigation  from  others  ;   hut 

through  his  disobedience  to  our  commands,  as  to  joining 
the  new  Tusco-Koman  Congregation,  and  the  manifest 
contempt  he  has  shown  for  our  decree  of  excommunication, 
in  continuing  to  preach  as  though  he  were  an  angel  sent 
by  the  Lord.  We  do  not  condemn  him  for  his  good 
works  and  the  results  achieved  by  him  in  your  city;  on  the 
contrarv,  for  all  this  he  has  our  praise  ;  but  we  desire  that 
he  should  come  to  ask  pardon  tor  his  petulant  pride,  and 
v. e  will  readily  grant  him  our  forgiveness,  when  he  shall 
have  humiliated  himself  before  us.  You  have  not  only 
encouraged  this  briar  in  his  disobedience  ;  but,  by 
preventing  all  others  from  preaching,  have  constituted 
him,  as  it  wrere,  your  oracle  of  Apollo.2  Wherefore  we 
shall  never  desist  from  our  efforts  until  reparation  be 
made  to  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  Holy  See,  for 
the  insults  of  this  vile  worm  ye  have  fostered. 3     Where- 

*  Ghcrardi,  M  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  u6. 

2  WA  vobis  publico  edicto  vetari  obtinuerit  ne  quis  piaster  earn  evange- 
IVzaret  populo  vestro  verbum  Dei  ;  volens  unicus  pro  Apollineo  quodam 
Florentinorum  oraculo  haberi  satis." 

3  "  Ita  turbamur,  ut  quieturi  non  simus,  donee  honori  Sanctae  huius 
Sedis,  tot  modis  a  tenui  isto  vermiculo,  calore  vestro,  ulcerato,  consulue- 
rimus." 


MENACING  BRIEFS.  627 

fore  take   good   heed   as  to  your  own  affairs  :  1  for  not 
until  ye  be  disposed  to  obedience  will  we  stoop  to  grant 
the  requests   ye  have  made   us   concerning   the   material 
interests  of  your  Republic.2     In  any  c*se  ye  must  now 
reply  to  us  by  deeds  alone,  instead  of  by  farther  Jetters,3 
since  we  are  most  firmly  resolved  to  no  longer  tolerate 
your    disobedience,    and    will    lay  the  whole    city  under 
interdict,  and  never  remove  it  so  long  as   ye  shall  con- 
tinue to  favour  and  protect  this  monstrous  idol  of  yours." 
Almost  at  the  same  time  another  brief,  nearly  identical 
in  substance,  but  milder  in  form,  was  officially  and  directly 
transmitted  from  the  Pope  to  the  Signory.     In  the  former 
of  the  two  he  had  expressed  himself  more  clearly,  and  as 
it  were  confidentially,  because  he  knew  the  government  to 
be  adverse  to  the  Friar  ;  but  in  this  public  document  he 
lowered  his  tone,  in  the  hope  of  winning  over  the  Ten 
and  the  rest  of  the  Piagnoni.     After  the  usual  recapitula- 
tion  of  the  history  of  all  the  preceding  briefs  and  the 
decree  of  excommunication,  he  again  stated  that  he  could 
not  condemn,  and  must  rather  praise,  Savonarola's  life  and 
doctrine  ;  4   but   could   no  longer  tolerate  his   insolence. 

"  Et  per  interventum  simplicis  Fratris  ne  cadat  ut  aiunt  musca  in  lac, 
quod  inter  nos  et  vos  bonis  rationibus  sensim  coagulat." 

The  Church  tithe  and  the  surrender  of  Pisa. 
3  "  Tamdiu  duraturo,  quamdiu  vestro  isti  monstruoso  idolo  favorem 
praestabitis."  Mons.  Perrens  (doc.  xi.)  published  this  brief  (undated) 
from  the  Codex  in  the  Marcian  Library  of  Venice,  adding,  however,  that 
it  was  an  answer  to  the  Signory's  letter  of  the  4th  ot  March.  Herr 
Meier,  on  the  other  hand,  assigned  it  the  date  of  the  26th  of  February 
(p.  145,  Note  2).  Neither  of  these  authors  was  aware  of  the  existence 
of  the  real  brief  of  the  26th  of  February,  quoted  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
and  discovered  by  me  in  the  Codex  2,053  of  the  Riccardi  Library  in 
Florence.  The  brief  alluded  to  here,  and  discovered  by  Mons.  Perrens 
must  be  posterior  to  the  26th  of  February,  and  is  in  perfect  accordance 
with  all  that  is  related  in  Bonsi's  despatches  of  the  7th  and  9th  of  March. 
Of  this  brief  also  I  discovered  an  undated  copy  in  the  Codex  2,053 
mentioned  above. 

#  \  "  Qucecumque  enim  de  illius  religione  et  fructibus  in  ista  Civitate  ex 
ipsius  admonitionibus  subsecutis  literal  vestrae  attestantur,  non  impro- 
bavimus  nee  improbamus,  immo  huiusmocii  opera  qnce  vobis  gravissima 
sunt  magnopere  commendamus." 


VARO*  UE  AND  TIMES 

"  Not   on!  ran   the   brief,  "  has  he  refuted  to  submit 

•mmunication,  but    has  declared  it   to   he   null,  and 

d  to  call  upon  God  to  send  him  to  hell  it"  he  should 
to  be  absolved  from  it.     We  will  no  longer  tolerate 

him,  nor  waste  time  in  Correspondence*      Ye  must  prevent 

him   from  preaching  and  give   him   into  our  hands,  or  at 

'   keep  him  in  sate  custody,  until   he  abases  himself  at 

our   feet    to    implore    absolution.       This   we    would    then 

isly   grant,  since    we   ask    nothing   better,   after  re- 

:ng  his  submission,  than  to  give  him  absolution,  so  that 

he  may  continue  to  preach  the  word  of  God."1      And   he 

once  more  concluded  by  saying  that,  if  the  Signory  refused 

to  do  this,  they  might  expect  an  interdict  or  even  worse 

punishment.3 

1  "  Quern  lenirne  et  libetiter  €XCÌpiemusi  ut  eum  penitentem,  absolvamus 
et  Ecclesia  rcstituamus%  quern  postea  apostolico  favore  his  vinculis 
itum  et  expeditum,  ad  vos  reinittemus,  ubi  verbum  Dei  evangelizando 
aniinas  luenfacere  possit." 

1  1  his  second  brief,  of  the  9th  of  March,  was  discovered  and  published 
by  Signor  Cherardi  ;  vide  ••  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  117.  He  states  his 
opinion  (p.  115)  that  the  undated  brief,  as  published  by  Mons.  Perrens, 
was  the  original  draft,  and  that  it  was  afterwards  modified  and  tempered 
at  the  intercession  of  some  of  the  cardinals.  Thus,  in  his  view,  the 
brief  of  the  9th  of  March  was  the  only  one  sent,  first  through  Bonsi,  and 
then  directly  from  the  Pope  to  the  Signory.  But  in  that  case  how  comes 
the  undated  brief  to  be  comprised  in  the  old  Venetian  and  Riccardi 
Codices  ?  The  latter  Codex,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  compiled  by 
a  contemporary  of  Savonarola,  and  both  contain  important  collections 
of  documents  which  have  always  proved  to  be  authentic.  If  the  draft 
of  the  brief  was  annulled  without  being  sent  to  Florence,  how  is  it  that 
several  old  copies  of  it  are  extant,  and  why  was  it  included  by  an  expert 
among  authentic  documents?  Consequently,  my  own  opinion  is  that 
there  were  two  briefs,  and  that  the  first  and  more  confidential  one  was 
despatched  by  Bonsi  with  his  letter  of  the  9th  of  March.  This  brief 
must  have  been  of  earlier  date  than  the  9th  of  March,  otherwise  it  is 
scarcely  probable  that  the  orator  could  have  despatched  it  to  Florence 
the  same  day.  The  delays  incidental  to  government  offices  would  hardly 
have  allowed  him  to  send  it  off  before  the  10th  or  nth  of  the  month. 
And  although  a  double  brief  was  by  no  means  a  regular  thing,  it  should 
be  kept  in  mind  that  Alexander  VI.  observed  no  rules  at  that  period.  I 
will  also  add  another  remark.  In  the  Pratica  of  the  14th  of  March, 
1493,  of  which  I  shall  have  to  speak  farther  on,  Messer  Guidantonio 


SHIFTY  DEVICES  OF  THE  TOPE.  62() 

It  is  very  clear  that  the  nearer  the  Pope   approached 
the    point   of  resorting    to   violence,   the    more    cautious 
and  circumspect  he  became— apart  from  the  harshness  of 
his  language— in   order  to   ensure   his  success.     He  was 
using  all  his  cunning  to  induce  the  more  stubborn  of  the 
Florentines    to   give  way.      After    having    so    long    and 
ingeniously  veiled  the  political  question  under  the  guise 
of  a  religious  dispute,  now  that  Savonarola  accepted  this  as 
the  basis  of  the  quarrel  and  appealed  to  the  judgment  of  a 
council,  he  hurried,  as  if  in  terror,  to  put  the  religious  dis- 
pute aside  by  reducing  it  to  a  mere  question  of  discipline. 
Savonarola's  doctrine  was  sound,  his  life  admirable  ;   the 
only  point  of  attack  was  his  obstinate  refusal  to  obey,  and 
on  this  the   dignity  of  the  Church  would  admit  of  no 
compromise^     Let  him  come  to  Rome,  and  all  would  be 
ended.     This  was  true,  for  then  he  would  have  been  at 
once   seized  and  strangled  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo. 
Meanwhile,    although    the    Pope's   wrath    was    hot,    his 
request    seemed    reasonable,    and    so   the   Signory    could 
hopefully  submit  it  to  the  Pratica  that  was  assembled  on 
the  14th  of  March. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  numerous  and  important 
meetings  held  during  these  days.  In  addition  to  all  the 
principal  magistrates,  it  was  attended  by  twenty- five 
citizens  from  each  quarter  of  the  town,  divided  according 
to  custom,  in  different  benches.  Whether  sincerely  or  in- 
sincerely, all  spoke  in  high  praise  of  the  Friar's  life  and 
the  benefits  he  had  conferred  on  the  city.  But  after  this, 
opinions  were  divided.      Some   wished  to   yield   to  the 

Vespucci,  in  reply  to  those  who  considered  Florence  to  be  insulted  by  the 
terms  of  the  brief,  said  that  he  thought  "  the  first  brief  was  a  little  more 
imperious,  this  last  one  more  moderate  in  tone."  Other  orators  also 
alluded  to  two  briefs.  It  might,  of  course,  be  supposed  that  the  firs  I 
brief  was  that  of  the  26th  of  February,  but  that  was  not  more  imperious, 
and  besides,  a  Pratica  had  already  been  called  on  the  3rd  of  March,  to 
consult  how  to  reply  to  it. 


and  were  in  dread  of  the  interdici  ;   while  others 
.  and  declared  that  Saronarola  should  he 

allowed  to  continue  h  Dions.      The  debate  was  Get 

fot  q<  •   it  was  known  that  the  brief  had  been  sent  at 

the  solicitation  of  the  Arrabbiati  and  the  allied  powers,  the 
diverted   into  a  political   and  party  question. 
M  chea  were   made,  and   some  were   of  consider- 

ali.     Public   and   private   interests,   political    and 
religious    passiona,     Pagan     and     Christian    ideas    are    so 
;elv    fumbled    in    this    debate,   that    it    affords   us   a 
photographic  picture  of  the  temper  of  the  Florentines  of 
that  day. 

Giovanni  Canacci,  the  spokesman  of  the  twelve  newly- 
elected  Worthies,  described  the  injuries  which  the  interdict 
would  bring  upon  the  commerce  of  Florence,  and  was 
therefore  of  opinion  that  the  sermons  should  be  stopped. 
"  For  my  own  part,"  he  added,  "  I  would  even  go  farther, 
and  hand  over  the  Friar  to  the  Pope,  who  has  a  right  to 
punish  him.  We  must  render  to  every  one  that  which  is 
his.  Remember,"  he  exclaimed,  as  though  alleging  an 
irresistible  argument,  "  that  the  city  of  Troy  was  burnt 
and  destroyed  through  its  refusal  to  give  up  Helen.  And 
vou  know  what  happened  in  consequence  of  the  capture 
of  Hanno  the  Carthaginian.  After  examples  such  as 
these,  shall  we  deny  the  Pope  his  own  ?  ' 

Paolo  Antonio  Soderini,  a  citizen  of  weighty  influence, 
then  rose  to  speak  against  the  brief  in  the  name  of  the 
Ten,  saying  that,  "  even  to  the  Perugians,1  no  such  brief 
should  have  been  sent  ;  that  it  was  an  apple  of  discord 
purposely  thrown  into  the  city  by  their  enemies.  The 
Pope  must  be  made  to  understand  that  they  would  not 
join  the  League  at  any  price,  but  were  bent  on  maintaining 
the  honour  of  God  and  the  security  of  their  country.     As 

1  The  frequent  repetition  of  this  phrase  shows  that  Florence  was 
strongly  irritated  against  Perugia  just  then. 


A  HEATED  DEBATE.  631 

to  Fra  Girolamo,  he  was  to  be  cherished  like  a  rare  and 
precious  jewel,  since  all  Italy  had  not  his  equal."  And 
Lorenzo  Lanzi,  in  the  name  of  the  officials  of  the  Monte 
di  Pietà,  was  moved  by  Soderini's  words  to  declare  that  — 
"  One  should  rinse  one's  mouth  before  speaking  of  Fra 
Girolamo,  instead  of  proposing  to  hand  him  over  to  the 
Pope.  Where  should  we  be,  but  for  his  aid  ?  Why 
should  you  fear  an  interdict  ?  Let  it  come,  as  others 
have  come  on  us  before  !  What  worse  could  befall  us 
than  that  sudden  attack  by  the  Emperor,  who  was  stirred 
against  us  ?  Did  not  the  Lord  then  come  to  your  rescue  ? 
Rather  ye  should  make  known  to  the  Pope  all  the  doctrine 
and  goodness  of  this  servant  of  God  !  " 

But  hereupon  another  speaker  broke  in.  This  was 
Messer  Guidantonio  Vespucci,  who  was  equally  influential 
as  an  advocate  and  a  citizen,  and  who,  in  1494,  had 
opposed  Soderini,  and  been  the  champion  of  aristocratic 
government  in  Florence.  His  speech  was  a  masterpiece 
of  astuteness,  legal  syllogisms,  and  sophistry.  "  This 
is  a  very  serious  affair,'*  he  said  ;  "  we  should  weigh  the 
pro  and  the  contra,  the  good  or  evil  that  may  result  to 
the  city.  It  is  certainly  to  be  regretted, "  he  added,  with 
hypocritical  unction,  "  that  we  should  be  deprived  of 
spiritual  consolation  during  Lent  ;  but,  all  things  con- 
sidered, it  is  wiser  to  yield  to  the  Pope.  We  desire  the 
Tithe  on  Church  property,  we  desire  Pisa  and  the  absolu- 
tion of  the  Friar.  Now,  to  ask  these  favours  of  the  Pope, 
while  giving  him  offence,  seems  to  me  contrary  to  reason. 
Whether  Fra  Girolamo  be  in  the  right  or  in  the  wrong, 
you  will  obtain  nothing  from  the  Pope  without  giving  him 
satisfaction.  And  if  the  interdict  be  imposed,  your  com- 
merce will  be  ruined.  But  versa  vice" — and  here  the 
lawyer's  cunning  became  almost  demoniacal — <c  when  one 
reflects  on  the  harm  that  may  ensue  to  the  city  by  sus- 
pending the  Friar's  sermons,  it  must  also  be  remembered 


n  LIFE  AND  II y: 


>mmand  cm.in.itcs  from  our  lawful  superiori 
incurred  by  ourselves.     He  who  tears  censure, 
n   when    it    he    unjust,   is   approved   of    the    Lord. 
ie  hold  this  to  be  a  small  thing,  but  I  deem  it  gr 

I    censure    is    now    the   sole  weapon  of  the 

Church,  and  she  will  try  to  enforce  it  by  every  means, 

that  otherwise  she  would  forfeit  all  her  in- 
fluence over  mankind.  It  is  urged  that  we  should  guard 
the  honour  of  God,  hut  these  are  ambiguous  words,  tor  it 
IS  certain  that  the  power  of  the  Pope  is  derived  from  God, 
whereas  it  is  doubtful  whether  Fra  Girolamo  be  truly  a 
senger  of  the  Lord.  Wherefore  we  judge  it  to  be 
expedient  to  render  obedience  to  the  Pope  in  whatever 
way  your  Excellencies  think  best." 

This  speech  made  an  extraordinary  impression,  since  it 
showed  the  Florentines,  who  cared  little  for  religion,  how 
to  secure  their  own  interests  without  hurt  to  their  con- 
science. But  Messer  Enea  della  Stufa,  the  first  to  speak 
for  the  citizens'  benches,  tried  to  combat  the  proposal,  by 
saying  :  "  God  came  to  our  aid  even  when  all  Italy  was 
against  us.  Why  should  we  now  abandon  the  safe  course 
pointed  out  to  us  by  the  Friar's  sermons,  to  enter  on  a 
doubtful  one  ?  The  Pope  is  an  authority  on  spiritual,  but 
not  on  temporal,  things.  It  would  be  beneath  our  dignity 
to  become  his  instruments,  et  ut  ita  dicam,  his  turnkeys. 
This  is  all  the  work  of  the  potentates,"  he  exclaimed, 
"  and  if  you  yield  on  this  point,  the  Pope  will  exact 
even  viler  deeds  from  you.  The  members  of  my 
bench  are  not  afraid  of  the  interdict,  and  believe  that, 
even  if  it  were  imposed,  the  trade  of  the  city  would  go 
on  as  before,  and  bales  of  wool  be  packed  and  unpacked 
as  usual/'  But  his  words  produced  little  effect.  Vespucci 
had  succeeded  in  giving  voice  to  the  fading  then  destined 
to  prevail,  and  many  now  rose  to  recond  his  motion  ; 
among   them,  Giuliano  dei  Gondi,  who  plainly  said  that 


A  HEATED  DEBATE.  6*1 

nearly  all  of  his  bench  wished  to  vote  for  the  suspension 
of  the  sermons.  "  Are  we  to  put  ourselves  against  the 
whole  world  ?  The  interdict  would  cause  grievous  harm, 
and  many  of  us  have  already  ceased  to  send  merchandise 
to  Naples  and  elsewhither.  If  Messer  Enea  had  anything 
to  lose  he  would  speak  in  a  different  tone.  J,  whose  wine- 
casks  are  scattered  all  over  Italy  and  in  foreign  parts,  know 
well  that,  if  the  interdict  be  imposed  on  us,  I  shall  be 
unable  to  meet  my  obligations.  We  shall  be  pillaged  on 
all  sides." 

That  the  affair  was  taking  a  very  bad  turn  was  still 
more  clearly  seen  when  Francesco  Valori  began  to  speak 
for   his   bench,  although,  to  avoid  making  matters  worse, 
he  was  far  more  cautious  than  usual.  "Not  a  word  has  been 
said  among  us  of  closing  St.  Mark's,  for  in  a  free  city  no 
good  works,  but  only  unlawful  works,  are  forbidden.  This 
monastery  is  a  school  of  virtue,  and  will  be  in  still  higher 
repute  fifty  years  hence.  As  regards  the  Friar,  I  advise  you 
to  honour  and  venerate  and  cherish  him  more  dearly  than 
any  one  that  has  ever  existed  during  the  last  two  hundred 
years.     These  Briefs  do  not  emanate  spontaneously  from 
the  Pope,  but  are  wheedled  out  of  him  by  enemies  of  our 
city.     We  must  proceed  very  cautiously,  for  if  this  wheel 
be    turned    it    will    only    raise  a  disturbance."     Antonio 
Canigiani  was  more  explicit,  for  he  frankly  said  :  "  That 
his  bench  feared  neither  excommunications  nor  interdicts, 
knowing  that  certain  Florentines  were  at  the  bottom  of  it 
all.  u  It  is  needless  to  refer  to  heathen  examples  !  The  Old 
and  New  Testaments  suffice  to  show  that  Fra  Girolamo  is 
a  true  prophet.     And  as  the  Pope  approves  of  his  doctrine 
and  his  life,  how  can  he  excommunicate  him  ?     I  do  not 
dispute  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  but  I  say  that  he  is 
liable  to  error,  and  I  have  more  fear  of  God's  wrath  than 
of  his.     I   win   not  discuss  the  validity  or  invalidity  of 
the  excommunication,  but  I  say  that  this  city  has  never 


5 

r  bower,  and  beg  to  remind  your 

i  that  our  freedom  musi  nò*  be  subject  to  the 

•  b  pontiff."     But  these  words  had  no  more  eft  I 

]tdo  Nasi,  who,  almost  with  tears  in  his 

eyes,  wound  up  In-  exclaiming:  "God  grant  that  th« 

who  love  to  see  scandal,  may  not  sec  so  much  as  might 

m  mes  to  pity.     I  beseech  pour  Excellencies  to  be  on 

alert,  tor  here  OUT  liberty  is  in  danger."  1 

Of    thirty-two   orators,   eight    only    were    decidedly 

rable    to    the    Friar  ;    seventeen   had   advised,    more 
or  less  earnestly,  the  suspension  of  the  sermons,  and  the 
rest    were  uncertain.      It    was,  accordingly,  but  too   plain 
that   things  were   going   ill   for  Savonarola,  and  that  the 
hostile    Sujnory    might    now    venture    on    some  decision 
linst  him.     The  truth   was  that  Alexander  VI.   feigned 
to   be    so  mild    and    to  ask   so    little,    in   order   that    it 
might  seem  sheer  obstinacy  to  refuse  obedience  at  the  risk 
of  harming  the  city.     But  the  first  point  once  yielded, 
the   adverse  party  would  triumph,   and    the   rest   would 
follow  of   itself.     It  was  precisely  this  that  embittered 
the  strife.     On  the  one  hand  the  Florentines  had  to  think 
of  their  material  interests,  on  the  other,  of  their  moral  and 
religious  welfare.     The  dispute  might  have  risen  to  true 
historical  importance  had  the  Florentines  appreciated  the 
necessity   of  defending    virtue,   justice,    and    freedom  ^  of 
conscience  at  all   risks,  and  of  firmly  resisting  this  guilt- 
stained  Pope.     But   they    had    no  strong   feeling  in   the 
matter.     Savonarola's  adversaries  amply  spoke  from  the 
standpoint  of  commercial  interest,  saying  that  it  was  in- 
expedient to  rouse  the  Pope  and  the  allies  to  hostility  for 
the  sake  of  a  friar's  sermons.     Also,  that  however  just 
Savonarola's  cause  might  be,  their  consciences  would  be 
absolved  by   obedience   to  the  Pope.     To  words  such  as 

■  This  Pratica  was  quoted  in  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  and  has 
since  been  published  in  Signor  Lupi's  collection  of  "  Pratiche,"  loc.  at, 


LUKEWARMNESS  OE  THE  FLORENTINES.      635 

these  an  outburst  of  indignation  would  have  been  the  only 
adequate  reply.  On  the  other  hand,  Savonarola's  adherents 
failed  to  urge  in  his  defence  that  he  was  the  representative 
of  the  sacred  right  of  freedom  of  conscience  and  the 
regenerator  of  faith,  but  upheld  him  as  the  messenger  of 
the  Lord,  and  the  prophet  by  whom  miracles  were  to  be 
achieved.  None  dared  to  assail  the  Pope,  whose  authority 
was  recognized  by  all.  There  was  nowhere  that  resolve 
to  subordinate  worldly  and  material  interests  to  those  of 
morality,  which  at  certain  moments  inspires  nations  to 
deeds  of  heroism.  When  expecting  some  irrepressible 
flight  towards  higher  planes  of  moral  and  religious  thought, 
we  find  instead  cool  calculations  as  to  the  injury  the 
interdict  might  cause  to  the  sale  of  wine  and  wool. 
When  awaiting  some  impressive  outburst  of  the  evan- 
gelical spirit,  so  strenuously  inculcated  by  Savonarola,  we 
only  hear  allusions  to  Helen,  the  Trojans,  or  the  Cartha- 
ginians. When  hoping  that  the  crimes  of  the  Borgia 
would  stir  the  conscience  of  the  Florentines  to  some  vio- 
lent reaction,  we  find  them  remarking  that  in  any  case 
obedience,  even  to  a  Pope  Alexander,  would  neces- 
sarily be  a  merit  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord.  Conse- 
quently the  ground  was  giving  way  beneath  Savonarola's 
feet,  for  virtue  and  faith  were  his  sole  weapons  of  defence. 
The  drama  was  hurrying  to  its  predestined  end. 

But  although  the  Signory  had  the  majority  of  the 
Pratica  on  their  side,  before  coming  to  a  decision,  they 
summoned  another  on  the  17th,1  limited  to  nineteen 
of  the  more  influential  citizens,  from  whom,  as  being 
quasi  cor  Civitatis,  they  asked  fresh  advice  on  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  This  Pratica  opined  that  Savona- 
rola   should    be    persuaded   to    abandon    the  pulpit,  but 

*  There  is  only  a  note  of  this  Pratica,  without  any  details  of  the 
speeches  in  "The  Frammenti  di  Pratiche,''  reg.  66,  at  sheet  25.  Vide 
also  Lupi's  collection,  loc.  cit..  and  Nardi,  vol.  i.  p.  142. 


SAVONAROLA S  UFA  AND  TIMES, 

■  th.it  the  Pope's  further  requests  were  insulting  to 
the  Republic  The  decreed  result  w;is  immediately  com- 
municated •  i  Bond  by  the  Ten,  who,  being  composed  of 
the  Friar's  friends,  wrote  on  the  1 8th  of  March  :  MThat, 

although  all  were  persuaded  of  the  excellence  of  Savona- 
rola's life  and  doctrine,  which  had  gained  praise  even 
from  the  Pope,  and  although  likewise  convinced  that  the 
Briefs  had  been  based  on  false  reports,  they  had  resolved 
obey  the  Pontiff,  in  the  hope  that,  according  to  his 
promise,  he  would  soon  console  them,  by  restoring  their 
spiritual  food/'  l 

Bonsi,  who  was  already  on  the  eve  of  becoming  one  of 
the  Friar's  worst  foes,  and  was  accordingly  irritated  by 
the  continual  praises  of  him  expressed  by  the  Ten,  had 
addressed  them  an  almost  violent  letter  on  the  1 6th  of 
March.  M  I  can  obtain  nothing,  hope  nothing  from  the 
Pope,"  he  wrote,  "  unless  you  decide  to  put  an  end  to  the 
sermons.  Do  not  imagine  that  you  will  be  allowed  to 
disregard  the  Papal  excommunication  and  censures,  which 
are  now  the  only  weapons  retained  by  the  Church.  You 
may  count  on  an  interdict  unless  you  obey.  I  am  in 
continual  peril  of  my  life,  and  it  will  be  worse  when  the 
interdict  is  launched.  Wherefore  I  pray  you  to  recall  me 
without  delay."  2  And  a  day  or  so  later  he  wrote  again 
to  the  same  effect  and  in  the  same  urgent  tone,  warn- 
in^  the  Ten  that  Piero  de'  Medici  seemed  more  cheerful 

to  ...... 

than  usual,  and  was  holding  continual  interviews  with 
the  Pope.  Also,  that  His  Holiness,  besides  threatening 
an  interdict,  now  declared  that  he  would  imprison  all  the 
Florentine  merchants  in  Rome. 3  In  fact,  the  latter  wrote 
to  the  Signory  in  great  alarm  about  this,  on  the  1 9th  of 
March.4     Therefore  on  the  arrival  of  the  dispatch  from 

1  Gherardi,  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  124.  2  Ibid p.  121. 

3  He  sometimes  sent  two  despatches  in  one  day.      Vide  Gherardi  {loc, 
ci/.)  Bonsi's  letters  of  the  18th,  19th,  and  20th,  at  pp.  124,  126,  and  12P, 
*  Gherardi,  p.  127. 


BONSrS  REPORTS  FROM  ROME.  637 

the  Ten,  before  dawn  on  the  22nd  of  March,  the 
ambassador  immediately  sent  to  ask  an  audience  of  the 
Pope,  who,  after  keeping  him  waiting  all  day  at  the 
Vatican,  only  received  him  on  the  23rd.  He  was  already 
aware  of  what  had  taken  place,  and  showed  cold  satis- 
faction, but  nevertheless  demanded  a  reply  from  the 
Signor y  to  his  brief.  He  blamed  them  severely  for  still 
allowing  other  friars  to  preach  in  St.  Mark's,  who  always 
repeated  the  same  things.  Then,  all  at  once,  he  seemed 
pacified,  saying  that  he  would  do  good  to  Florence,  and 
that  he  would  pardon  Savonarola  and  again  permit  him  to 
preach  as  soon  as  the  man  asked  absolution,  "  since,  for 
his  own  part,  he  did  not  condemn  his  (the  Friar's)  doctrine, 
but  only  the  fact  of  preaching  while  still  unabsolved  and 
of  calumniating  his  person  and  disregarding  his  censure/' 1 
But  this  was  by  no  means  the  Pope's  real  mind.  In  fact, 
on  the  31st  of  March,  Bonsi  wrote  that  it  had  been 
impossible  to  obtain  another  audience,  and  that  he  had 
learned  from  the  Cardinal  of  Perugia  that  the  Pope 
intended  to  send  a  prelate  to  Florence  with  the  object  of 
inducing  Savonarola  to  come  to  Rome.  He  would  be 
safely  guarded  on  the  journey  there  and  back,  and  not  a 
hair  of  his  head  should  be  injured.  Amazed  at  this, 
Bonsi  had  reminded  the  Cardinal  of  the  repeated  promises 
of  the  Pope,  and  observed  that  any  attempt  to  remove 
Savonarola  from  Florence  would  indubitably  rouse  some 
serious  disturbance.  But  all  had  been  in  vain,  nor  would 
the  Pope  consent  to  receive  him  just  then.  So  he  wrote 
that  "  the  mind  of  his  Holiness  was  being  worked  upon 
by  persons  desirous  of  promoting  disturbance  in  our 
city.  2 

Meanwhile,  on  the   17th  of  March,  the  very  day  that 

'  Gherardi,  op.  at.,  Bonsi's  letter  of  the  23rd  of  March  to  the  Signoryi 
at  p.  130,  and  his  letter  of  the  same  date  to  the  Ten,  at  p.  131. 
*  Gherardi,  op.  cit.^  Bonsi's  letter  to  the  Ten,  at  p.  133. 


SAVONARi  •/.-/  5  //.  YD  TIMES. 

the  Signor}  silencing  Savonarola,  the  latter  had 

i  in  St.  Mark's  to  an  audience  compi  lely  oi 

icn.     1  [is  was    tuli   of    tenderness,   a 

.     ng  of   ]  to  the  Lord,  and  expressed  his 

trloomv  presentiments  in  highly  poetical  terms:  >v  Lord,  we 

pray  not  tor  tranquillity,  nor  that  our  tribulations  m;iy 
cease  ;  we  prav  tor  Thy  spirit  and  Thy  love  ;  that  Thou 
grant  us  strength  and  grace  to  overcome  adversity.  Thou 
SeeSC  that  the  wicked  are  growing  more  incorrigibly  bad, 
refore  put  forth  Thy  power  and  Thy  hand  ;  tears  are 
all  that  remain  to  me."  The  same  evening  he  received 
the  order  forbidding  him  to  preach,  and  the  following  day, 
the  third  Sundav  in  Lent,  he  gave  his  last  sermon  and 
bade  farewell  to  his  people. 

He  began  with  a  thoroughly  scholastic  dissertation  on 
primary  and  secondary  causes  ;  said  that  in  absence  of 
secondary,  recourse  must  be  had  to  primary  causes,  and 
then  proceeded  to  the  application  of  this  principle. 
"Thus  in  the  Church,  the  believer  must  first  apply  to  his 
priest  or  confessor  ;  failing  these  to  his  bishop  or  the 
Pope  ;  and  finally,  if  all  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy  be 
corrupt,  he  must  turn  to  Christ,  who  is  the  primary  cause, 
and  say — T'hou  art  my  confessor,  my  bishop  and  my 
Pope  ;  provide  Thou  against  the  ruin  of  the  Church  ;  let 
Thy  vengeance  begin. — O  Friar  !  thou  wouldst  weaken 
the  ecclesiastical  power  ! — This  is  not  true  ;  I  have  always 
submitted  and  even  now  submit  to  the  correction  of 
the  Roman  Church  ;  I  seek  not  to  weaken,  but  rather  to 
augment  its  power.  But  I  will  not  be  subject  to  the 
powers  of  Hell  ;  and  all  power  that  is  opposed  to  good, 
is  not  of  God,  but  of  the  devil."  "      Pie  then  went  on  to 

■  Here  it  may  not  be  superfluous  to  quote  some  of  Fra  Benedetto's  ideas 
concerning  the  Church  ;  for  this  monk  was  one  of  Savonarola's  most 
devoted  disciples.  In  his  "  Vulnera  Diligentis  "  (bk.  i.  ch.  19,  Maglia- 
becchian  Codex,  cl.  xxxiv.  7,  sheet  31')  one  of  the  interlocutors  is  made 
to  say  that  "  the  Church  is  simply  a  congregation  of  the  faithful,  sive 


XI*  <  < 


cosso 


55 

W 
33 
H 

O 

H 

o 

s 

Cm 


A  FAREWELL  DISCOURSE.  639 

discuss  the  great  difficulties  he  had  encountered  in  preach- 
ing his  doctrines,  the  fierceness  of  the  struggle  in  which 
he  had  been  engaged,  and  the  irresistible  impulse  by  which 
he  had  been  forced  to  it. 

"  Ofttimes,  after  leaving  the  pulpit,  I  have  bethought 
me  and  said  :  I  will  preach  no  more  of  these  things  ;  but 
will  rest  quiet  and  leave  all  to  God.  And  yet  on  again 
mounting  to  this  place,  I  have  been  unable  to  contain 
myself;  unable  to  preach  otherwise.  The  message  of  the 
Lord  hath  been  as  a  consuming  fire  within  my  bones  and 
my  heart  ;  and   I   have   not   been  able  to  endure  it,  but 

unitas  iustorum.  The  other  speaker  inquires  :  "  Why  is  it  not  abso- 
lutely said  that  Ecclesia  est  Papa  ? — Because  the  Pope  is  not  precisely 
the  real  head  of  the  Church,  but  vicar  of  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church, 
Jesus  Christ,  that  He  not  having  remained  on  earth,  bequeathed  to  his 
vicar  the  power  to  bind  and  to  loose,  justly  tamen  and  not  unjustly. — 
In  that  case,"  rejoins  the  first  speaker,  ;'  Jesus  Christ  and  His  elect  con- 
stitute the  Church  proper  ;  and  it  is  unfitting  to  say  that  the  Church  is 
composed  of  all  who  believe.  Yet  this  does  not  imply  that  the  Pope  be 
not  aliquomodo  the  Church,  nor  that  as  Pope  he  can  be  liable  to 
error.  .  .  .  " 

"  Papa  quidem,  canonice,  ut  oportet,  decidendo  rem  ad  fidem  et 
christianos  mores  pertinentem,  errare  penitus  non  potest.  Et  ita 
faciens,  dicitur  tota  Ecclesia,  que  errare  non  potest,  virtualiter  in  ipso 
Papa  fecisse.  Et  breviter  tanto  in  sustantia,  it  is  to  be  said  as  follows, 
that  when  it  is  said  commonly,  that  the  Pope  cannot  err  in  canonical 
decisions,  it  signifies  that  all  the  Church  cannot  err,  that  is  as  being 
virtually  personified  in  the  Pope.  Besides,  the  Church  cannot  err  in  its 
true  member,  id  est,  in  no  true  Christian.  Wherefore  it  is  impossible  that 
the  Christian  err  as  a  Christian,  or  the  Pope  as  the  Pope,  and  it  were 
blasphemy  to  say  to  the  contrary.  •  .  .  But  when  the  Pope  is  judge  in  his 
own  cause,  even  as  Alexander  VI.  when  condemning  the  prophet  (Savona- 
rola), for  he  accused  him  of  unjust  deeds  ;  then  it  is  no:  virtualiter,  the 
Church  that  gives  judgment,  but  the  Pope  in  his  own  cause.  And  in 
cases  such  as  this  the  Pope  is  liable  to  error,  through  ignorance,  or  even 
through  guilt  ;  and  then  he  is  naught  but  a  putrid  member  of  the 
Church.  .  .  .  Now  likening  the  Church  to  the  likeness  of  a  human 
body,  I  say  and  conclude,  that  the  Holy  Church  has  but  one  head,  that  is 
ascended  into  heaven,  and  that  this  head  is  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God  ; 
that  all  there  is  upon  earth  is  the  neck,  appertaining  to  that  head,  and 
that  this  neck  is  the  Holy  Pontiff."'  This  language,  rough  and  uncultured 
though  it  be,  serves  to  acquaint  us  with  the  ideas  and  arguments  held  by 
many  of  Savonarola's  followers,  on  the  authority  of  the  Pope  and  on  the 
Church. 


<mo  is  ///•/•;  AND   TIMER. 

constrai  eak,for  I  feci  .ill  burning  and  all  inftu 

hy  the  I.  ird'i  Spirit.  But  again,  when  1  descend,  I  say 
in  myself  :  1  will  no  more  speak  of  these  things.  O,  my 
I  pirit,  Thou  that  fearest  none  in  this  world  ;  Thou 

that  art  no  respecter  of  persons  be  they  who  they  may  ; 
Thou  declares!  the  truth  to  all.     O  Spirit,  Thou   dost 
persecutions    and     troubles    against    Thee  ;     Thou 
Stirrest  the  waves  of  the   sea,  like   unto  the  wind  ;  Thou 
eth    tempests.   ...   I  cry  :     Pray    be    still  !     but    the 
Spirit  replieth  that  it  cannot  rest.      Let  us  therefore  leave 
all  to  the  Lord  ;  He  is  the  master  that  turneth  the  tool  to 
His  own  ends,  and  when  He  needeth  it  no  longer,  casteth 
it  aside,  even  as  He  cast  aside  Jeremiah  who  was  stoned  to 
death  ;  and  even   so  will   it  be  with   us,  when   we   have 
served  I  lis  end.     Well!  we  are  content  :    let  the  Lord's 
will  be  done,  for  the  worse  suffering  is  ours  on  earth,  the 
greater  will  be  our  crown  of  glory  in  heaven." 

Finally,  Savonarola  announced  the  decree  received  by 
him,  and  bade  his  hearers  farewell  :  "Yesterday  at  the 
third  hour  after  sunset,  there  came  hither  a  messenger 
from  those  who  rule  over  us,  saying  that  they  prayed  me, 
for  many  considerations,  to  preach  no  more.  I  asked — 
Come  ye  from  your  Masters  ? — Yes  ! — And  I  too  must 
consult  my  Master  :  to-morrow  ye  shall  have  my  reply. — 
I  now  make  answer  in  this  place,  that  the  Lord  hath 
granted  and  yet  not  granted  your  prayers  :  that  is,  hath 
granted  them  as  to  my  abstention  from  preaching,  but  not 
granted  them  as  regards  your  salvation.  Bad  news  is 
coming  to  Florence,  misfortunes  will  overwhelm  her.  Ye 
fear  an  interdict  from  the  Pope  ;  but  the  Lord  will  lay 
one  upon  ye  that  will  deprive  the  wicked  of  life  and  of 
substance.  We  will  obtain  by  our  supplications  that 
which  we  may  not  obtain  by  sermons  ;  and  we  exhort  all 
good  men  to  do  likewise.  O  Lord,  I  pray  Thee,  have 
mercy  on  the  good,  and  delay  Thy  promises  no  longer.*'  * 
1  The  last  of  the  Sermons  on  Exodus. 


SAVONAROLA  CONDEMNED  TO  SILENCE.     641 

Thus  ended,  on  the  18th  of  March,  1498,  the  last 
sermon  of  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,  who  had  preached 
continually  in  Florence  for  the  last  eight  years,  and  with- 
out interruption  save  from  his  brief  visit  to  Bologna,  and 
occasional  absence  for  a  few  days  at  Prato,  Pistoia,  Siena, 
and  Lucca  for  the  purpose  of  giving  sermons  in  those 
cities.  In  Lent  and  Advent  he  had  been  daily  in  the 
pulpit;  during  the  intermediate  months  had  preached 
on  every  festival  of  the  Church  :  and  three  stout  volumes 
of  his  sermons  had  yearly  appeared,  collected  by  the 
indefatigable  Violi.  Thus  Savonarola's  life  was  spent,  and 
his  strength  consumed  for  the  moral,  political,  and  material 
benefit  of  the  Florentines  who  now  condemned  him  to 
silence  !  Fra  Domenico  da  Pescia  and  Fra  Mariano  Ughi 
continued  to  preach  for  a  few  days  after  the  decree  ;  but 
the  Pope  had  already  protested  against  this,  and  therefore, 
notwithstanding  the  excuses  sent  by  the  Ten,  for  the  sake 
of  delay,  the  Signory  soon  stopped  these  sermons  also.1 

Savonarola  thoroughly  understood  the  drift:  of  these 
acts,  and  was  determined  not  to  be  taken  unawares 
Ever  since  the  arrival  of  the  last  Brief  from  Rome,  he  had 
clearly  realized  his  present  position,  and  being  decided 
what  course  to  adopt,  had  even  pushed  his  loyalty  to  the 
point  of  communicating  it  to  the  Pope  on  the  15th  of 
March.  He  was  of  so  noble  and  generous  a  temper,  that 
even  when  resolved  on  open  war  with  this  crafty  and 
sinister  foe,  he  felt  obliged  to  give  him  fair  warning  to 
prepare  for  attack.  "  Most  Holy  Father,"  he  wrote,  "  I 
always  believed  that  it  was  the  duty  of  a  good  Christian 
to  defend  religion,  and  purify  manners  ;  but  in  this  task 
I  have  encountered  nought  but  anguish  and  tribulation  ; 
and  found  none  to  give  me  aid.  I  placed  my  hope  in 
your  Holiness  ;  but  you  have  elected  to  take  part  with 
my  enemies,  and  empowered  savage  wolves  to  assail  me. 
x  Vide  Padre  Marcl-"^.  loc.  cit.,  doc.  xxii. 
42 


\  ••  :  by  any  I  the  reasons  I 

bn  rd — in  no  c  —but  I 

•  truth  of  my  doctrines,  my  inn< 

the  Chun        Wh  I       ■  no  I 

t  from  ]     •  •   I  !  !  but  can  only  appeal  I 

peak  v:      Isof  t     i  world  to  con- 
tile roaring  lion  ricked  men.     1  [cwill  help  i 
and  maintain,  :  the  world,  the  holiness  of 
-  which  I  endure  so  much,  and  lie  will  inflict 
dire  chastisement  on  th<   e  who  persecute  me  and  would 

defeat    my  work.      For  myself,  I    Seek    hO   earthly  reward, 

but  await  death  with  longing.  Let  your  Holiness  delay 
no  more,  but  take  heed  to  your  salvation."  ■ 

He  v.  «Ived  to  make  a  final  effort  to  procure  the 

assembly  of  a   Council,  appeal   to  it  in    his  own  defence 

-ounce  the  abominable  life  and  crimes  of  Rodrigo 
B<  «ria,  and  declare  his  election  void  as  having  been  obtained 
by  simony.  He  would  also  prove  that  the  Pope  was  a 
heretic  and  an  unbeliever,  that  his  life  was  unworthy  of  a 
Christian,  and  that  he  was  accordingly  the  main  source  of 
all  the  evils  lacerating  the  Church.  Nor  would  there  be 
any  lack  of  documents,  both  public  and  private,  to  sup- 
port these  charges.  Thus,  the  necessity  of  reforming  the 
Church  would  be  proved,  and  the  enterprise  finally  begun. 
It  was  in  allusion  to  this,  that  he  had  so  frequently 
repeated  the  phrase  :    one  day  we  will  give  a  turn  to  the 

1  I  have  adopted  the  reading  of  the  Riccardi  Codex  2053,  that  is  also 
followed  by  Meyer.  Burlamacchi  gives  a  paraphrase  01  this  letter, 
which  he  styles  a  lesson  to  the  Pope;  other  contemporaries,  as  will  be 
seen  farther  on,  call  it  a  terrible  letter.  Hcrr  Rudelbach  gives  an  Italian 
version  of  it  in  his  "  Savonarola  und  seine  Zeit"  (doc.  xii.),  that  is  even 
more  daring  in  tone,  but  he  does  not  say  where  he  found  it.  Among 
other  things  it  contains  these  words  :  "  I  am  therefore  prepared  to  main- 
tain these  truths,  for  which  we  now  suffer  so  much  evil  from  you  ;  and 
prove  them,  I  sav,  against  you  and  all  adversaries,  by  natural  and  super- 
natural arguments,  and  also  by  Divine  intervention.  And  these  things 
shall  be  manifested  in  such  wise,"  &c.  It  is  evident  that  the  original  text 
hrs  be^n  paraphrased  by  the  translator.     Vide  also  Qudtif,  vol.  11.,  p.  298. 


TUE  NEED  OF  A  GENERAL  COUNCIL.  643 

key  ;  we  will  cry  aloud  :   Lazare,  veni  foras,  and  similar 
expressions.     That  day  was  now  come. 

To  call  a  General  Council  without  the  authorization,  or 
even  against  the  will  of  the  Pope,  was  not  considered  in 
those  times,  as  it  would  be  at  present,  an  act  of  daring 
insubordination  and  violence.  By  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Constance,  the  Pope  was  bound  to  convoke  a 
Council  every  ten  years,  and  in  case  of  neglecting  so  to 
do,  the  princes  were  authorized  to  summon  all  the 
scattered  members  of  the  Christian  body  to  meet  together 
and  represent  the  Church  Universal.  King  Charles  VIII., 
who  when  in  Rome,  had  been  advised  by  no  fewer  than 
eighteen  Cardinals  to  seize  the  Borgia's  person,  in  order  to 
proceed  to  the  election  of  a  new  and  worthier  Pontiff; 
had  always  been  in  favour  of  calling  a  Council,  and  being 
repeatedly  instigated  thereto  by  Savonarola  and  many 
others,  had  been  several  times  on  the  point  of  taking  the 
initiative  in  the  matter.  First  of  all,  however,  he  wished 
to  solemnly  consult  the  Doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  as  to 
his  right  to  take  this  step,  and  they  passed  a  vote  in  his 
favour  on  the  7th  of  January,  1497. l  If  all  this  had 
been  insufficient  to  decide  the  vacillating  temper  of  the 
King,  who  always  hesitated  on  the  brink  of  an  enterprise  ; 
it  was  certainly  enough  to  give  strong  encouragement  to 
Savonarola  and  many  others  who  considered  a  Council 
to  be  the  sole  means  of  remedying  the  evils  harassing 
the  Church,  and  avoiding  the   danger  of  schism.     These 

1  Vide  Raynald  ad  ann.  1492  §  2-5  ;  Bercastel,  "Storia  del  Cristian- 
esimo," bk.  Ivi.  §42;  Padre  Marchese,  "Storia  del  Convento  di  San 
Marco,"  in  the  "  Scritti  varii,"  p.  225  and  fol.  Theodorico  Brie,  in  his 
"  Storia  del  Concilio  di  Costanza,"  makes  use  of  the  following  words  : 
"  Nam  et  beata  Petri  cathedra,  ut  nosti,plerumque  pastore  vacavit.  Imo 
et  ipsa  eadem,  quam  et  sponsam  mcam  nomino,  saepissime  vacasti  ;  nec 
propter  hoc  quisquam  autumet,  te  non  mansisse  sponsam  meam. 
Sufriceret  namque  unus  Justus,  etsi  omnes  caeteri  essent  haeretici,  ut  et 
ego  sponsus  tuus  semper  et  essem  et  remanerem  "  {Vide  Rudclbach,  op. 
ci/.,  p.  32). 


S  VJ)   TIMFS. 

re  new  i.  :    •'    :i  still    wider  favour,  as  it 

me  more  generally  known  that  they  had  the  support 

of  several  mem  :  •      Sacred  College,  and  notably  i  I 

the  Cardinal  of  San   Retro  in  Vincoli,  who  having  been 

ted  at  the  last  election  by  the   Borgia's  gold,  was 

furious  against  him,  and  seemed  destined  to  become  his 
-or.  Averse  to  half  measures  or  compromises,  he 
publicly  declared  the  election  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  be 
null  and  void,  and  stigmatised  him  as  a  heathen  and  a  heretic. 
Many  of  the  things  he  had  said  while  a  Cardinal,  he 
afterwards  reiterated  when  Pope,  in  his  Hull  of  the  14th 
of  January,  1505,  in  which  he  proclaimed  that  every 
election  obtained  by  simony  was  void,  and  not  to  be 
rendered  valid  even  by  subsequent  acts  of  homage  from 
the  Cardinals. 

Savonarola  neither  knew  nor  foresaw  that  even  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  and  the  other  Cardinals  adhering  to  his 
views  were  politicians  who  went  with  the  times.  Ac- 
cordingly he  deemed  the  way  to  be  far  better  prepared 
for  the  proposed  step  than  it  really  was.  He  had  long 
and  vainly  waited  for  King  Charles  to  take  the  initiative  ; 
but  now  time  pressed,  and  delays  were  dangerous.  Hence 
he  resolved  to  throw  down  the  glove  and  boldly  face, 
singlehanded,  the  shock  of  the  Borgia's  wrath. 

First,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  despatch  his  famous 
"  Letters  to  the  Princes  "  i.e.,  to  the  sovereigns  of  France, 
Spain,  England,  Hungary,  and  Germany.  These  letters 
had  long  been  prepared,  and  their  contents  were  nearly 
identical.1     "The  moment  of  vengeance  has  arrived,  the 

1  These  M  Lettere  ai  Principi  "  have  been  frequently  reprinted,  and 
some  writers  have  sought  to  contest  their  authenticity.  But  this  is  es- 
tablished beyond  doubt  ;  for  the  Letters  are  found  in  very  old  and  authentic 
codices,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  Riccardi  Codex  2,053,  and  in  many  others  ; 
they  are  mentioned  by  the  old  biographers  in  the  depositions  of  the 
accused  given  farther  on,  spoken  of  in  detail  in  the  documents  of 
Savonarola's  trial,  and  alluded  to  in  Fra  Benedetto's  "Vulnera  diligentis," 
and  many  other  works  of  the  period. 


"LETTERS  TO  THE  PRINCES."  645 

Lord  commands  me  to  reveal  new  secrets,  and  make 
manifest  to  the  world  the  peril  by  which  the  bark  of  St. 
Peter  is  threatened,  owing  to  your  long  neglect.  The 
Church  is  all  teeming  with  abomination,  from  the  crown 
of  her  head  to  the  soles  of  her  feet  ;  yet  not  only  do  ye 
apply  no  remedy,  but  ye  do  homage  to  the  cause  of  the 
woes  by  which  she  is  polluted.  Wherefore,  the  Lord  is 
greatly  angered,  and  hath  long  left  the  Church  without  a 
shepherd.  .  .  .  Now,  I  hereby  testify,  in  verbo  Domini, 
that  this  Alexander  be  no  Pope,  nor  can  be  held  as  one  ; 
inasmuch  as,  leaving  aside  the  mortal  sin  of  simony, 
by  which  he  hath  purchased  the  Papal  Chair,  and  daily 
selleth  the  benefices  of  the  Church  to  the  highest  bidder, 
and  likewise  putting  aside  his  other  manifest  vices,  I 
declare  that  he  is  no  Christian,  and  believes  in  no  God, 
the  which  surpasses  the  height  of  all  infidelity."  After 
this  preamble,  Savonarola  proceeds  to  invite  all  the  princes 
of  Christendom  to  summon  a  Council  with  the  utmost 
speed,  in  some  fit  and  free  place.  On  his  side,  he  pledges 
himself  to  make  good  all  his  assertions,  and  not  by  force 
of  argument  alone  ;  but  promising  that  God  would  send 
signs  and  portents  to  attest  the  truth  of  his  words.  He 
then  added  a  few  expressions  suited  to  the  temper  of  the 
prince  he  was  addressing,  and  best  adapted  to  rouse  him 
to  action.  Thus,  he  reminded  the  vain  Maximilian  of  his 
dignity  as  an  Emperor,  saying  that  nothing  could  be  more 
worthy  of  it  than  to  rescue  the  Church  from  danger.  To 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  he  wrote  :  "  Of  what  avail  are 
your  victories  over  the  infidels  ?  Ye  raise  an  edifice 
without  ;  while  within,  the  foundations  of  the  Church  are 
giving  way,  and  the  whole  building  falling  to  ruin.  He 
reminded  King  Charles  of  the  numerous  things  he  had 
so  frequently  predicted  to  him  :  "  Thou  canst  not  certes 
be  ignorant  of  the  many  opportunities  of  well-doing 
vouchsafed  thee  by  the  Lord  ;  wherefore,  if  thou  shrink 


rs  i  ii-r  AND  riM. 

holy  enterprise,  heavier  fnent  will  be 

■    :  on  thee  than  on  others.     Remember  that   ( 

hath  air         given  thee  the  ti-  of  1  [is  wrath.1    Thou 

the  title  of  the  Mosf  Christian  King,  thou 

>m  the  Lord  hath  chosen  and  armed  with  the  sword 

ot"  His  vengeance,  wilt  thou  tit  to  the  ruin  ot  the 

?     Canst  thou  be  ignorant  of  the  many  and  sore 

perils  by  which  she  is  encompassed  ?  ' 

Savonarola    undoubtedly    placed   his    chief  reliance    on 

King  Charles  :   he  was   aware  of  that   monarch's  desire  to 

reform  the  Church  ;  and  knew  that  he   now  thought  of  it 

h  increasing   favour,  recent  troubles  having  caused  his 

mind  to  revert  to  the  affairs  of  Italy  and  religion.2     If  he 

1  An  Italian  translation,  by  Fra  Ignazio  da  Ferrara,  of  the  letters  to 
the  King  of  Spain  and  the  emperor,  appeared  in  the  miscellanea  of 
Baluzio.  Both  were  again  published  by  Meier,  together  with  the  letter 
to  the  King  of  France  in  its  original  Latin.  All  were  afterwards  reprinted 
by  Perrens,  who  supposed  that  he  was  the  first  to  reproduce  the  la 

the  three.  From  imperfect  examination  of  the  depositions  of  witnesses, 
and  of  the  documents  of  the  trial,  Meier  gave  them  a  wrong  date.  Those 
to  the  Kings  of  Hungary  and  England  are  missing,  but  they  can  have 
differed  little  from  the  others. 

2  This  is  confirmed  by  De  Commincs,  who  gives  us  a  minute  description 
of  the  actual  state  of  mind  of  King  Charles  :  "  Si  avoit  son  coeur 
tousjours  de  faire  et  accomplir  le  retour  en  Italie,  et  confessoit  bien  y 
avoir  fait  des  fautes  largement  et  les  contoit."  He  then  adds,  that 
the  king  "avoit  mis  de  nouveau  son  immagination  de  vouloir  vivre 
selon  les  commandemens  de  Dieu,  et  mettre  la  justice  en  bon  ordre  et 

:ise."  And  he  had  already  used  his  best  efforts  to  reform  its  abuses  : 
M  mais  il  éust,  eu  bien  à  faire,  à  ranger  les  gens  d'Eglise  "  (bk.  viii.  chap, 
xxv.).  Also,  by  a  letter  of  Louis  XII.  to  the  Florentine  Republic,  dated 
4th  of  June,  1498.  (Desjardins,  "  Négociations,"  vol.  ii.p.  13),  it  is  plain 
that  France  had  intended  to  undertake  the  reform  of  the  Church. 

As  we  have  previously  noted,  Padre  Marchese  is  of  opinion  that  the 
Cardinal  of  San  Piero  in  Vincoli  had  visited  Savonarola,  when  passing 
through  Florence  in  the  wake  of  the  French  army,  in  order  to  moot  even 
then  °the  project  of  a  Council.  But  Savonarola,  when  repeatedly 
questioned  on  this  point  during  his  trial,  declared  that  he  had  never 
made  any  agreement  with  the  Cardinal,  although  he  had  known  him  to  be 
in  favour  of  calling  the  Council  :  "  I  saw,  and  indeed  knew  San  Piero  in 
Vincoli  to  be  disposed  to  the  plan  ;  because  a  certain  ser  Cristofano, 
formerly  a  knight  of  the  Court  of  Mirandola,  came  to  me  with  a  private 


''LETTERS  TO  THE  PRINCES."  647 

could  once  induce  the  king  to  take  the  step  of  calling  the 
Council,  he  had  every  reason  to  hope  that  the  whole  of 
Christendom  would  come  to  his  aid.  All  were  weary  of 
the  abominations  of  Rome  :  France  seemed  always  ready 
for  action  ;  Germany  and  England  were  already  stirred 
by  the  agitation  that  afterwards  led  to  reform  ;  encourage- 
ment, therefore,  was  to  be  expected  from  all  sides. 

Nevertheless,  before  despatching  his  "  Letters  to  the 
Princes,'' he  showed  t hem  to  certain  trustworthy  friends 
maintaining  relations  with  the  different  European  Courts, 
in  order  that  they  might  at  once  send  information 
of  what  was  proposed,  and  warmly  urge  the  convo- 
cation of  the  Council.  Simone  del  Nero  was  to  write 
to  one  of  his  brothers  in  Spain  ;  Domenico  Mazzinghi 
to  Giovanni  Guasconi,  the  ambassador  in  France  ;  Fran- 
cesco del  Pugliese  was  to  address  the  king  of  Eng'and 
through  a  friend  ;  Giovanni  Cambi  was  to  write  to  the 
Emperor,  and  a  friend  of  the  Convent  in  Ferrara  to 
the  sovereign  of  Hungary.  Each  of  these  persons  was 
supplied  with  a  draft  of  the  letter  he  was  charged  to  send, 
the  which  draft  was  written  by  Niccolo  da  Milano,  who 
had  acted  as  Savonarola's  secretary  for  the  last  three  years  ; 
while,  together  with  their  own  communications,  all  were  to 
send  a  copy  of  Savonarola's  last  letter  to  the  Pope.1  All 
these  documents  were  on  the  way  between  the  end  of  March 
and  the  first  days  of  April.  Thus,  everything  was  pre- 
pared for  the  decisive  and  solemn   proceedings,  to  which 

letter  from  the  said  San  Piero  in  Vincoli,  and  told  me  that,  before  another 
day  was  out,  a  squadron  of  Cardinals  would  come  to  Florence  to  meet 
in  Council  But,  forasmuch  as  I  held  him  to  be  a  liar  and  a  turncoat,  I 
gave  him  no  definite  reply." 

1  Videm  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  the  documents  of  Savonarola's 
trial,  and  the  depositions  of  Giovanni  Cambi,  Domenico  Mazzinghi,  and 
Simone  del  Nero.  The  latter  states  that  he  spontaneously  added 
much  praise  of  Savonarola  to  the  letter  he  wrote  from  the  draft 
supplied  to  him.  Vide  also  the  letters  addressed  to  Niccolò  del  Nero, 
and  Giovacchino  Guasconi  the  Florentine  ambassadors  in  France. 
(Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xv.) 


SAVi  is  i in:  AND  TIMES, 

the  f  the"  Let  Pi  in( :;  i  "  w.:  i  to  be 

the-  ep.     Hut  these  lettera  »  -   n  t.1 

In  the    lite    oi    individuals    as  well    as    of    nations,  theie 

cornea  a  moment  when  the  whole   course  of  event 

lenly    <-  and    a    hidden   hantl   seems  to   turn   all 

things  :  I  evil.      In  Savonarola's  case,  this  moment  had  un- 
doubtedly come.     1  I     v.  ia  anxiously  expecting  rep  lie 
the  let*  :nt  by  his  friends,  and  specially  anxiou 

:ve  one  trom  France,  wken  suddenly  the  news  came 
instead,  that  the  messenger  directed  to  the  latter  country 
had  been  rolled  by  a  band  of  Milanese  cut-throats,  and 
that  Mazzinghi's  letter  to  the  ambassador  in  France  had 
unfortunately  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Duke.2  The 
haste  with  which  Ludovico  forwarded  it  to  Cardinal 
Ascanio  in  Rome,  the  eagerness  with  which  the  latter  pre- 
sented it  to  the  Pope,  and  the  rage  it  excited  in  him,  may  be 
more  easily  imagined  than  described.  At  last  the  Borgia 
l'ield  in  his  hands  a  documentary  proof  of  the  audacity  of 
the  Friar,  against  whom  all  the  potentates  of  Italy  were 
arrayed,  and  whose  enemies  were  already  dominant  in 
Florence.   Thus,  Savonarola  was  beleaguered  and  threatened 

1  Tliis  serves  to  explain  why  these  letters  have  only  been  preserved  in 
the  shape  of  rough  drafts  without  any  date.  Vide,  the  Trial  and  the 
other  prisoners'  depositions. 

3  At  p.  132  of  his  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  even  Signor  Ghcrardi  seems 
to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  these  "  Lettere  ai  Principi,"  from  having 
found  no  mention  of  them  in  the  ambassadors'  despatches.  But  how 
could  they  be  mentioned  when  the  "  Lettere  ai  Principi  "  were  never 
sent  off,  and  only  privately  announced?  Both  the  author  of  the  "Vita 
Latina"  (at  sheet  29)  and  Burlamacchi  (at  p.  86)  state  that  the  Duke 
of  Milan  had  received  intelligence  of  the  letter  to  the  French  king.  It  is 
true  they  assign  no  date  to  the  event,  but  both  affirm  that  the  letter 
seized  by  the  Duke  was  from  Savonarola.  But  from  what  we  have  already 
related,  it  is  clear  that  the  captured  letter  was  the  one  from  Mazzinghi  to 
Guasconi.  Besides,  the  ambassadors'  silence  is  sufficiently  explained  by 
the  circumstance  that  at  this  moment  the  events  going  on  in  Florence  en- 
tirely changed  the  aspect  of  affairs,  and  deprived  the  letters  of  Savonarola 
and  his  friends  of  all  importance,  although  a,  great  point  was  repeatedly 
made  of  them  during  the  Friar's  trial, 


PERILS  ON  ALL  SIDES. 


649 


on  all  sides,  even  before  the  final  struggle  began.  Never- 
theless, the  course  of  events  was  so  marvellously  rapid, 
that  he  had  no  time  to  measure  the  enormity  of  these  un- 
expected perils  before,  like  a  thunderbolt  from  heaven, 
another  and  still  worse  misfortune  befell  him. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


II IE    ORfDEAL    "BY    FIRE. 


(April  7,  1498.) 

T  was  one  of  those  moments  in  which 
the  popular  aspect  seems  to  undergo  a 
magical  change.  Savonarola's  adher- 
ents had  either  disappeared  or  were 
in  hiding;  all  Florence  now  seemed 
against  him.  Messengers  from  Rome 
and  Milan  were  continually  coming  and  going.  The 
spies  of  the  Duke  were  on  the  alert,  and  wrote  to  their 
master  that  some  great  stroke,  was  hourly  expected  on  the 
part  of  the  Signory.1  In  fact,  it  was  well  known  that 
the  Gonfalonier  Popoleschi,  and  Berlinghieri,  one  of  the 


1  Paolo  Somenzi,  as  we  have  seen,  resided  in  Florence,  and  Giovanni 
Tranchedino  in  Bologna  ;  they  superintended  the  proceedings  of  many  of 
the  Duke's  agents  and  adherents.  During  the  months  of  March  and 
April  SomenzT  supplied  the  Duke  with  detailed  accounts  of  tbe  numerous 
snares  laid  for  Savonarola  by  the  Arrabbiati,  and  assured  him  of  the 
goodwill  of  the  Signory,  all  of  whom  were  hostile  to  the  Friar.  Tran- 
chedino at  Bclojna  continually  wrote  that  he  had  received  intelligence 
from  Florence/"  that  some  of  the  principal  leaders  who  had  hitherto 
ruled  were  in  great  agitation  of  mind  ;  and  either  through  this  affair  of 
the  Friar,  or  from  some  other  cause,  within  a  few  days  some  movement 
or  tumult  might  be  expected  that  would  probably  lead  to  a  complete 
change  of  government  "  (Bologna,  20th  of  March,  1498).  Vide  Appendix, 
to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xii. 


CHALLENGE  TO  THE  ORDEAL  BY  FIRE.       651 

Priors,  were  doing  their  utmost  to  effect  a  radical  change 
in  the  Government. 

As  if  this  were  not  enough,  the  public  attention  was 
stirred  towards  the  end  of  March  by  a  very  strange  and 
unexpected  event.  A  certain  Fra  Francesco  di  Puglia, 
of  the  order  of  St.  Francis,  now  delivering  the  Lenten 
sermons  in  St.  Croce,  had  begun  to  attack  Savonarola 
with  singular  vehemence  and  pertinacity.  He  stigmatized 
him  as  a  heretic,  a  schismatic,  and  a  false  prophet,  and 
not  satisfied  with  this,  challenged  him  to  prove  the  truth 
of  his  doctrines  by  the  ordeal  by  fire.1  Similar  challenges 
had  been  previously  offered,  but  Savonarola  had  always 
treated  them  with  merited  contempt,  believing  it  beneath 
his  dignity  to  reply  to  them.  But,  as  it  now  chanced, 
Fra  Domenico  considered  himself  to  be  personally  chal- 
lenged, because  he  was  preaching  in  his  master's  stead, 
and  also  because,  when  at  Prato  the  preceding  year,  the 
same  friar  had  provoked  his  wrath  by  insulting  words 
against  Savonarola's  doctrines.  They  had  then  agreed  to 
hold  a  public  discussion  ;  but  on  the  appointed  day  the 
Franciscan,  notwithstanding  that  he  was  the  aggressor  and 
had  even  then  proposed  the  ordeal  by  fire,  hurried  from 
the  city,  under  pretext  of  having  been  summoned  to 
Florence  by  his  superiors.2 

Accordingly,  no  sooner  was  Fra  Domenico  informed  of 
the  fresh  provocation  offered  by  the  Franciscan,  than  he 
hastened  to  publish  his  "  Conclusions,"  and  declared  that 
he  would  willingly  go  through  the  ordeal  by  fire  since 
Savonarola  must  reserve  himself  for  greater  things. 3     As 

1  Allusion  has  been  already  made  elsewhere  to  the  challenge  offered 
by  a  preacher  of  Santa  Spirito. 

a  "  Vita  Latina,"  at  sheet  47  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  118. 

3  Burlamacchi,  p.  119  ;  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  47'.  Both  these  authori- 
ties fix  the  date  of  the  challenge  on  the  6th  of  March,  but  this  is  ;j 
blunder,  for  the  event  must  have  necessarily  taken  place  later  in  the 
month. 


VD   TIMI  . 

•ne  to  shrink  from  hi  ■  p         the  affair  I 
already   become  had  time 

think  of  preventing  it.     But   when  the  Franciscan  i 
that  Fra  Doraeni         is  in  earnest»  he  instantly  sought  a 

text   to  draw  back,     He  went  about  repeating  that 
4i  his  quarrel  was  with  Savonarola  alone, and  that  altho 

i  to  be  consumed,  he  was  ready  to  enter  the 
fire  with  him  in  order  to  procure  the  destruction  of  that 
disseminator  of  scandal  and  false  doctrine  ;  but  would 
have  nothing  to  do  with  Fra  Domenico."1  This  wretched 
r  ought  have  well  ended  here,  for  Savonarola  severely 
reproved  Fra  Domenico's  superfluous  zeal,2  and  the 
Franciscan  was  only  too  glad  to  seize  a  chance  of  escape. 
Bur,  on  the  contrary,  just  when  the  contest  seemed  on  the 
point  of  dying  out,  it  suddenly  burst  forth  afresh. 

The  Compagnacci  were  gathered  together  at  one  of 
their  accustomed  banquets.  Dressed  in  silken  attire,  and 
feasting  on  delicate  viands  and  excellent  wines,  they  con- 
sulted on  the  matter,  and  decided  to  do  their  utmost  to 
bring  the  ordeal  to  pass.  "  If  Savonarola  enters  the 
tire,"  they  said,  "he  will  undoubtedly  be  burnt;  if  he 
refuses  to  enter  it,  he  will  lose  all  credit  with  his  followers; 
we  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  rousing  a  tumult,  and 

1  It  has  been  asserted  by  some  writers  that  the  challenge  was  first 
given  by  Savonarola,  but  this  is  absolutely  untrue.  The  history  of  this 
ordeal  bv  lire  has  been  misrepresented  by  all  modern  and  most  of 
the  old  writers.  We  believe  that  we  have  finally  succeeded  in  disen- 
tangling  the  real  facts  of  the  case  by  consulting  the  "  Vita  Latina," 
liurlamacchi,  Pico,  Nardi,  Cambi.  &c  ;  but,  above  all,  the  second  book 
of  Fra  Benedetto's  "  Vulnera  diligentis,"  and  the  "Giornate,"  iii.  and 
iv.  of  Lorenzo  Violi.  Both  these  men  were  eye-witnesses  of  the  scene, 
and  their  testimony  must  therefore  be  considered  worthy  of  credence. 
By  the  aid  of  their  writings  and  original  documents  we  are  enabled 
to  throw  fresh  light  on  this  hitherto  obscure  episode  of  Savonarola's 
career.      Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xvL  and  xvii. 

2  According  to  the  printed  version  of  the  Trial,  Savonarola  openly 
avowed  that  he  did  his  utmost  to  restrain  Fra  Domenico  ;  and  adds  that, 
had  he  been  allowed  to  preach,  he  would  have  shown  that  the  truth  of 
his  "  Conclusions  "  could  be  proved  by  different  means. 


A  SHAMEFUL  PLOT.  C53 

during  the  tumult  shall  be  able  to  seize  on  his  person." 
Some  of  them,  indeed,  hoped  to  have  a  chance  of  killing 
him.1  They  accordingly  applied  to  the  Signory  and  found 
its  members  perfectly  willing  not  only  to  help,  but  even 
to  assume  the  direction  of  their  shameful  plot.2  For  they 
caused  the  disputed  "  Conclusions  "  3  to  be  transcribed  by 
the  Government  notary,  and  publicly  invited  the  signa- 
tures of  all  who  wished  to  maintain  or  contest  them  by 
the  ordeal  of  fire. 

It  was  truly  monstrous  that  the  chief  authorities  of 
the  State  should  take  so  active  a  part  in  this  affair ,  but 
no  scruples  withheld  them  from  seeking  to  achieve  their 
design.  Nor  was  it  difficult  of  achievement,  for  Fra 
Domenico  was  no  longer  to  be  kept  in  check  by  any 
power  on  earth,  and  instantly  appending -his  name  to  the 
document,  almost  prayed  to  be  allowed  to  go  through 
the  ordeal.4     But  it  proved  very  difficult  to  induce  the 

1  Vide  Burlamacchi  and  Cerretani.  The  latter  chronicler  gives  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  banquets  held  by  the  Compagnacci. 

a  The  evidence  of  Violi  and  Fra  Bennedetto  proves  that  the  ordeal  by 
fire  was  undoubtedly  desired  and  contrived  by  the  Compagnacci  and  the 
Signory.  Fra  Benedetto  concludes  with  these  words  :  "  And  it  was  their 
purpose,  by  this  device,  to  place  Fra  Hieronimo  in  a  position  to  be  easily 
killed  by  his  adversaries  before  the  close  of  the  trial,  or  rather  before 
there  should  be  time  for  a  miracle  to  take  effect,  et  tamen,  that  they 
might  be  able  to  feign  ignorance  and  innocence  "  ("Vulnera  diligentis," 
bk.  ii.  chap.  ix.).  And  Violi  plainly  says  that  the  Compagnacci  had  arranged 
"  with  the  Barefooted  Friars,  who  were  adversaries  (of  Savonarola)  from 
envy,  that  one  of  their  community,  named  Fra  Francesco  della  Puglia, 
should  preach  against  the  doctrines  of  Fra  Hieronimo;  and  therefore 
they  had  sent  him  to  Santa  Croce  to  preach  in  public,  and  say,  &c." 
("  Giornata,"  iii.).      Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xvi.  and 


xvn. 


3  The  u  Conclusions,"  which  have  been  often  published,  are  these  : 
"  Ecclesia  Dei  indiget  renovatione  ;  flagellabitur,  renovabitur.  Florentia, 
quoque,  post  flagella  renovabitur  et  prosperabitur.  Infideles  conver- 
tentur  ad  Christum.  Haec,  autem  omnia  erunt  temporibus  nostris. 
Excommunicato  nuper  lata  contra  Rev.  Patrem  nostrum  fratrem 
Hieronymum,  nulla  est.  Non  observantes  earn,  non  peccant."  Vide 
Padre  Marchese,  "  Documenti,"  doc.  xxiv. 

4  Vide  Padre  Marchese,  doc.  xxiv  ;  and  Lupi,  doc.  vi. 


■ 
I  !  ■   :        ntcd  him  the  S 

I    another  written   declaration 
rt  that      kkai-  h    aware    of  his   inferiority  tO 

•     i  read] 

i  him  ;  but  that  with  Fri  !  » 

HCem."      I  fc    would    present  one 

I    with   the    latter,  and,   in  taet,    he 
:   fra  Giuli  mo   R  ndinelli,  who  did  not  appear, 

.  at    the    Pala.  Then  it   was    whispered  _  about 

that    in   no   case    would    thev   enter   the    lire;    that   it    was 

only  intended  to  hum  a  few  friars  of  St.  Mark'sin  order  to 

i,  and  that  if  this  plan  failed,  some  way 

found   to   quash   the   affair   altogether.2      These 
were   given   by  the   Signory  as  well    as  by  the 
v    .mpagnacci.      All    that    could     be    settled    after    much 
nee  was  that  the  Franciscan  should  sign  a  declaration 
the  effect   that  he  would  pass  through  the  fire  with 
Fri  Girolamo,  if  the  latter  wished  to  make  the  trial,  and 
expressly  adding  that  this  was  done  at  the  desire  and  re- 
quest   of  the    Magnificent    Signory*     As  regarded  going 

1   Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc  xviii. 

■  Burlamacchi  speaks  at  p.  133  of  the  assurances  given  to  the 
Minorites  :  "And,  in  fact,  it  was  promised  to  them  that  they  should  in 
no  wise  have  to  enter  (the  fire).  Forasmuch  as  a  few  days  before,  there 
had  been  a  supper  at  the  Pitti  Palace,  whereat  the  chief  enemies  of  the 
Friar  were  present;  and  it  was  here  settled  by  them  that  the  Minorites 
should  not  enter  the  fire,  and  that  it  would  be  enough  for  them  that  the 
friars  of  St.  Mark's  should  appear  in  the  Piazza,  and  tra  Domenico, 
whom  thev  nicknamed  the  Fattoraccio  (Bad  Steward),  be  the  only  one 
to  enter  the  fire."  Violi  ("Giornata,"  iii.)  writes  :  *  They  egged  on  our 
Florentine,  Fra  Giuliano  Rondinelli,  a  man  rather  of  scant  judgment 
than  of  much  prudence,  and  whom  our  malicious  Florentines  found  easier 

to  work  upon  than  the  aforesaid  Pugliese The  Compagnacci  and 

their  leader,  Doflb  Spini,  had  promised  this  man  that  the  trial  by  tire 
would  not  be  made  unless  it  suited  them  to  allow  it  ;  and  that  it  would 
be  enough  for  this  Friar  Rondinelli  to  declare  himself  ready  to  enter  the 
fire,  but  that,  in  fact  and  truth,  he  would  not  be  required  to  do  so.  VuU 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xvi.  and  xvn.  ^ 

*  "Ad  instantiam  et  requisitioncm  Dominorum  Florentinorum.      so 


THE  SIGNORY  JOIN  IN  THE  PLOT.  655 

through  the  ordeal  with  Fra  Domenico,  it  was  only  on 
the  30th  of  March,  and  with  great  reluctance,  that  Rondi- 
nelli  could  be  persuaded  to  sign  the  challenge  ;  even  then 
he  added  the  explicit  avowal  "  that  he  would  enter  the 
fire,  although  certain  that  he  should  be  burnt  ;  and  only 
for  his  soul's  salvation."  This  wretched  monk  was  a 
mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  savage  Compagnacci  and 
the  crafty  Franciscan.  Thus  the  Signory  of  Florence 
shamelessly  agreed  to  organize  an  affair  that  was  a  degra- 
dation to  the  dignity  of  their  office,  and  could  only  result 
in  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood  and  the  gravest  danger 
to  the  Republic.1 

The  matter  had  gone  so  far,  that  on  the  same  day  (30th 

it  is  expressed  in  the  instrument  drawn  up  in  the  presence  of  the  Signory. 
and  published  by  Meier  from  the  MS.  in  the  "Achivio  delle  Rifor- 
magioni";  which  had  been  already  published  during  Savonarola's  life. 
Vide  also  Padre  Marchese,  doc.  xxiv. 

As  to  the  arguments  employed  to  induce  the  Franciscan  to  face  the 
ordeal,  we  find  them  repeatedly  mentioned  in  Fra  Benedetto's  and  Violi's 
works.  Violi  relates  that  Doffo  Spini  and  many  other  idle  fellows  were 
accustomed  to  congregate  in  Simone  Botticelli's  workshop,  "  and  while 
talking  there  on  the  subject  of  the  Friar's  death,  Doffo  Spini  frequently 
said  that  they  never  meant  to  make  the  Franciscan  go  through  the  fire, 
and  had  given  him  their  assurance  to  that  effect  ;  it  was  enough  for  them 
if  he  would  keep  up  the  game  long  enough  for  them  to  carry  out  their 
intent  of  putting  an  end  to  this  business  of  the  Friar."  Violi  had  read 
this  in  the  now  perished  chronicle  of  Simone  Botticelli.  Vide  Appendix 
to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xvi.  Pico  believes  that  the  first  suggestion  of 
the  plot  came  from  Rome,  "Pontificis  pollicitationibus,  ut  credìtum  est" 
(chap.  xy.).  It  is  certain  that  the  Arrabbiati  and  the  Pope  were  in  close 
and  continual  correspondence  just  then. 

1  On  the  28th  of  March,  1498,  Girolamo  Benivieni  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
priest  of  Cascina  relating  how  the  challenge  to  the  ordeal  by  fire  had 
proceeded  from  the  preacher  at  Sta  Croce,  but  how  he  had  speedily 
withdrawn  it,  on  finding  that  Fra  Domenico  was  ready  to  accept  it  : 
"Ipse  nunc,  fugam  querit,  and  says  that  he  will  not  go  through  this 
ordeal,  nisi  cum  Frate  Hieronymo:1  Benivieni  then  adds  :  "  The  affair 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Signory,  and  already  many  other  persons  are 
offering  to  enter  the  fire,  with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  if  they  were  asked 
to  a  wedding."  Nevertheless,  he  concludes,  "I  believe  the  affair  will 
end  in  smoke,  although  it  is  urgently  pushed  on  by  those  of  St.  Mark's, 
and  by  the  endeavours  {et  per  la  via)  of  the  Archbishop's  Vicar  and  of 
the  Signory."     Vide  Gherardi-  "  Nu^vi  Documenti,"  2nd  ed.  p.  216. 


SAI  ONARi  '■  fi  s- 

M  \)  a  nuiiH                   -  was  assemble  I  to 

the  qu  the  ordeal  by  fire.     Some  of  th  nt 

d  heartily  disgusted  with  the  proceedings  of  the 

.  ;    but   the   majority  shared   the    \  (    ;'<() 

{     •     riani,    v.  .;.,i  :     u    I  hat    th  I   Church   all'air, 

d  in  Rome  where  saints  arc  canonized 

than  in  this  palace,  where  it  is   litter   tO   treat   of  war   and 
finance.     Nevertheless,  if  it   be  really   desired   that  the 

trial   by    fire   should    take    place,   let    us   at   least    consider 

whether  it  will  be   likely  to   crush   discord   or   not."      The 

me  indifference   was  shown   by   other  speakers,  who   all 

deluded  by  saying  that  everything  must  be  referred  to 

the  Pope  or  the  Vicar.  Girolamo  Kucellai  said,  in  addi- 
tion :  kt  It  seems  to  me  that  too  much  noise  is  made  about 
this  trial  by  fire;  the  only  important  point  to  us  is  to  be 
rid  of  friars  and  non-friars,  Arrabbiati  and  non-Arrabbiati, 
and  to  try  to  keep  the  citizens  at  peace.  Nevertheless  if  it 
be  deemed  that  this  trial  will  restore  concord  in  the  city, 
let  them  go  not  only  into  the  fire,  but  into  the  water,  up  in 
the  air  or  down  into  the  earth  ;  meanwhile  let  our  care  be 
for  the  city,  not  for  these  monks."  In  real  truth  all  were 
inclined  for  the  ordeal,  and  Filippo  Giugni,  turning  the 
whole  thing  into  ridicule,  cynically  remarked  :  "To  me, 
fire  seems  a  strange  thing,  and  I  should  be  very  unwilling 
to  pass  through  it.  A  trial  by  water  would  be  less 
dangerous,  and  if  Fra  Girolamo  went  through  it  without 
getting  wet,  I  would  certainly  join  in  asking  his  pardon. " 
And  the  gist  of  his  speech  was,  that  it  would  be  best  to  be 
well  rid  of  the  Friar  by  consigning  him  without  delay  to 
the  Pope.  Giovanni  Canacci,  on  the  other  hand,  although 
likewise  opposed  to  Savonarola,  rose  in  great  agitation, 
and  almost  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  exclaimed  :  "  When 
I  hear  such  things  as  these  said,  I  scarcely  know  whether 
life  or  death  is  most  to  be  desired.  I  truly  believe  that 
if  our  forefathers,  the  founders  of  this  city,  could  have 


THE  ORDEAL  IS  DECREED.  657 

divined  that  a  like  question  would  ever  be  discussed 
here,  and  that  we  were  to  become  the  jest  and  oppro- 
brium of  the  whole  world,  they  would  have  indignantly 
refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  us.  And  now 
our  city  is  come  to  a  worse  pass  than  for  many  long 
years  ;  and  one  sees  that  it  is  all  in  confusion.  Where- 
fore I  would  implore  your  Excellencies  to  deliver  our 
people  from  all  this  wretchedness  at  any  cost,  either 
by  fire,  air,  water,  or  any  means  you  choose.  Iterum: 
I  pray  your  Excellencies  to  put  an  end  to  these  things 
in  order  that  no  misery  nor  hurt  may  befall  our  city.'! l 
The  rest  of  the  speakers  all  agreed  in  one  way  or 
another  that  the  ordeal  should  take  place.  It  was  truly 
an  afflicting  sight  to  see  the  inhabitants  of  the  most 
cultured  and  civilized  city  in  the  world  assembled  at  their 
rulers'  command  to  seriously  discuss  the  advisability  of 
lighting  so  barbarous  0  pyre.  And  it  was  still  more 
afflicting  to  find  that  all  were  in  favour  of  the  ordeal, 
merely  for  the  sake  of  concluding  the  affair,  and  without 
even  the  excuse  of  any  genuine  religious  fanaticism. 

The  same  evening  the  ordeal  was  decided  upon  with 
the  utmost  speed.  Savonarola  was  to  be  exiled  if  one  of 
the  Dominicans  should  perish,  and  Fra  Francesco,  if  one  of 
the  Minorites.  It  was  also  shamelessly  decreed  that  in 
case    both    the    champions    were    consumed,    the    Domi- 

1  Only  a  very  imperfect  summary  has  been  preserved  of  this  lengthy 
discussion.  Of  the  first  speeches  we  have  only  given  a  hasty  sketch  ; 
but  have  reported  Canacci's  words  almost  as  they  stand  in  the  text 
("Florentine  Archives,"  cl.  ii.  series  5,  file  131.  Also  "Consulte  e 
Pratiche,"  cod.  66,  p.  161).  The  latter  collection  has  been  published  in 
full  by  Signor  Lupi.  In  Nerli's  "  Commentarli,"  bk.  iv.,  we  find 
Canacci's  words  reported  as  follows  :  "  That  it  would  be  sufficient,  in 
order  not  to  expose  the  two  friars  to  the  peril  of  being  burnt  in  the  fire, 
to  throw  them  into  a  tub  of  water,  even  of  tepid  water,  that  the  shock 
might  be  slighter  ;  and  if  they  came  forth  dry,  they  would  have  performed 
a  supernatural  miracle."  Canacci,  however,  was  more  disposed  to  tears 
than  to  mirth  ;  it  was  Giugni  who  laughed.  Nerli  has  thus  jumbled  both 
speeches  in  one. 

43 


... 

mid   b  But    it   the 

who  prevented  it  would 
both  |  both  were  equally  unwilling 

it.1  iingly,  the  trial  by  fire  was  no  Ion 

ad  the  ry,  after  first  abeti         now 

thm   •  .ir.   The  Pope  was  entirely  with  th 

in  the  matter,  but  in  his  official  communications,  threw 

Boa  h   the  Ten,  whom   he   knew  to   be   Savonarola's 

friends,  he  refused  his  consent  to  the  ordeal,  and  even 
ned  to  disapprove  of  it.  Nor  was  he  altogether  in« 
sincere,  for  it  was  only  natural  that  he  should  hesitate,  in 
the  impossibility,  at  that  distance,  of  foretelling  the  final 
result.2  Savonarola,  meanwhile,  was  inflamed  with  indig- 
nation against  these  foes  whose  diabolical  plots  and  party- 
passions  were  disguised  under  a  semblance  of  religious  zeal. 
He  was  also  persuaded  that  the  Minorite  friars  would 
never  have  the   courage  to  pass  through  the  fire,  for  he 

1  J  fidt  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xviii.  The  decree  threatened 
exile  to  Savonarola  and  Fra  Domenico  on  the  one  side,  to  Fra  Frances*  o 
and  Fra  Lorenzo  Corsi  on  the  other,  it  being  still  uncertain  who  the 
champions  would  be. 

■  The  very  mild  protests  of  the  Pope  prove  nothing  to  us.  It  was 
impossible  for  him  to  give  his  official  support  to  a  trial  undertaken  for 
the  purpose  of  deciding  whether  his  Brief  of  excommunication  were  valid 
or  invalid,  and  whether  the  Church  were  in  need  of  reform.  But  on  the 
other  hand,  what  might  not  be  the  consequence  if  either  the  Franciscan 
or  both  the  friars  should  be  burnt  ?  Nevertheless,  had  Alexander  really 
objected  to  the  ordeal,  he  could  have  instantly  prevented  it,  by  ordering 
the  Franciscans  to  withdraw  their  challenge.  Bonsi  had  actually  sug- 
gested that  the  Pope  should  fulfil  his  promise  of  absolving  Savonarola 
from  excommunication,  and  thus  prevent  the  experiment.  But  the  Pope 
refused  to  do  this  (Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  134  and  foL).  And 
it  has  been  ascertained  from  the  documents  of  Savonarola's  trial  that  the 
Archbishop's  vicar  was  one  of  the  hottest  instigators  of  the  projected 
ordeal  ;  and  that  after  the  event  the  Pope  was  most  delighted,  and 
showered  praises  and  favours  on  the  Florentines  (Gherardi,  loc.  cit.,  and 
G.  F.  Pico,  "Vita,"  &o,  chap.  xv.).  Burlamacchi  states  (p.  123)  that  the 
Pope  feigned  to  object  to  it,  fearing  "  that  if  the  thing  succeeded  he  might 
lose  the  triple  crown  ;"  but  that  his  letter  reached  Florence  too  late. 
The  same  is  said  in  the  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  48'.  We  cannot  discover 
that  this  letter  arrived  at  all,  and  do  not  believe  that  it  was  ever 
despatched. 


SAVONAROLA'S  VIEWS  AS  TO  THE  ORDEAL.  659 

knew  that  they  were  reluctantly  obeying  the  suggestions 
of  the  Arrabbiati.  He  desired  and,  in  truth,  did  his 
utmost  to  prevent  the  experiment,  and  discerned  that  he 
would  have  a  better  chance  of  succeeding  if  one  of  his 
disciples  came  forward  in  his  stead.  Most  certainly,  had 
Savonarola  presented  himself  as  champion,  his  enemies 
would  have  done  all  in  their  power  to  have  him  burnt, 
either  alone  or  at  the  price  of  another  innocent  life. 
Nevertheless— such  are  the  contradictions  of  the  human 
mind— he  had  a  secret  belief,  that  if  the  trial  were  really 
made,  it  would  end  triumphantly  for  him,  and,  accordingly, 
did  not  put  forth  all  his  energy  to  prevent  it.  He  told 
himself  that  Fra  Domenico's  daring  ardour  must  un- 
doubtedly be  inspired  by  God.  In  fact,  according  to  his 
theories,  it  was  neither  strange  nor  difficult  to  conceive 
that  the  Lord  would  perform  a  miracle  in  order  to  con- 
found the  Arrabbiati  and  establish  the  truth  of  the  new 
doctrine.1  He  had  frequently  declared  to  the  people  that 
his  words  would  be  confirmed  by  supernatural  evidence  : 2 
the  moment  for  this  seemed  at  hand,  hence  the  general 
and  almost  frantic  eagerness  to  witness  the  result  of  the 
ordeal.  The  Piagnoni  were  even  more  anxious  for  it  than 
the  rest,  for  they  hoped  and  believed  that  when  the  crisis 
came  their  Master  would  be  unable  to  refrain  from  entering 
the  fire  himself,  and  that  a  miracle  would  be  accomplished.3 
Nothing  else  was  spoken  of  in  Florence,  and  although 
Savonarola  disapproved  of  the  trial,  and  opposed  it  as  far 

1  Vide  one  of  Savonarola's  discourses  of  which  mention  is  made  farther 
on. 

a  This  was  also  repeated  in  his  letters  to  the  princes. 

3  Vide  in  the  "  Florence  Archives"  the  Records  of  the  Medici  before  they 
became  the  reigning  House.  File  69  contains  letters  from  Leonardo 
Strozzi  to  the  parish  priest  of  Cascina,  of  which  some  passages  have  been 
already  published  by  Mons.  Perrens  (vol.  i.,  appendix,  p.  492).  One  of 
these  letters,  dated  5th  of  April,  1498  (c.  18),  contains  these  words  :  "I 
know  that  a  thousand  rumours  will  have  reached  you,  and  that  you  will 
be  anxious  to  know  the  truth  ;  I  mean  concerning  this  affair  of  the  Friar, 
for  hardly  anything  else  is  spoken  of." 


SAVONAROLA'S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

as  was  possible,  he  secretly  exulted  in  Fri  Domenico*! 

jj  dm  ■        •  how  all  thi  imbined  to 

[er  the         J  su  absolute  necessity.      Besides,  there 

were  the  us  of  Frìl   Silvestro,  who  declared  that  he 

had  beheld  the  guardian  angels  of  Fril  Girolamo  and  Fra 
Domenico,    and    been    assured    by    them    that    the   latter 

uld  go   through    the   flames   unhurt.1      We  also  know 
ronarola's  blind   faith   in    Silvestro's  visions.      All  this, 
ned   to  Fra  Domenico's  genuine  enthusiasm,  which  was 
inmunicated    to    others    with    almost    lightning    speed, 
stirred  the  monks  of  St.  Mark's  and  their  friends  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  excitement.      On  the  1st  of  April  Savona- 
rola summoned  his  trustiest  adherents  to  St.  Mark's,  and 
preached  them  a  short  sermon,  in  which  he  described  the 
real  state  of  affairs,  whereupon  his  hearers  declared  with 
one  voice  their  readiness  to  enter  the  fire.2     Two  days 
later,  in  fact,  the  friars  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Pope, 
saying  that   about  three  hundred  of  their  number,   and 
many  laymen,  were  prepared  to  pass  through  the  fire  in 
defence  of  their  Master's  doctrines.3     Accordingly,  being 
thus  pressed  on  all  sides,  Savonarola  sent  in   the  list  of 
their  names  to  the  Signory,  with  a  declaration  to  the  effect 
that  he  would  depute  one  of  his  monks  to  meet  every 
Minorite  brother  who  came  forward,  and  adding  that  if 
the  trial  should  really  take  place,  he  was  persuaded  that  it 
would  result  in  the  triumph  of  his  followers.4 

At  the  same  time  he  brought  out  a  printed  exposition  of 
his  theories— that  was  practically  a  reply  to  the  accusations 

1  This  was  proved  by  the  documents  of  Savonarola's  and  Fra  Domenico'» 

trials. 

a  Burlamacchi,  p.  124,  and  the  "  Vita  Latina,    at  sheet  49. 

3  Videùie  letter  dated  3rd  of  April  at  p.  137  of  Gherardi  s  Nuovi 
Documenti."  The  friars  state  that  not  only  \hey,pene  trecenti,  but  also 
a  great  number  of  the  people,  numerosa  populi  caterva  utriusque  sexus, 
were  ready  to  pass  the  ordeal. 

*  Vide  the   *  Vita    Latina,"    Burlamacchi,    and   the  pamphlet   quoted 

farther  on. 


SAVONAROLA S  PRINTED  REPLY.  66 1 

which  were  then  being  heaped  upon  him.  In  this  he  said  : 
"  I  have  too  great  a  work  on  hand  to  stoop  to  join  in 
these  wretched  disputes.  If  the  adversaries  who  first 
provoked  us,  and  then  sought  a  thousand  excuses,  would 
publicly  bind  themselves  to  put  to  the  issue  by  this  test 
the  decision  of  our  cause  and  of  the  reform  of  the  Church, 
I  would  no  longer  hesitate  to  enter  the  fire,  and  should 
feel  assured  of  passing  through  it  unharmed.  But  if  it  be 
their  intent  to  prove  by  fire  the  validity  of  the  sentence 
of  excommunication,  let  them  rather  reply  to  the  argu- 
ments we  have  brought  forward.  Would  they,  perhaps, 
combat  our  prophecies  by  fire  ?  Yet  we  neither  compel 
nor  exhort  any  man  to  believe  in  them  more  than  he  feel 
able.  We  only  exhort  all  to  lead  righteous  lives,  and  for 
this  the  fire  of  charity  and  the  miracle  of  faith  are  required  ; 
all  the  rest  is  of  no  avail.  Our  adversaries,  by  whom  this 
thing  has  been  instigated,  declare  that  they  will  assuredly 
perish,  thereby  confessing  that  they  are  their  own  mur- 
derers. We,  on  the  contrary,  have  been  provoked  to 
this  trial  and  forced  to  accept  it,  because  the  honour  of 
God  and  of  religion  is  at  stake.  Those  who  feel  truly 
inspired  by  the  Lord  will  certainly  issue  unhurt  from  the 
flames,  if  the  experiment  should  verily  take  place,  of 
which  we  are  by  no  means  assured.  As  to  me,  I  reserve 
myself  for  a  greater  work,  for  which  I  shall  ever  be  ready 
to  lay  down  my  life.  The  time  will  come  when  the  Lord 
shall  vouchsafe  supernatural  signs  and  tokens  ;  but  this 
certainly  cannot  be  at  the  command  or  at  the  pleasure  of 
man.  For  the  present  let  it  suffice  ye  to  see  that,  by 
sending  some  of  our  brethren,  we  shall  be  equally  exposed 
to  the  wrath  of  the  people  in  case  the  Lord  should  not 
allow  them  to  pass  through  the  fire  unhurt."  1 

1  "  Risposta  di  Frate  Hieronimo  ...  a  certe  obiectioni  facte  circa  lo 
experimento  dello  entrare  nel  fuoco  per  la  verità  da  lui  predicata."  It  was 
published,  without  date,  during  Savonarola's  life,  together  with  the  con 


Fra  D  cc 

not  only  !  irola  himself,  but  even  the  tn< 

fill,  th.it  God  had   really   appointed   him  to  work. 

Men's  mind  ngly  inflamed     Piagnoni  and 

A-  lited  the  day  of  the  trial  with  equal  anxiety, 

though  for  different  ends.  Men,  women,  and  children 
tontinued  to  propose  themselves  as  champions;  and 
Although,    in    many    cases,    this    was   empty    bravai 

ime  forward  in  all  sincerity.  On  the  2nd  of 
April  Fra  Malatesta  Sacramoro  and  Fra  Roberto  Salviati 
went  *  cribe  their  names  as  champions  of  St.  Mark's, 

alleging  that  they  too  had  received  a  call  from  the  Lord. 
Then  to    ensure    greater   publicity,  the  convention 

was  officially  given  to  the  world  in  print,  with  all  the 
signatures  of  the  opposing  factions.2  The  Ten,  hitherto 
invariably  well-disposed  to  Savonarola,  sent  these  papers 
to  Rome,  with  a  full  and  exact  account  of  all  that  had 
occurred,  and  again  requested  the  Pontiff's  consent  to  the 
ordeal,  which,  in  appearance  at  least,  he  still  disapproved.3 

Finally  the  6th  of  April  was  fixed  for  this  singular  con- 
test. Fra  Domenico  and  Fra  Giuliano  Rondinelli  were  the 
two  champions  chosen  by  common  accord.  For  many 
days  past  the  doors  of  St.  Mark's  had  been  closed,  and  the 
brethren  absorbed  in  continual  prayer.  On  the  evening 
of  the  5th,  however,  they  received  a  message  from  the 
Signory  to  the  effect  that  the  trial  was  postponed  to  the 

tract  signed  by  those  who  had  volunteered  to  enter  the  fire,  the  whole 
forming  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  Conclusiones  rationibus  ac  signes  super- 
naturalibus  probande."  Undated.  The  autograph  draft  of  the  "  Risposta  " 
is  in  the  codex  of  San  Marco,  sheet  168.  Vide  also  the  documents  of  the 
Trial  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 

1  Vidi  the  before-quoted  documents  of  Savonarola's  trial. 

3  In  one  of  the  letters  we  have  quoted  from  Leonardo  Strozzi  to  the 
parish  priest  of  Cascina  (dated  5th  of  March,  but  evidently  in  mistake  for 
the  5th  of  April),  we  find  these  words  :  "A  reprint  has  been  brought  out 
to-day  of  the  same  Conclusions  {sic),  with  the  signatures  of  those  friars 
added  on  to  them,"  &c.     (File  69,  sheet  19). 

3  Vide  the  letter  of  the  Ten,  in  Padre  Marchese,  loc  cit.  ;  doc.  xxiv. 


THE  ORDEAL  IS  POSTPONED. 


663 


7th  of  April.  The  cause  of  this  change  was  unknown  ; 
but  some  said  that  the  Signory  was  awaiting  a  prohibitory 
Brief  from  Rome  l  in  order  to  have  an  excuse  for  putting 
a  stop  to  the  whole  thing.  The  government,  in  fact,  was 
already  beginning  to  hesitate,  fearing  to  have  gone  too 
far.  For  it  had  never  anticipated  finding  so  much  resolu- 
tion in  the  monks  of  St.  Mark's,  or  so  much  poltroonery 
in  the  Minorites,  who  now  insisted  that  some  pledges 
should  be  given  them  as  to  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
to  pass  through  the  fire  unscathed.  Accordingly,  on  the 
following  day,  6th  of  April,  a  new  decree  was  issued  to 
modify  that  of  the  30th  of  March,  proclaiming  that,  "  In 
the  event  of  Fra  Domenico  being  consumed,  Fra  Girolamo 
is  to  quit  the  Florentine  territory  within  the  space  of  three 
hours.  .  .  ."2  No  allusion  was  made  to  the  Minorite 
friars  since  it  was  intended  in  any  case  to  ensure  their 
safety,  and  especially  since  Rondinelli  had  declared  his 
conviction  that  he  should  perish  if  he  entered  the  fire. 
On    the    same    day    Savonarola    delivered    another    brief 

1  Another  of  Strozzi's  letters  to  the  priest  of  Cascipa,  dated  6th  of  April, 
1498,  runs  as  follows  :  "  I  believe  we  may  expect  that  a  Brief  or  some 
other  hindrance  will  come  to  us  from  Rome  :  on  the  part  of  those  men 
[i.e.,  of  the  friars  of  St.  Mark]  all  was  and  is  arranged  ;  and  if  it  [the 
trial]  takes  place,  which  I  can  scarce  believe  now,  their  arrangements 
will  be  as  fine  a  sight  as  a  miracle.  Fra  Jeronimo  preached  this  morning 
in  St.  Mark's,  and  again  earnestly  proffered,  or  rather  promised,  a  most 
evident  miracle,  and  replied  to  the  numerous  objections  which  are,  or 
might  be  made,  and  above  all  to  those  who  pretend  to  say  that  this 
miracle  will  be  wrought  by  diabolical  aid  or  by  magic  arts,  for  which  this 
would  be  a  fine  opportunity  ;  and  that  even  if  this  miracle  should  not  be 
done  now  (although  they  be  prepared  for  it)  others  will  be  speedily  per- 
formed; and,  if  not  before,  certainly  without  fail  after  the  turning  of  the 
key.  The  which  will  soon  come  about,  and  great  and  marvellous  things 
be  declared."  Vide  the  letter  in  the  aforesaid  File  69  of  the  Medici 
Archives,  at  sheet  20,  published  by  Perrens,  vol.  i.,  appendix,  p.  493. 
The  same  things  are  confirmed  in  the  "  Vita  Latina  "  at  sheet  48  ;  and 
in  Burlamacchi,  p.  123. 

a  Florence  Archives.     "  Deliberazioni  dei  Signori  e  Collegi."     Register 
100,  sheet  33*.     This  deliberation  is  entitled,  "Contra  fratrem  Kierony 
mum."     Vide  Appendix,  doc.  xviii. 


SAVONAROLA'S  UFA  AND  TIMES. 

[hotting  all  the  faithful  to  be  instant  in 

prayer. 

1  lie  7th  of  April  came,  but  not  the  expected  Brief 

from  Rome; l  and  all  Florence  waa  panting  for  the  novel 

•ht  that         •  nuw  teemed,  must  inevitably  take  place. 

Everything  was  prepared  for  it,  and  everyone  hoped  to 

make  it  serve  his  own  ends  :   the  Compagnacci  and  Arrab- 
biati sought  an  opportunity  tor  despatching  the  Friar  ;  the 

Minorites  to  find  some  excuse  tor  escaping  the  danger  ;   the 
morv  were  ready  to  favour  any  plan  that  might  he  hurt- 
ful to  Savonarola';  and  the  Piagnoni  hoped  that  the  ordeal 
would  establish  their  triumph.    Thus,  public  passions  being 
more  and  more  heated,  the  two  parties  decided  to  come  to 
the    Piazza  with   armed  escorts  in    order  to  secure  their 
safety  in  the  event  of  a  riot.2     Even  the  Signory  were 
extremely  uneasy,  and  after  ordering  the  platform  to  be 
constructed,    took    every    kind    of    precaution    as    if    in 
dread  of  a  revolt.     Only  three  inlets  to  the  Piazza  were 
to  be   left  open,  and  these   guarded  by  armed  men  ;  no 
citizen  was  to  come  armed,  and  neither  women  nor  chil- 
dren were  to  be  admitted.     The  palace  was  filled  with  the 
Friar's  adversaries,  the  city  gates  were  to  be  kept  closed, 
and  the  troops,  stationed  in  different  parts  of  the  territory, 
prohibited  under  pain  of  death  from  leaving  their  posts, 
save  by  express  command  of  the  Signory,  and  bidden  to  obey 
no  orders  to  the  contrary  even  from  the  Ten.3     Further, 

'  We  have  already  said  that,  according  to  the  "  Vita  Latina  "  (sheet  49') 
and  Burlamacchi  (p.  123),  this  Brief  was  despatched  subsequently  to  the 
event  ;  but  that  we  have  not  discovered  it,  and  cannot  believe  that  it  was 
ever  sent  at  all.     It  was  entirely  fictitious. 

■  Burlamacchi,  p.  130  :  "  Inasmuch  as  it  was  well  known  that  the 
adversaries  fully  intended  to  make  an  end  of  the  Father  Fra  Girolamo  in 
the  Piazza  1  "  And  Fra  Benedetto  states  ("  Vulnera  diligentis,"  bk.  ii.  chap. 
ix)  that  they  meant  to  stir  up  some  extravagant  dispute  among  the  people, 
bo  that  a  riot  might  ensue,  and  then,  during  this  disturbance,  the  adverse 
party  would  be  able  to  kill  Fra  Hieronymo  and  some  of  his  faithful 
disciples.  .        , 

3  Vide  one  of  Somenzi's  letters  (7th  of  April,  1498)  given  in  Del  Lungo  % 

work,  loc.  cit.)  doc.  xx>;i>;. 


SAVONAROLA'S  ADDRESS  TO  HIS  FLOCK.      665 

to  prevent  either  of  the  two  parties  from  disturbing  the 
peace  on  the  Piazza,  Francesco  Gualterotti  and  Giovan 
I3attista  Ridolfi  were  charged  to  keep  watch  over  the 
friars  of  St.  Mark's,  Piero  degli  Alberti  and  Tommaso 
Antinori  over  the  Minorites.1  And  Savonarola  was  so  dis- 
trustful of  his  adversaries'  good  faith  that,  on  the  morning 
of  the  appointed  day,  he  sent  Francesco  Davanzati  to  the 
palace  to  implore  the  Ten,  who  still  remained  faithful  to 
him,  to  take  measures  to  prevent  either  of  the  champions 
from  shirking  the  ordeal  and  leaving  his  competitor  alone 
in  the  flames.  He  therefore  requested  that  the  pyre  should 
be  lighted  on  the  one  side,  while  the  friars  entered  it  from 
the  other,  and  that  the  torch  should  then  be 'applied  to 
close  the  v/ay  behind  them.2  He  likewise  entreated  that 
the  ordeal  might  take  place  before  the  dinner-hour,  so  that 
the  minds  of  his  followers  might  be  clear  and  unob- 
scured.3  While  the  final  preparations  were  being  made  on 
the  Piazza,  he  celebrated  high  mass  in  St.  Mark's,  after- 
wards delivered  a  short  discourse  to  the  assembled  people, 
and  even  now  at  the  last  hour  was  unable  to  conceal  his 
doubts.  "  I  cannot  assure  ye  that  the  trial  will  be  made, 
since  the  matter  depends  in  no  wise  on  ourselves  ;  but 
this  I  can  tell  ye,  that  if  it  really  take  place,  victory  will 
certainly  be  on  our  side.  O  Lord,  we  felt  in  no  need  of 
miraculous  proofs  in  order  to  believe  the  truth  ;  but  we 
have  been  provoked  to  this  trial,  and  could  not  fail  to 
stand  up  for  our  honour.  We  are  certain  that  the  evil 
one  will  not  be  able  to  turn  this  thing  to  the  hurt  of  Thy 
honour  or  against  Thy  will,  wherefore  we   go   forth   to 

1  Fra  Benedetto,  "Vulnera  diligentis."  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition,  doc.  xvii. 

8  Vide  among  the  depositions  or  examinations  of  the  accused,  the 
evidence  given  by  Francesco  Davanzati. 

3  Savonarola's  own  words,  in  the  discourse  mentioned  farther  on,  areas 
follows  :  "  They  wished  the  affair  to  take  place  at  the  20th  hour  "  {i.e.  in 
the  afternoon),  "  but  I  refused  in  order  that  the  friars  might  be  sober- 
minded." 


s: 

ti    ■'  •  \  ■  !, 

i  arc  too  diverse  fr<  on  ours.     <  I 

Lord,  t  to  serve  The 

Will  '  1,  O  my  pei  pi  •  ?  " !     I  [ereupon 

all  nt  in  b  1<  narola  then 

male  h         -  to  offer  up  prayers  in  the 

lurch,  while  lie  prepared  his  friars  to  march  to  the 
Pi  IZZA,  Uld  the  women  to  remain  in  fervent  devotion  until 
the  At   that   moment  the   mace-b> 

of  •  came  to  announce  that  all  was  in  readiness, 

i   the   friars   of  St.   Mark's   immediately  s:t    forth    in 

ley  marched  slowly,  two  and  two,   numbering  about 
two  hundred   in  all,  and  with   a  crucifix  borne  aloft    in 

nt.  Fra  Domenico  followed,  arrayed  in  a  cope  of 
fiery  red  velvet,  and  bearing  a  great  cross  in  his  hand. 
1 1  e  was  accompanied  by  a  deacon  and  sub-deacon  ;  his  he 
was  erect,  his  countenance  calm.  After  him  came  Savona- 
rola, carrying  the  Host  with  Fra  Francesco  Salviati  on  01 
side,  and  Fri  Malatesta  Sacramoro  on  the  other.  Behind 
them  marched  a  great  multitude  of  people  bearing  lighted 
torches,  and  chanting  the  Psalm  :  Exurgat  Deus  et 
dissipentur  inimici  eius?  On  nearing  the  Piazza, 
towards  the  2ist  hour  of  the  day,4  they  passed  two  by 
two  between  the  armed  men  guarding  the  ends  of  the 
streets  ;  and  directly  they  appeared  among  the  crowd 
already  awaiting  them  on  the  Piazza,  all  joined  in  their 

1  "  Esortazione  fatta  al  popolo  in  San  Marco  il  di  7  Aprile,  1498."  It  is 
given  at  the  end  of  the  Sermons  on  Exodus. 

2  "Esortazione,"  ea.  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  129. 

3  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  50'  and  fol.  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  129  and  fol. 
nv/^  also  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition  (docs.  xvi.  and  xvii.)  the 
accounts  given  by  Violi,  who  was  with  Savonarola  at  the  time,  and  by 
Fra  Benedetto,  who  describes  the  ordeal  at  length  in  chaps.  vL— x.,  bk.  ii. 
of  the  "Vulnera  diligentis." 

*  Nardi  says  :  "towards  the  18th  hour"  ;  but  we  follow  the  accounts 
of  Violi,  who  was  actually  present. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  ORDEAL.  6o7 

chants  with  such  tremendous  vigour  as  almost  to  shake 
the  earth.1  There  was  an  innumerable  throng  ;  it  seemed 
as  though  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were  gathered 
together  ;  all  the  windows  of  the  houses  round  the  Square, 
all  balconies  and  roofs  were  crowded  with  spectators  ; 
many  children  were  clinging  to  railings,  or  perched  upon 
columns  and  statues,  in  order  to  see  the  sight  ;  some  were 
even  hanging  from  the  walls,  and  had  occupied  their  posts 
since  the  break  of  day. 

The  Loggia2  of  the  Signory  had  been  divided  in 
two  by  a  partition  :  the  Minorites  occupied  the  half 
nearest  the  palace  ;  while  the  Dominicans  were  stationed 
round  a  little  altar  that  had  been  erected  in  the  other.3 
Having  placed  the  Sacrament  on  this  altar,  Fra  Domenico 
knelt  before  it,  absorbed  in  prayer  ;  while  his  com- 
panions stood  about  him  in  silence.  A  guard  of  three 
hundred  infantry  was  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  Loggia, 
under  the  command  of  Marcuccio  Salviati,  composed^  of 
valiant  soldiers,  all  staunch  adherents  of  the  Convent  of 
St.  Mark's. 4  But  under  the  Tetto  de'  Pisani,  several 
hundred  of  the  Compagnacci  stood  at  arms,  with  DofFo 
Spini  at  their  head  ;  and  in  front,  and  about  the  palace 
were  five  hundred  of  the  Signory's  guards,  commanded  by 
Giovacchino  della  Vecchia,  in  addition  to  the  soldiers  posted 
at  the  openings  of  the  streets.5  Thus  the  Piazza  was  held 
by  about  a  thousand  men,  prepared  to  attack  Savonarola 
at  a  moment's  notice  ;  yet  he  contemplated  his  dangerous 
position  with  the  utmost  serenity,  and  quietly  turned  his 
eyes  towards  the  platform  already  piled  with  bundles  of 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  130. 

2  Now  known  as  the  Loggia  dei  Lanzi,  and  also  as  the  Loggia  dell' 
Orgagna. 

6  Burlamacchi,  p.  130;  Violi's  and  Fra  Benedetto's  accounts   in  the 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xvi.  and  xvii. 

4  Now  long  destroyed,  and  its  site  occupied  by  a  private  house.     It 
stands  at  right  angles  with  the  Loggia  dei  Lanzi. 

5  Vide  Burlamacchi,  Violi,  and  Fra  Benedetto. 


\7)  TIMES. 

ora         'ri-,  .  wai   afa  v  feet  in 

,  uid  projected  i  the  Razza  from  the  Mar- 

ti in  the  du         n  of  the   Tetro  tic'  Pisani.3     It  wu 
t  ten  fed  the  ba  i  and  i  half  in  bei 

tnd  d  with  earth   and    bricks.      On    this  substratum 

I — WOOd,  gu1  t,  oil,  pitch,  and  resin, 

tacked   in   two   banks,  with   a   space,  about  two 

feet  wide,  left  between  for  the  passage  of  the  rival 
champions.3  All  was  prepared  ;  the  friars  had  only  to 
come  forth,  and  the  torch  would  be   laid   to   the   pile. 

Up  to  this  moment  Savonarola  had  temporized  and 
done  his  best  to  prevent  the  ordeal,  while  the  Minorites, 
on  the  contrary,  had  dared  him  to  it,  and  hurried  it  on  ; 
but  in  sight  of  the  pile  ready  to  be  fired,  the  roles 
were  exchanged.  Stirred  by  the  presence  of  the  crowd, 
the  solemn  chants  of  his  friars,  and  the  truly  heroic 
enthusiasm  of  Fra  Domenico,  who,  after  earnest  prayer, 
showed  the  utmost  eagerness  to  enter  the  flames,  Savonarola 
was  now  firmly  convinced  that  the  Lord  would  come  to 
his  disciple's  aid,  and  accordingly  desired  to  end  all  delay. 
But  neither  Francesco  di  Puglia,  who  had  challenged  the 
ordeal,  nor  Giuliano  Rondinelli,  who  was  to  face  it,  had 
as  yet  appeared  under  the  Loggia,  but  were  tarrying  in  the 
palace,  in  secret  debate  with  the  Signory.  .  The  latter, 
instead  of  coming  down  to  the  Ringhiera,  to  witness  the 
solemn  drama  that  was  shortly  to  begin,  continued  their 
discussions,  and  were  apparently  uncertain  what  course  to 
adopt.  And  while  all  were  waiting  for  the  Minorite,  and 
for    the    signal    from    the  Signory,  the  members  of   the 

1  I.e.,  the  marble  lion,  then  standing  on  the  doorsteps  of  the  palace, 
now  replaced  by  one  of  bronze,  made  from  a  cast  of  the  original,  which 
vas  transported  elsewhere. 

2  The  Tetto  de'  Pisani  was  opposite  the  palace,  and  in  modern  times 
jerved  as  a  post  office,  until  pulled  down,  about  twenty  years  ago,  to  make 
room  for  Palazzo  Lawison. 

3  Burlamacchi,  Violi,  Fra  Benedetto. 


PRETEXTS  FOR  DELAY.  669 

Government  shamelessly  sent  to  ask  the  Dominicans  why 
they  did  not  begin.  Fra  Domenico  trembled  with  rage, 
and  Savonarola  replied  that  the  Signory  would  do  well 
to  hurry  the  matter  on,  and  no  longer  to  keep  the  people 
in  suspense.1 

Then,  the  Minorites,  being  driven  to  the  wall,  began 
to  put  forth  numerous  pretexts  for  delay.  With  the  aid 
of  Piero  degli  Alberti,  a  bitter  enemy  to  Savonarola,  and 
deputed  to  preside  over  the  ordeal,  they  caused  it  to  be 
noised  about  that  as  Savonarola  might  have  cast  a  magic 
spell  over  Dcmenico's  red  cope,  that  vestment  must  con- 
sequently be  removed.  The  champion  and  his  master 
both  replied  that  a  written  contract  had  been  made  and 
subscribed,  to  prevent  all  disputes  ;  that  they  had  no 
belief  in  spells,  and  would  leave  their  opponents  to  re- 
sort to  them.  Nevertheless,  the  demand  was  so  strenu- 
ously urged,  that  Fra  Domenico  yielded  to  it,  and  removed 
his  cope.  Thereupon,  the  Minorites  alleged  fresh  pretexts, 
declaring  that  the  friar's  robes  might  likewise  be  enchanted  ; 
and  again  Fra  Domenico  gave  way,  and  showed  his  readiness 
to  exchange  clothes  with  any  one  of  his  companions.  He 
was  accordingly  led  into  the  palace,  and  after  being 
entirely  stripped,  was  clad  in  the  robes  of  the  Dominican 
brother,  Alessandro  Strozzi.2  On  returning  to  the  Piazza, 
he  was  next  forbidden  to  stand  near  Savonarola,  lest 
the  latter  might  re-enchant  him  ;  and  by  his  Prior's 
request,  Fra  Domenico  submitted  to  being  surrounded  by 
the  Minorites.3  During  this  cris:s,  his  patience  equalled 
his  courage  ;  and  in  his  great  yearning  to  pass  through 
the  fire,  he  was  ready  to  concede  every  point. 

1  Vide  the  writers  before  quoted,  and  the  documents  of  Fra  Domenico's 
trial. 

2  Burlamacchi  and  Viola  relate  that  when  Strozzi  was  sent  for,  he 
believed  that  he  too  would  have  to  enter  the  flames  ;  and  accordingly 
showed  signs  of  great  joy,  and  craved  Savonarola's  blessing. 

3  Fra  Benedetto,  Burlamacchi,  and  Violi. 


WAROLfS  li  in  times 

V.  champion  of  the  opposite  party  ^till 

lingered  in  the  palace  with  Frai         i  da  Puglia,  and  had 
vet   appeared.1        ivonarolt    was   already   becoming 

at  this  ;  and  na  were  incr        I  by  the 

ing    on    between    the   citizens   and   the 

,  and  the  manifest  favour  shown  to  the  latter. 

;is  appointed   to  preside  over  the  trial  invariably 
1  with  those  friars,  and  let  them  do  as  they  pleased;  ac- 

lingly,  Savonarola  sent  another  pressing  message  to  the 
palace  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  suspense.  But  at  the 
same  moment,  the  two  Minorities  asked  and  obtained 
another  private  interview  with  theSignory.  What  passed 
between  them  is  unknown,  but  it  now  became  increasingly 
evident  that  the  whole  business  of  the  ordeal  was  no  more 
than  a  cunningly  arranged  trick  to  entrap  Savonarola  and 
the  community  of  St.  Mark's.2 

The  patience  of  the  multitude  was  now  coming  to  an 
end.  All  had  been  assembled  in  the  Piazza  for  many 
hours  ;  the  greater  part  of  them  were  fasting  since  the 
dawn,  and  almost  infuriated  by  the  weariness  of  fruitless 
expectation.  Hoarse  murmurs  arose  on  every  side,  fol- 
lowed by  seditious  cries  ;  and  the  Arrabbiati,  who  had 
been  eagerly  watching  for  this  moment  instantly  tried  to 
profit  by  it.  A  groom  in  the  service  of  Giovanni  Manetti 
succeeded  in  exciting  a  riot,  and  suddenly  all  the  Piazza 
was  in  a  tumult.  Many  of  the  outlets  being  closed,  the 
people  found  themselves  surrounded  and  hedged  in  ;  and 
accordingly  made  a  rush  for  the  palace.  This  seems  to 
have  been  the  moment  fixed  by  the  Arrabbiati  for  laying 
violent  hands  on  the  Friar,  and  making  an  end  of  him 
on  the  spot.  They  attempted  to  do  so,  in  fact  ;  but 
Salviati  concentrated  his  men  in  front  of  the  Loggia,  and 

■  Fr.\  Benedetto,  op.  cit. 

*  Fra  Benedetto  and  Violi  relate  these  particulars  with  great  minute- 
ness, and  Burlamacchi  gives  a  shorter  account  of  them  at  p.  133  and 
fol. 


FRESH  DE  LA  VS.  6  7 1 

tracing  a  line  on  the  ground  with  his  sword,  exclaimed  : 
"  Whoever  dares  to  cross  this  line  shall  taste  the  steel  of 
Marcuccio  Salviati  ;  "  and  so  resolute  was  his  tone  that 
no  one  dared  to  press  forward.1  At  the  same  time,  as  it 
chanced,  the  foreign  troops  of  the  Signory,  bewildered  by 
the  suddenness  of  the  tumult,  and  seeing  the  people  surg- 
ing towards  the  palace,2  energetically  drove  them  back. 

Thereupon,  order  being  apparently  restored,  the  people 
were  quieted,  and  more  eager  than  before  to  witness  the 
ordeal  ;  but  the  Signory  were  increasingly  perplexed.  Then 
came  a  tremendous  storm  shower  with  thunder  and  light- 
ning; so  that  many  thought  this  would  naturally  put  a  stop  to 
everything.3  But  in  their  thirst  for  the  promised  spectacle, 
the  people  never  stirred  ;  the  rain  ceased  as  suddenly  as 
it  had  begun,  and  all  remained  in  the  same  state  of  uncer- 
tainty. The  Minorite  friar  was  still  invisible  ;  and  his 
companions  began  to  raise  fresh  objections.  They  insisted 
that  Fra  Domenico  should  relinquish  the  crucifix  he  held 
in  his  hand,  and  he  immediately  let  it  go,  saying  that  he 
would  enter  the  fire  bearing  the  Host  instead.  But  this 
led  to  fresh  and  fiercer  dispute,  the  Minorites  declaring 
that  he  wished  to  destroy  the  consecrated  wafer.  But 
now  Fra- Domenico  began  to  lose  patience,  and  refused  to 
give  way,  maintaining  with  Savonarola,  that,  in  any  case, 
only  the  accidental  husk  would  be  consumed,  the  substance 

1  Burlamacchi  and  Fra  Benedetto. 

2  The  following  words  of  Fra  Benedetto,  in  his  often  quoted  "  Vulnera 
diligentis,'  are  specially  worthy  of  note  :  "  But  let  this  grand  secret  be 
known  to  you,  that  only  a  few  days  after  the  attempted  ordeal,  many 
persons  sought  the  spiritual  superior  of  the  city  of  Florence,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  asking  and  obtaining  absolution,  inasmuch  as  those  persons  had 
intended  to  kill  the  Prophet  with  their  own  hands  (manibics)  on  the  day  of 
the  ordeal.  And,  if  thou  wouldst  be  better  assured  of  this,  go  and  ques- 
tion M.  Bartolommeo  Redditi  on  the  matter,  for  he  is  still  living,  and  heard 
of  the  affair  from  the  aforesaid  superior's  lips,  and  has  borne,  and  con- 
tinues to  bear,  truthful  witness  to  this  fact."  Vide  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  doc.  xvii. 

3  Fra  Benedetto. 


VD  TIMI 

crament  remaining  intact  ;  and  quoted  the  afgu» 
me  •  theol<  to  this  effect.1     On  meettn 

.  at  last,  his  adver  tailed 

th    still   greater   vehemence,  in  the   hope   <>f 
:  delay.      While    they    were    disputing,    the 

ran  to  close  in,  and  the  puzzled  Sijimrv  took 
re  of  this  to  proclaim  that  it  was  now  impossible 
tor  the  Ordeal  to  take  place.2 

The  indignation  of  the  people  then  passed  all  bounds,  and, 
as  no  one  exactly  knew  whose  was  the  blame,  most  of  them 

CUSed  Savonarola  :  even  the  Piagnoni  declared  that  he 
ought  to  have  entered  the  fire  alone,  if  none  would  go 
with  him,  tor  the  sake  of  giving  a  final  and  indisputable 
proof  of  his  supernatural  power.  And  then  the  Arrab- 
biati and  the  Signory  caused  it  to  be  rumoured  about,  that 
his  fraud  had  been  unmasked  ;  that  after  provoking  the 
trial,  he  had  refused  to  pass  through  the  flames,  and  similar 
falsehoods  ;  while  the  Minorites  impudently  claimed  the 
victory,  although  their  champion  had  remained  concealed 
in  the  palace,  without  so  much  as  daring  to  glance  at  the 
pvre  prepared  for  him.3  Accordingly  the  whole  city  rang 
with  menacing  cries  against  Savonarola  and  St.    Mark's. 

■  Burlamacchi,  Viola,  Fra  Benedetto.  Fra  Domenico  deposed  at  his 
trial  that  he  refused  to  yield  this  point,  because  Fra  Silvestro  had  beheld 
their  angels  in  a  vision,  and  been  told  by  them  that  he  (Fra  Domenico 
was  to  enter  the  fire  with  the  Host. 

3  Nardi  says  that  the  rain  prevented  the  ordeal,  and  many  other  writers 
subsequently  repeated  the  statement  ;  but  Violi,  Burlamacchi,  and  Fra 
Benedetto  prove  beyond  doubt  that  it  was  forbidden  by  special  order 
of  the  Signory.  In  the  "  Archivio  Storico  Italiano,"  scries  iii.  vol.  xiii. 
pp.  366-375,  Prof.  A.  Conti  has  published  a  narrative  of  the  controversy 
with  the  Minorite  friars,  and  of  the  ordeal  by  fire,  written  by  Padre 
Dionisio  Pulinari,  who  had  compiled  it  from  the  "Cronache"  of  Fra 
Mariano  di  Firenze,  an  eye-witness  of  the  event. 

s  u  They  put  on  the  face  of  a  harlot,  for,  without  blushing  in  the  least, 
they  went  about  saying  that  the  victory  was  theirs,  and  wrote  letters  to  all 
to  the  like  effect"  (Fra  Benedetto,  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xvii)  Vide  also  Violi  (Appendix  to  the  Italian  Tdi'vn),  \e  "  Viv 
Latina,"  and  Burlamacchi. 


SA  VONAROLAS  DO  WNFALL  t 

The  Dominicans  had  a  hard  struggle  to  regain  the  Con 
vent  m  sa  ety,  although  escorted  %  the  sofdi  s  of  mZ 
cucco  Salmt,,  who,  surrounding"  Savonarola  and  Fra 
Domenico  with  a  band  of  his  bravest  men  courao-eouslv 
protected  them,  sword  in  hand,  from  the' ins" iTo  Jn 
infuriated  mob,  egged  on  by  the  Compagnacci/ 

On  finally  reaching  the  church,  where  the  female  con 
greganon  still  knelt  in  prayer,  Savonarolfn  oun  ed  th" 
pulpit,  and  gave  a  brief  summary  of  all  that  had  occurred 

ye  ;  e0  hhistzsz2a  Th^r  stili-echoins Wth  <^S 

yens  or  nis  roes.2     Then,  having  dismissed  his  hearers    he 
withdrew  to  his  cell,  overcon/with  a  grief  too  deep' for 

afJrwarof Thj^'  ^  ^  -"""J**  Were  exuItant  '  «* 
afterwards  the  S.gnory  assigned  them,  for  twenty  years 

a  pension  of  sixty  lire,  payable  every   7th  of  Apri     iù 

St(lTÌr  SerVÌCeÌ  °nthat  ^     NeverthZs,  thè 

oflheTnl?7  Sent  t0  dema"d  the  SUm>  the  Camarlingo 

navi™  «?U         S°  enruaged  hy  their  baseness>  tha<  in 
paying  out  the  money,  he  exclaimed  :  «  Here    take  the 

price  of  the  blood  ye  betrayed  !  "  3 

The  Signory  must  have  incurred  considerable  expense 
in  preparations  for  this  strange  and  fatal  ordeal  There 
is  a  memorandum  to  the  effect  that  662  lire,  ics.  U  were 

by  tS  li^UStlb^  and,;\-g-  to  men  who  wo7ked 
by  torch-light  as  well  as  all  day.     An  additional  sum  of 

RuardsranTcitSPent  0"  f00^  dHnk  f°r  the  ™reu 
guards  and  citizens  employed  in  various  ways  on  that  day 

There  were  also  other  incidental  expenses./  Y' 

•  fbf/™6'16"0'  Eurlamacchi,  and  the  "  Vita  Lattea.* 
^^^^ìr^T^à  and  !V.^at  ""«"ber  or 

which  has  been  ^ZV^^ ^3^7*  ^  V"^ 
V«U  Ghcrard.,  «  Nuovi  Documenti,"  =nd  &.  p3«°  and  j7. 


AND  TIMES. 


As  wc  hall  :  ;  M  poured  in  fi 

Aith  pr  and  pi  of  reward 

t  that  the  Pope  had  not  only  feigned   to  disap- 

,  but  even  to  censure. 


CHAPTER  Viri. 


THE 


(April  8,  9,  1498.) 


HE  ordeal  by  fire,  or  rather  the  plot 
contrived  on  that  day  by  the  Arrab- 
biati, had  produced  the  desired  effect 
The  whole  city  was  now  turned  against 
ira  Girolamo  and  his  monks.  It  was 
an  unpardonable  offence  in  the  eves  of 
the  populace  that  neither  he  nor  his  disciple  should  have 
entered  the  fire,  even  without  the  Franciscan,  in  order  Io 

nÌTll  TT*  ìl  a  mirade-  The  Pi5noni  could 
not  follow  all  the  subtle  distinctions  drawn  by  their  chief 
as  to  the  time  not  being  ripe,  on  not  tempting  the  Lord' 
and  on  _  the  question  of  the  good  or  bad  faith  of  his 
idversaries  ;  they  therefore  began  for  the  first  time  to 
Joubt   his   supernatural    power,    and   to    be  disposed   to 

rh!  Ti  t0  S  f^T-  and  calumnies  of  the  Arrabbiati. 
I  he  latter  displayed  incredible  activity  in  these  days 
ield  continual  interviews  with  the  Signory  and  the  Canons 
I  the  Duomo,  and  were  clearly  seen  to  be  on  the  point  of 
lealing  some  new  and  decisive  blow.  At  the  same  time  the 
aore  sagacious  of  the  Friar's  adherents,  who  might  have 
>reseen  and  frustrated  the  enemies'  designs,  were  too  weak 


/  AND  timi:s 

in  numi  flfectual  :         iCe: 

n  .   ,v  wcre  insulted  on  all  rides  as  bye  i  and 

noting  Unp  >uld  not  show  themselves  without 

dinger  in  the  streets.1 

tte  ofthii    s  -  m  i    fthe  popular  party,! 
nizing  the  premonitor)        ns   of  a  terrible  storm,  tuck 
counsel  among  themselves,  and  proposed  to  fly  to  arms 

the   advantage   of   dealing   the   first   blow. 
But   all   Savonarola's  staunchest  disciples,   and    Francesco 
Valori  in  particular,  energetically  opposed  the  plan    say- 
ine  that    they  must  not  be  the  first  to  shed  their  fellow- 
ciu/ens'   blood,    nor  the  first    to  dye    their   hands   in   it 
The   majority  were  won  over  to  this  view,  but  many  of 
the  others  were  greatly  enraged,  and  indeed  Luca  degli 
Albizzi,  one  of  the  most  eager  to  resort  to  arms,  hastened 
to   leave    Florence,  saying  :   "  If  we   are   not  to  come  to 
blows,  every  one    is  justified   in   providing    for  his  own 

91 

The  morning  of  the  8th  of  April,  Palm  Sunday,  passed 
quietly  ;  but  it  was  easy  for  an  observant  eye  to  discern 
that  this  tranquillity  was  only  the  sullen  calm  that  precedes 
a  storm,  and  that  it  was  a  marvel  no  startling  event  had 
vet  occurred.  Savonarola  preached  in  St.  Mark's,  but  his 
sermon  was  very  short  and  sad;  he  offered  his  body  as  a 
sacrifice  to  God,  and  declared  his  readiness  to  face  death 
for  the  good  of  his  flock.  Mournfully,  but  with  much 
composure,  he  took  leave  of  his  people,  and  in  giving  them 
his  benediction  seemed  to  feel  that  he  was  addressing  them 
for  the  last  time.2 

«  Nardi,  i.  p.  140  ; "  Vita  Latina;"  Burlamacchi,  p.  136  ;  Fra  Benedetto, 

"  * eNardMb"i'5o.  On  this  subject  the  same  writer  remarks  :  "This 
man  was  always  so  true  to  himself  that  he  never  showed  signs  of  dismay 
m  any  of  h I  tabulations  or  dangers."  And  he  pronounced  this  Judg- 
ment even  at  the  time  of  Savonarola's  trial,  regarding  which  we  sha| 
presently  see  what  he  has  to  say. 


7 UE  COMPAGNACCI  LEAD  TUE  MOB.         6?7 

Later  in  the  day  the  Piagnoni  went  to  St.  Mark's  while 
vespers  were    going  on,    and  then  set  out    towards  the 
Duomo,   where  a  sermon  was  about  to  be  delivered  by 
tra  Mariano  degli   Ughi,  the  friar  who  had  offered  to 
brave  the  ordeal  together  with  Fra  Malatesta  and  Fra 
Domenico.     But  they  were  repeatedly  pelted  with  stones 
by  the  way,  and  encountered  groups  of  Arrabbiati,  whose 
exultant  demeanour  seemed  to  say  :  «  Our  turn  has  come 
at  last  !       They  saw  others  hurling  stones  at  the  windows 
or  Andrea  Cambini,  one  of  Savonarola's  adherents      On 
reaching  the  Duomo,  they    found  many  of  the  benches 
already  crowded  with  people  ;  but  the  Compagnacci  had 
gathered  round  the  door,  addressing  insults  to  all  who 
entered  the  church,  and  telling  them  there  would  be  no 
sermon       The  Piagnoni  hotly   rejoined,    that    it    would 
certainly  be  given  ;    one  word  led  to  another,  and   the 
Compagnacci  instantly  unsheathed  their  swords  and  began 
to  lay  about  them  ;  made  a  rush  upon  a  certain  Landò 
Sassolini  and  although  they  inflicted  no  wound  upon  him 
their  violence  sufficed  to  raise  a  disturbance  throughout 
the  city. i     The  Friar's   adherents   then  hurried  to  their 
homes  to  procure  arms,  while  a  portion  of  their  adversaries 
held  the  corners  of  the  streets,  and  all  the  rest  marched 
through  the  city,  crying  :  "  To  St.  Mark's,  to  St.  Mark's 
fire  in  hand!"     They  assembled  on  the  Piazza  of  the 
bignory,  and  when  their  numbers  had  sufficiently  increased 
moved  in  the  direction  of  the  convent,  brandishing  their 
weapons  and  uttering  fierce  cries.    On  the  way  they  caught 
sight  of  a  certain  man,  named  Pecori,  who  was  quie°tlv 
walking  to  the  Church  of  the  Santissima  Annunziata,  sing' 
mg  psalms  as  he  went;  and  immediately  some  of  them 
rushed  after  him,  crying  :  «  Does  the  hypocrite  still  dare 

«<  A  I?ur,a'r,acchr,  p.  I33  and  fol.  ;  Giovanni   Cambi,    "Storie"    in    the 

Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscani,"  vol.  xxi.  p.  i  ,9,      Vide  also  the  denoli 

lions  of  the  accused  in  the  Appendix  to  *he  Italian  edi.fan  P°5" 


5  AND  TIMES. 

mumble  !"     And  i  on  the  steps  of  the 

In:  lew  him  on  the  spot.     A  poor  spectacle 

maker,  he  in  the  »  came  out  with 

his  slippers  in  his  hand,  and  while  trying  to  persuade  the 
people  to  be  quiet,  v.      killed  by  i  iword  thrust  in  his 

.d.-      Others   shared   the   same    t'ite;   and    in   thifl    way, 

I    by  the  taste   of  blood,  the  mob  poured  into 

the  Square  of  St.  Mark.  Finding  the  church  thronged 
with  the  people  who  had  attended  vespers,  and  were  sti'1 
engaged  in  praver,  they  hurled  a  dense  shower  of  stones 
through  the  door  ;  whereat  a  general  panic  ensued,  the 
women  shrieked  loudly,  and  all  took  to  flight.  In 
a  moment  the  church  was  emptied,  its  doors,  as  well  as 
those  of"  the  convent,  were  locked  and  barred  ;  and  no  one 
remained  within  save  the  few  ciiizens  who  were  bent  on 
defending  St.  Mark's.3 

Although  barely  thirty  in  numbcr,4  these  comprised 
some  of  the  most  devoted  of  Savonarola's  adherents  ; 
the  men  who  had  escorted  him  to  the  pulpit,  and  were 
ever  prepared  to  risk  their  life  in  his  service.  For  some 
days  past  they  had  known  that  the  convent  was  in  danger  ; 
and  accordingly  eight  or  ten  of  them  had  always  come  to 
guard  it  by  night.  Without  the  knowledge  of  Savonarola 
or  Fra  Domenico,  whom  they  knew  to  be  averse  to  all 
deeds  of  violence,  they  had,  by  the  suggestion  of  Fra 
Silvestro  and  Fra  Francesco  de'  Medici,  secretly  deposited 


1  The  Foundling  Hospital,  near  the  Church  of  the  Annunziata. 
a  Burlamacchi,  p.  136. 

3  "Vita  Latina;"  Burlamacchi  ;  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani." 
The  attack  on  the  church  and  convent  of  St.  Mark  is  minutely  described 
in  this  poem.  An  account  of  the  facts  is  also  to  be  gleaned  from  the 
depositions  of  the  accused. 

4  All  this  is  related  in  great  detail  by  Burlamacchi  and  Fra  Benedetto, 
but  they  considerably  exaggerate  the  numbers  of  those  concerned  in  the 
fray.  The  exact  figures  are  to  be  ascertained  from  the  depositions  of  the 
accused  prisoners,  and  the  documents  of  Fra  Domenico's  trial. 


THE  MONKS  PREPARE  POR  DEFENCE.         679 

a  store  of  arms  in  a  cell  beneath  the  cloister.1  Here  were 
some  twelve  breastplates,  and  as  many  helmets  ;  eighteen 
halberts,  five  or  six  crossbows,  shields  of  different  kinds, 
four  or  five  harquebusses,  a  barrel  of  powder,  and  leaden 
bullets,2  and  even,  as  it  would  seem,  two  small  mortars. 3 
Francesco  Davanzati,  who  had  furnished  almost  all 
these  weapons,  and  was  then  in  the  convent,  brought 
out  and  distributed  them  to  those  best  able  to  use  them. 
Assisted  by  Baldo  Jnghirlami,  he  directed  the  defence 
for  some  time,  placing  guards  at  the  weakest  points, 
and  giving  the  necessary  orders.4  About  sixteen  of  the 
friars  took  arms,5  and  foremost  among  them  were  Fra 
Luca,  son  of  Andrea  della  Robbia,  and  our  Fra  Benedetto.6 
It  was  a  strange  sight  to  see  some  of  these  men,7  with 

1  Vide  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition  the  examination  of  Fran- 
cesco Davanzati,  of  Luca  della  Robbia,  Bartolommeo  Mei,  and 
Francesco  dei  Medici.     Vide  also  the  trial  of  the  three  Friars. 

2  Fra  Domenico,  who  confessed  nothing  that  was  not  strictly  true,  says 
that  he  had  neither  known  nor  suspected  the  existence  of  any  arms  in 
the  convent,  save  of  the  few  weapons  employed  for  Savonarola's  pro- 
tection when  he  walked  abroad.  "  Most  assuredly,"  he  said,  u  these 
arms  were  never  brought  in  by  the  order,  or  even  with  the  knowledge  of 
Padre  Fra  Hieronymo,  neither  were  they  introduced  by  my  will,  since  / 
always  laughed  at  the  idea  of  such  a  thing"  (i.e.,  the  idea  of  offering 
armed  resistance).  And  this  statement  was  confirmed  by  the  depositions 
of  the  other  prisoners. 

3  Some  allusion  was  made  to  these  two  small  mortars  in  the  examina- 
tion of  Lionello  Boni  and  Bartolommeo  Mei  :  the  former  replied  that  he 
had  heard  something  said  about  them,  and  the  other  thought  he  had  had 
a  sight  of  them.  Certain  modern  writers,  finding  the  word  artillery  used 
by  some  old  writers  in  accounts  of  these  events,  believed  that  there  were 
cannon  at  St.  Mark's.  This,  as  we  shall  see,  was  merely  one  of  the 
exaggerations  diffused  at  the  time.  In  those  days  all  firearms  were 
designated  as  artillery,  and  all  the  artillery  used  in  the  convent  consisted 
of  four  or  five  muskets,  since  the  mortars,  if  there  were  any,  were  never 
employed. 

4  Vide  the  examination  of  Niccolò  Calzaiuolo  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition. 

5  This  was  not  ascertained  clearly  from  the  friars'  own  depositionsr 
but  from  those  of  the  other  prisoners. 

6  Vide  his  examination  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 

7  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani." 


AND  TIMES, 

!  n  !  helmets  on 

bins  enormous  hai  and  speeding 

:    Viva    CHsSO,  to   call 

!  by  this,  and   Fra  I)o- 

isr  aside  their  weapons. 

m    1  |    >«    ra  •    stain   their    hands   in   blood;   they  must 

not  j  thei  f  the  gospel,  nor  their  superior's 

i  ried,  but  all  was  in  vain,  for  at  that 

tnent  the  furious  yells  outside  rose  to  a  deafening  pitch, 

and   nv  termined  attacks  were  made  on  the  gates.      It 

then  that  Savonarola  resolved  to  end  the  fruitless  and 

by   the  sacrifice  of   his  own  safety  ;   so, 

assumil  priest's  vestments,  and   taking  a  cross  in  his 

hand,  he  said  to  his  companions  :  "  Suffer  me  to  go  forth, 

e  through  me  orta  est  haec  tempesta*  ;  "  and  wished  to 
surrender  himself  to  his  enemies  at  once.2  But  he  was 
met    by   universal    cries    of   despair;    friars    and    laymen 

sed  round  him  with  tears  and  supplications.  "  No  ! 
do  not  leave  us  !  you  will  be  torn  to  pieces  ;  and  what 
would  become  of  us  without  you  ?  "  3     When  he  saw  his 

it  trusted  friends  barring  the  way  before  him,  he  turned 
about  and  bade  all  follow  him  to  the  church.  First  of  all 
he  carried  the  Host  in  procession  through  the  cloisters  ; 
then  led  the  way  to  the  choir,  and  reminded  them  that 
prayer  was  the  only  weapon  to  be  employed  by  ministers 
cf  religion,  whereupon  all  fell  on  their  knees  before  the 
consecrated  wafer,  and  intoned  the  chant  :  Sahum  fac 
popuinm  tuum>  Domine.     Some  had  rested  their  weapons 

»   Vide  Fra  Domenico's  trial  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition. 

urlamacchi,  p.  136.  Vide  also,  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
the  examination  of  Alessandro  Pucci,  and  the  trial  of  Fra  Silvestro:  all 
the  latter's  depositions  in  Savonarola's  favour  are  thoroughly  to  be 
credited,  since,  in  order  to  save  himself,  he  generally  sought  to  blacken 
his  superior. 

3  liurlamacchi,  and  the  trial  of  Fra  Silvestro. 


THE  ATTACK  ON  THE  CONVENT.  68 1 

against  the  wall,  others  still  grasped  them,  and  only  a  few 
remained  on  guard  at  the  main  entrances.1 

It  was  now  about  the  twenty-second  hour  (i.e.,  two 
hours  before  sundown),  the  throng  on  the  Piazza  had  in- 
creased, the  assailants  were  encouraged  by  meeting  with  no 
resistance,  and  the  Signory's  guards  were  coming  to  their 
aid.  At  this  moment  the  macebearers  appeared  to  pro- 
claim the  Signory's  decree  that  all  in  the  convent  were  to 
lay  down  their  arms,  and  that  Savonarola  was  sentenced  to 
exile,  and  ordered  to  quit  the  Florentine  territory  within 
twelve  hours'  time.2  Most  of  those  who  heard  this  an- 
nouncement regarded  it  as  a  device  of  the  enemy.3  It 
was  difficult  to  credit  that  the  Signory  could  order  the 
attacked,  who  were  making  scarcely  any  defence,  to  lay 
down  their  arms  while  the  assailants,  who  were  the  sole 
authors  of  the  disturbance,  and  in  far  greater  numbers, 
were  not  only  left  unmolested,  but  supplied  with  reinforce- 
ments !  Nevertheless,  the  proclamation  decided  several 
to  obtain  safe  conducts  and  hurry  away. 

Francesco  Valori  was  one  of  those  who  left  the  convent 
at  this  juncture.  Although  warned  by  Francesco 
Davanzati  and  others  that  he  was  exposing  himself  to 
serious  risk,  he  insisted  on  being  let  down  over  the  wall 
at  the  back.  Seeing  the  feeble  resistance  offered  by  the 
inmates  of  the  convent,  while  the  enemies'  forces  were 
continually  on  the  increase,  he  wished  to  repair  to  his  own 
house,  collect  his  adherents,  and  make  a  better  fight  in  the 
streets.  But  his  premises  were  quickly  surrounded  by  the 
mob,  who  threatened  to  set  them  on  fire  ;  and  a  mace- 
bearer    brought    him    a    summons    to    appear  before  the 

1  Examinations  of  the  accused  ;  the  trials  of  the  three  Friars  ;  Fra 
Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani  ;  "  Burlamacchi. 

3  This  proclamation  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xix. 

3  Fra  Domenico  declared  at  his  trial,  that,  to  the  very  last,  he  refused 
to  believe  that  the  Signory  posit/'-'ely  s"r>prrtrd  thr  *o«;s  of  St.  Mark's 


unprepared  for  resistance 

mptly  |  in  the  belief  that  his 

}x-r         influent  i    tnd  authority  would  prevail  with  the 

:  make  them  ashamed  of  what  they  had 

the   Palace,  with  the 
ide,  he  pushed  through  the  crowd  v 

ured  b  i  com;  air  of  a  man  convinced 

•i  innocence,  and    unaccustomed   to   shrink  from 
But    he    had    hardly    passed    the   corner   of  San 
when  a  group  of   Ridolfi    and    Tornabuoni,  kins- 
he  had  caused  to  be  condemned  to  death  the 
:J1  upon  him  sword  in  hand,  and  killed  him 
it.      Thus    a    public    hurt    was    avenged    by    a 
private  hate,  and  this  was  the  miserable  end  of  the  valiant 
and   h«  ■      '      :  ti  zen  who  had   ever   been  Savonarola's  most 
erful  ally.      Meanwhile,  startled  by  the  noise,  his  wife 
flown  to  the  window  in  great  alarm,  and  while  listen- 
bewildered,  to  the  cries  of  Valori  and  his  assassins,  a 
t;  from  a  crossbow  in  the  crowd  below,  reunited  her  to 
her  slaughtered  husband.    In  another  instant  the  maddened 
populace  had  stormed  the  house  ;  pillaged  it  and  set  it  on 
tire.     As  a  piteous  sequel  to  this  tragedy,  a  sleeping  babe, 
one  of  Yalori's  grandchildren,  was  accidentally  smothered 
under    a    mattress    while    the    rabble    were    pillaging    the 
beds.       Yet     the     Signory     allowed     these    outrages     to 
pass  with  impunity,  and  never   took  the   least   notice  of 
them.1    On   the  same  day  the  houses  of  Andrea  Cambini 
were    sacked    and    burnt,    and    those    of   Paolo  Antonio 
Soderini  and  Giov.  Battista  Ridolfi  were  only  saved  from 
the  popular  fury  by  the  presence  of  their  friends  and  of 
some  oi  the  Signory's  macebearers.2 

■  Vide  the  "Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi,  p.  187  ;  Nardi,  i.,  p.  151  ;  Luca 
Landucci,  "Diario,"  p.  171,  and  the  other  chroniclers  of  the  period. 
/  ide  also  the  "  Nuovi  Documenti  su  G.  Savonarola,"  published  by  Signor 
A.  Portioli  in  the  "Archivio  Storico  Lombardo,"  year  i.,  No.  iii. 

'Vide  the  authors  quoted  in  the  preceding  note,  and  the  letters  to 
the  Duke  of  Milan,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xx. 


A    VALIANT  DEFENCE,  C83 

Meanwhile  night  was  falling,  and  the  siege  of  the  con- 
vent being  carried  on  with  desperate  ferocity.  Some 
fired  the  gates,  while  others  had  successfully  scaled  the 
walls  on  the  Sapienza  side,1  and  made  their  way  into  the 
cloisters.  After  sacking  the  infirmary  and  the  cells,  they 
all  penetrated  to  the  sacristy  sword  in  hand,  and  broke 
open  the  door  leading  to  the  choir.  When  the  friars,  who 
were  kneeling  there  in  prayer,  found  themselves  thus  sud- 
denly attacked,  they  were  naturally  stirred  to  self-defence. 
Seizing  the  burning  torches,  and  crucifixes  of  metal 
and  wood,  they  belaboured  their  assailants  with  so  much 
energy  that  the  latter  fled  in  dismay,  believing  for  a 
moment  that  a  band  of  angels  had  come  to  the  defence  of 
the  convent.2 

Then  the  other  monks,  who  had  laid  down  their  arms 
at  Savonarola's  behest,  again  resumed  the  defence,  and 
there  was  more  skirmishing  in  the  cloisters  and  corridors. 
At  the  same  time  the  great  bell  of  the  convent,  called  the 
Piagnona,  tolled  forth  the  alarm  ;  both  besiegers  and 
besieged  fought  with  greater  fury  ;  all  was  clamour  and 

1  That  is,  from  the  street  afterwards  called  Via  del  Maglio,  and  now 
Via  La  Marmora. 

8  This  incident  is  given  by  Burlamacchi  and  the  other  biographers, 
and  also  in  almost  all  the  depositions  of  the  accused.  Fra  Benedetto 
describes  the  scene  as  follows  in  chap.  viii.  of  his  "  Cedrus  Libani  *  ; 

E  figli  del  Profeta  eran,  cantando 

Le  litanie,  avanti  al  Sacramento, 

Di  punto  in  punto  il  martirio  espettando. 

Et  io,  che  fui  presente  a  tal  spavento, 

Per  voler  che  ;1  Profeta  non  perissi 

Più  presto  d'esser  morto  ero  contento. 

Forza  fu  li  inimici  s'assalissi, 

Da  venti  el  più,  e  con  doppieri  accesit 

A  ciò  foco  per  foco  si  sentissi. 

E'  volti  degli  avversi  fumo  incesi, 

E  le  lor  teste  percosse  a  tal  forma, 

Che  fumo  espulsi,  et  alcun  morti  e  presi. 

E  discacciar  si  pochi  si  gran  torma, 

Cosa  divina  fu  e  non  umana.  .  .  . 


. 


/:  ,i\n  T/M 


ir,  and  ci  This 

was  th  ■  Baldo  [nghirlami  and  Fr 

iu  Mows,  and  that  Fri  Luca 

.    R  I    the   foes    through    the 

rd  in  hand.     Frii  Ben  and  a  :         hers 

.   the   ;         and  repeatedly  drove   back   the 

I  furious  hail    Oi    Stones  and  tiles.      Several  of 

k     '    ed  their  muskets  with  good    effect  inside  the 

church.  a  certain   h'ra  Enrico,  a  young,  fair-haired, 

me   German,  particularly  distinguished  himself  by 

I,      At    the   first    beginning   of  the  struggle   he 

I    courageously  sallied   out   into  the  midst  of  the  mob, 

possessed    himself    of   the    weapon    he    wielded     so 

mtly9  accompanying  each  stroke  with  the  cry  :  "  Sal- 

'  fulum  tuum,  Domine"  l 

At    this  juncture    the    victory   was  decidedly  with  St. 

Mark's,  and  its  defenders  were  exulting  in   their  success, 

n    a    fresh    edict    of    the    Signory     was     proclaimed, 

declaring    all    rebels    who    did    not    forsake   the   convent 

within  an  hour.2     Thereupon  several  more  demanded  safe 

lucts  and  departed,  thus   farther  diminishing  the   too 

scanty  garrison. 3   And  there  being  no  longer  any  doubt  as 

to  the  Signory's  intention  of  crushing  St.  Mark's,  even  the 

remnant  of  the  defenders  lost  hope  and  courage,  and  were 

1  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani,"  loc.  cit.  : 

Et  io  con  alcun  altri,  l'alta  scorza 
Del  tetto  della  chiesa  gittavamo, 
Che  dell'  uscirne  a'  nemici  fu  forza. 
Lor  arme  e  scuti  a  furia  rompa  vamo, 
Che  lapide  paria  dal  ciel  piovessi  : 
Così  lor  forze  indrieto  tenavamo. 

These  incidents  are  mentioned  by  Burlamacchi,  and  in  the  examinations 
of  several  of  the  prisoners. 

3   Vide  the  edict  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xix. 

1  Shortly  after,  another  edict  (Appendix,  doc.  xix.)  declared  to  be 
rebels  all  who  went  to  St.  Mark's,  but  this  did  not  prevent  the  guards 
ul  the  Signory  from  continuing  to  help  the  assaibnts. 


THE  STRUGGLE  AT  THE  ALTAR.  C85 

already  beginning  to  give  way.  Savonarola  and  many  of 
his  brethren  still  remained  in  the  choir,  offering  up  prayers, 
which  were  interrupted  from  time  to  time  by  the  cries  or 
the  injured  Or  the  piteous  wail  of  the  dying.  Among  the 
latter  was  a  youth  of  the  Panciatichi  House,  who  was 
borne,  fatally  wounded,  to  the  steps  of  the  high  altar,  and 
there,  amid  volleys  of  harquebuss  shots,  received  the  com- 
munion from  Fra  Domenico,  and  joyfully  drew  his  last 
breath  in  the  friar's  arms,  after  kissing  the  crucifix,  and 
exclaiming  :  Ecce  quam  bonum  et  quam  uuundum  habitare 

fratres  in  unum  !  l 

Night  had  now  come,  and  the  monks,  exhausted  with 
hunger  and  agitation,  devoured  some  dry  figs  one  of  then- 
companions  had  brought.  Suddenly  the  defence  was 
resumed;  louder  cries  were  heard  and  fresh  volleys  of 
shot.  In  the  pulpit  from  which  Savonarola  had  so  fre- 
quently inculcated  the  doctrine  of  peace,  Fra  Enrico,  the 
German,  had  now  taken  his  stand  and  was  firing  his 
harquebuse  with  fatal  effect.  The  smoke  became  so  dense 
that  it  was  necessary  to  break  the  windows  in  order  to 
escape  suffocation  ;  and  thereupon  long  tongues  of  flame 
poured  into  the  church  from  the  burning  doors.^  The 
German  and  another  defender  retreated  into  the  choir,  and, 
clambering  upon  the  high  altar,  planted  their  harquebusses 
beside  the  great  crucifix,  and  continued  their  fire.2^ 

Savonarola  was  overwhelmed  with  grief  by  this  waste 
of  life,  in  his  cause,  but  was  powerless  to  prevent  it.  No 
attention  being  paid  to  his  protests,  he  again  raised  the 
Host,  and  commanded  his  friars  to  follow  him.  Traversing 
the  dormitory,  he  had  conducted  nearly  all  to  the  Greek 
library,  when  he  caught  sight  of  Fra  Benedetto  rushing 
downstairs,  maddened   with  fury  and  fully  armed  to  con- 

1  "Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi,  p.  139.     Also  in   the  depositions  of  the 
accused. 

2  Burlamacchi.      The    depositions    of    Fra   Luca    della    Robbia,    ->1 
Girolamo  Gini  and  others,  in  Arvcndix  to  the  Italian  edition. 


rs. 


SAIO  NARO  I  AS  I 


issailantsat  close  quarters.     Laying  his  hand  on 
his  (ùm  ;i  severe  glance]  and 

■  reproof:  M  Fri  ll^r  ,  throv 

OS  ami    take  up   the  cross  ;    I  never   in- 
rcn    to    shed    blood." l      And    the  monk 
humbled    himself"  at   his  master's  feet,  laid    aside  his  arms, 
d  followed  him  to  the  library  with  the  rest. 


MIGIIELOZZO    MICHELOZZI. 

A  final  and  still  more  threatening  decree  was  now  issued 

by  the  Signory  against  all  who  continued  to  resist,  command- 

ing  Savonarola,  Fra  Domenico,  and  Fra  Silvestro  to  present 

themselves  at  the  palace  without   delay,  and  giving  their 

word  that  no  harm  should  be  offered  them.     Fra  Domenico 

1  Fra  Benedetto  ("  Ccdrus  Libani,"  chap,  viii.)  concludes  his  account  of 
the  incident  thus  : 

Allor  cessò  ciascun  di  far  ripari, 
Ogn1  uom  di  far  difesu  allora  restò, 
Per  non  voler  al  Santo  esser  discari 


SA  VONAROLAS  LAST  WORDS  TO  HIS  BRETHREN  6^7 

insisted  on  seeing  the  order  in  writing,  and  the  heralds, 
not  having  it  with  them,  went  back  to  fetch  it.  Mean- 
while Savonarola  had  deposited  the  sacrament  in  the  hall 
of  the  library  beneath  the  noble  arches  of  Michelozzi's 
vault,  and,  collecting  the  friars  around  him,  addressed  them 
for  the  last  time  in  these  memorable  words  :  "  My 
beloved  children,  in  the  presence  of  God,  in  the  presence 
of  the  consecrated  wafer,  with  our  enemies  already  in  the 
convent,  I  confirm  the  truth  of  my  doctrines.  All  that  I 
have  said  hath  come  to  me  from  God,  and  He  is  my 
witness  in  heaven  that  I  speak  no  lie.  I  had  not  fore- 
seen that  all  the  city  would  so  quickly  turn  against  me  ; 
nevertheless,  may  the  Lord's  will  be  done.  My  last  ex- 
hortation to  ye  is  this  :  let  faith,  prayer,  and  patience  be 
your  weapons.  I  leave  ye  with  anguish  and  grief,  to  give 
myself  into  my  enemies'  hands.  I  know  not  whether  they 
will  take  my  life,  but  certain  am  I  that,  once  dead,  I  shall 
be  able  to  succour  ye  in  heaven,  far  better  than  it  hath  been 
granted  me  to  help  ye  on  earth.  Take  comfort,  embrace 
the  cross,  and  by  it  shall  ye  find  the  way  of  salvation."  l 

The  invaders  were  now  masters  of  almost  the  whole  of 
the  convent,  and  Gioacchino  della  Vecchia,  captain  of  the 
palace  guard,  threatened  to  knock  down  the  walls  with  his 
guns,  unless  the  orders  of  the  Signory  were  obeyed.  Fra 
Malatesta  Sacramoro,  the  very  man  who,  a  few  days  before, 
had  offered  to  walk  through  the  fire,  now  played  the 
part  of  Judas.  He  treated  with  the  Compagnacci  and 
persuaded  them  to  present  a  written  order,  for  which  they 
sent  an  urgent  request  to  the  Signory,  while  Savonarola  again 
confessed  to  Fra  Domenico  and  took  the  sacrament  from 
his  hands,2  in  preparation  for  their  common  surrender. 
As  for   their   companion,   Fra    Silvestro,   he    had   hidden 

1  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani,"  chap.  ix. 

*  Burlamacchi  ;  Fra  Benedetto,"  Cedrus  Libani  ;  Violi,  "Giornata,"  iv  ; 
the  depositions  of  the  accused,  and  the  letters  to  the  Duke  of  Milan  in 
Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xx. 


in 


v,  if    nowhere    to    r>* 


r 


her  writers  state   that  there  was  no  doubt  as  to 

.:.     Bui  it  1ms  been  impossible  to  find  mar!/ 
firmation  ol  .1  limil  if  fa<  i  fini  menti*       I 
i  I  by  others  :  namely,  that  the  o 
pain  Iella  Pòrta,  later  Ira  >wn  as  Fra  Bartolommeo,  vai  in  the 

convent  at  the  time  and  hid  himself  through  i  oirardice.    This  would 


FRA    BARTOLOMMLO. 


scarcely  credible  :  the  resistance  offered  was  less  than  was  generally  said  ; 
the  greater  part  of  the  monks  and  many  of  the  laymen  remained  passive 
and  unarmed  in  deference  to  Savonarola's  commands.  Baccio  may  have 
possibly  done  the  same.  Fra  Silvestro  concealed  himself  in  order  to 
avoid  arrest,  but  no  search  was  made  for  Baccio  della  Porta.  Neverthe- 
less, for  the  sake  of  impartiality,  it  should  be  added,  that,  according  to 
the  depositions  of  the  accused,  it  would  seem  that  one  of  the  laymerv 
really  hid  himself;  consequently,  the  tale  told  of  Baccio  della  Porta 
(who  only  became  a  novice  in  1500,  and  took  the  vows  in  1 501)  may  possibly 
be  true.  But  throughout  the  documents  and  depositions  of  the  different 
trials  there  is  no  mention  of  his  name.  Vasari,  who  belonged  to  a  later 
period,  and  had  no  friendly  feeling  for  Savonarola  or  St.  Mark's,  cannot 
be  considered  a  safe  authority  on  the  subject.  Hence  we  are  inclined  to 
consider  his  assertion  unfounded. 


SAVONAROLA'S  SURRENDER.  689 

Just  then  a  singular  incident  occurred.  One  of  Savon- 
arola's disciples,  a  certain  Girolamo  Gini,  who  had  long 
yearned  to  assume  the  Dominican  robe,  had  come  to 
vespers  that  day,  and,  from  the  beginning  of  the  riot 
energetically  helped  in  the  defence  of  the  convent.  Whcr? 
Savonarola  ordered  all  to  lay  down  their  arms,  this  worth} 
artisan  instantly  obeyed,  but  nevertheless  could  not  refrain 
from  rushing  through  the  cloisters  and  showing  himself 
to  the  assailants,  in  his  desire,  as  he  confessed  at  his  ex- 
amination, to  face  death  for  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Having  been  wounded,  he  now  appeared  in  the  Greek 
library,  with  blood  streaming  from  his  head,  and,  kneeling 
at  his  master's  feet,  humbly  prayed  to  be  invested  with  the 
habit.      And  his  request  was  granted  on  the  spot.1 

Savonarola  was  urged  by  some  of  his  friends  to  con- 
sent to  be  lowered  from  the  walls  and  seek  safety  in 
flight,  since,  if  he  once  set  foot  in  the  palace,  there  was 
little  chance  of  his  ever  leaving  it  alive.  He  hesitated 
and  seemed  on  the  point  of  adopting  this  sole  means  of 
escape,  when  Fra  Malatesta  turned  on  him  and  said  : 
"Should  not  the  shepherd  lay  down  his  life  for  his 
lambs? f>  These  words  appeared  to  touch  him  deeply,  and 
he  accordingly  made  no  reply  ;  but  after  kissing  his 
brethren  and  folding  them  to  his  heart — this  very  Mala- 
testa first  of  all— he  deliberately  gave  himself  up, 
together  with  his  trusty  and  inseparable  Fra  Domenico, 
into  the  hands  of  the  macebearers,  who  had  returned 
from  the  Signory  at  that  instant.2     They  had  already  sur- 

1  Vide  his  examination  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition.  He  then 
«=aid  that  this  was  no  sudden  impulse,  inasmuch  as  for  some  time  past  he 
had  left  all  his  business  in  order  to  study  and  qualify  himself  for  becoming 
a  monk. 

2  Burlamacchi  ;  Violi,  "Giornata,"  iv.  In  the  "  Cedrus  Libani"  chap, 
ix.,  Fra  Benedetto  says  : 

El  sangue  iusto,  o  crudel,  non  dovevi 
Conceder  alle  gente  scellerate, 
Che  d'esser  morto  quel  quasi  '1  vedevi. 
Parte  di  Juda  fumo  tua  pedate.  .   .  . 

45 


.V. 

ten  he  turned  once  more  to  his  friari  and 

11  Mv  brethren,  t&k  '   tO  doul  The  work 

i  Lord  shall  |   >  fi  ■: -v.  ard  «  ithout  (  and  my  d< 

will    but  '      No  sooner  were   the  two   h 

than  the  mob  pre  >und 

..  th  fer  ■  triumph.     At  this  Fri  Bene- 

i  had  hitherto  followed  them  at  a  distance,  could 

no  i  rain  his  anguish  ;   and  pushing  forward  with 

leclared  that  he  must  go  to  prison  with  his 
But  no   one   listened   to   him,  tor  all  were  in: 

d  with  ra  The  surging  crowd  bore  Savonarola  and 

Domenico   out   into  the    Piazza   of   St.    Mark's,  and 

Fra  Bel  >  was  left  to  his  despair  in  the  cloister.      He 

tells  us  that  so  terrible  an  uproar  was  then   heard,  that   all 

thought  Savonarola  had  been  slain  on  the  spot.2 

1  cnth  hour  of  the  night  (one   o'clock,  ant.)   had 

now  struck.  The  macebearers  had  bound  Savonarola, 
and  the  rabble  pressed  about  him  in  a  thick  mass,  like 
a  stormy  sea  ;  helmets,  breastplates,  swords,  and  spears 
glittered  here  and  there  in  the  dim  light  of  lanterns  and 
torches.  All  gazed  on  him  with  threatening  mien,  they 
flashed  lanterns  in  his  eyes,  crying  out  :  "Behold  the  true 
light!"  they  singed  him  with  torches,  saying  :  "Now  give 
a  turn  to  the  key  ;  "  they  twisted  his  fingers,  struck  him, 
and  tauntingly  inquired  :  "  Prophesy  who  it  is  that  has 
buffeted  thee."  Their  ferocity  reached  such  a  pitch,  that 
his  guards  had  great  difficulty  in  protecting  him  with  a 
fence  of  crossed  spears  and  shields.  The  insults  he 
endured  by  the  way  may  be  more  easily  imagined  than 
described,  and  the  mob  continued  to  wreak  their  brutality 
on  him  until  he  had  entered  the  palace.  Even  while  in 
the  act  of  passing  through  the  postern  door,  one  of  the 


*  Burlamacchi,  p.  143. 

•  Burlamacchi,  p.  143  ;  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani,"  chap.  x. 


^ 


IMI- 1',     i  I  I.I.    AT   ST.    MAHK'S 


IN  PRISON.  691 

populace  kicked  him  in  the  back  and  exclaimed  :  "  This 
is  the  seat  of  his  prophecies  !  "  1 

When  the  two  prisoners  were  finally  brought  before  the 
Gonfalonier,  he  asked  whether  they  persisted  in  declaring 
that  their  words  were  divinely  inspired  ;  and  on  their  re- 
plying in  the  affirmative,  ordered  them  to  be  thrust  into 
separate  cells.  Savonarola  was  placed  in  the  Alberghettina 
(little  hostelry),  a  small  chamber  in  the  bell-tower,  in 
which  Cosimo  de'  Medici  had  once  suffered  imprisonment, 
and  where  for  the  first  time  he  found  a  little  rest  after  the 
terrible  events  of  the  day.  The  same  night  his  brother 
Alberto,  who  chanced  to  be  in  Florence,  was  arrested,  but 
was  soon  set  at  liberty.  The  following  day  Fra  Silvestro 
came  out  from  his  hiding-place,  and  was  immediately 
betrayed  by  Sacramoro  to  the  enemies,  who  had  feasted 
all  night  on  luxurious  viands  at  the  friars'  humble  board.2 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  144,  and  the  "  Vita  Latina."     Fra  Benedetto,  loc. 
cit.,  after  a  minute  description  of  these  scenes,  adds  : 

Tre  mila  in  circa  fu  la  gran  canaglia, 
Che  menò,  via  il  pastor  com  'un  'agnello, 
Per  forza  no,  con  persa  lor  battaglia. 

And  farther  on  he  says  : 

Non  so  se  tante  grida  è  nell'  Inferno, 
Qual  fu  la  notte  quando  quel  menomo 
A' Signor  di  Firenze  a'  quali  el  dierno. 
a  Burlamacchi,  p.  144.  The  account  of  this  day's  work  has  been  com- 
piled from  the  "  Vita  Latina,"  the  works  of  Burlamacchi  and  Pico,  but 
more  especially  from  the  "  Cedrus  Libani  "  of  Fra  Benedetto,  the  inter- 
rogatories of  the  accused,  the  trials  of  the  three  friars,  the  decrees  of  the 
Signory,and  the  documents  edited  by  Padre  Marchese  and  others.  The 
abundance  of  materials  has  increased  instead  of  diminishing  the  difficulty 
of  the  task.  All  authorities  give  the  same  details  of  the  event,  but 
each  in  a  different  way,  according  to  what  they  had  seen  or  remembered, 
or  as  it  best  suited  them  to  represent  the  facts.  For  it  was  often  con- 
venient to  the  accused  to  give  an  altered  or  diminished  account  of  the 
part  they  had  played.  Only  a  laborious  and  most  minute  examination  of 
documents  has  enabled  us  to  arrive  at  what  we  believe  to  be  a  truthful 
statement  of  the  facts  derived  from  careful  consultation  of  the  evidence 


v. 

Meanwhile,  the  S  I  to  make  known  to 

M i|  m,  and  I  r  Courta  all  that  had  occui 

on  the  evenir.::  <>i  the  April,  colouring  the  I 

the  ir  »nd  to  suit  the  temper  of  tfa  arn- 

:.    To  the  Florentine  orator  in  France 
thc\  a  very  summary  sketch  of  the  matter,  order* 

him  tO  communicate  it  tO  no  one.      This  was  because 

.    were  aw;ire  of  the  king's  friendship  tor  Savonarola.1 

But  they  sent  the  minutest  details  to  Bonsi  in  Rome,  and 
commissioned    him    to   obtain    from    the    Pope   a   general 

.  from  all  the  censures  they  might  have  incurred, 
not  onlv  for  their  prolonged  toleration  of  Savonarola's 
sermons,  but  also  for  having  laid  violent  hands  on  cccle- 
ics.  They  also  begged  to  be  authorized  to  sit  in 
-merit  on  the  friars,  and  at  the  same  time  seized  the 
opportunity  of  asking  for  a  speedy  settlement  of  the 
question  of  Church  tithes.  It  may  be  conceived  with 
what  eagerness  the  Pope  replied  to  the  Signory  of  Florence. 
I  le  hastened  to  designate  them  as  true  sons  of  the  Holy 
Church  ;  gave  them  his  full  absolution  and  blessing  ; 
granted  them  the  required  authorization  to  examine,  try, 
and  torture  the  prisoners  ;  praised  all  they  had  done; 
promised  and  sent  to  the  city  a  plenary  indulgence  for 
the  Easter  octave  in  Santa  Reparata;  but  insisted  very 
stroncly  that  on  the  conclusion  of  the  trial  the  friars 
should  be  given  into  his  hands  to  suffer  the  punish- 
ment they  deserved.  Nevertheless,  he  was  lavish  only  of 
promises  as  regarded  the  Church  tithes  and  all  the  rest. 
The  Duke  of  Milan  also   sent   special   messengers  with 

given  by  eyewitnesses.  According  to  Somenzi,  whose  object  it  was  to 
attenuate  the  importance  of  the  riot,  there  were  only  twelve  dead  and 
twenty-five  wounded.  His  letter  was  published  in  Professor  del  Lungo's 
work,  loc.  cit.,  document  xl.  Vide  also  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xx. 

■  On  the  9th  of  April  they  wrote  to  him  thus  :  "  You  will  communicate 
this  letter  to  no  one  ;  it  is  solely  for  'our  private  information  "  (Padre 
Marchese,  loc.  cit.,  doc.  xxv:'i.). 


DEATH  OF  CHARLES  VIII,  693 

letters  of  congratulation  :  expressed  his  desire  to  assist 
the  Republic  ;  urged  the  Signory  to  keep  it  united  and 
quickly  restore  it  to  order  ;  was  ready  to  aid  it  in  every 
emergency,  and  to  surrender  Pisa  in  a  few  days'  time.1 

But  the  best  tidings  for  Savonarola's  foes  came  from  a 
most  unexpected  source.  The  latest  letters  from  France 
brought  the  news  that  on  the  7th  of  April,  the  day 
fixed  for  the  ordeal  by  fire  in  Florence,  Charles  VIII.  had 
died  at  Amboise.  And  his  end  had  been  wretched,  even 
as  Savonarola  had  so  often  predicted  that  it  would  be,  in 
consequence  of  his  abandonment  of  the  Lord's  work. 
Suddenly  smitten  by  an  apoplectic  stroke,  he  had  been 
carried  into  a  most  filthy  hole  ;  2  and  there,  on  a  heap  of 
straw,  the  King  of  France  had  drawn  his  last  breath.  But 
never  was  any  prophecy  more  unfortunately  fulfilled,  nor 
with  greater  harm  to  the  prophet.  Savonarola  lost  in 
Charles  his  last  and  most  powerful  support,  precisely 
when  the  only  hope  of  safety  lay  in  his  help,  and  at  the 
very  moment  when  the  monarch  seemed  again  on  the  point 
of  turning  his  thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  Italy  and  the 
reform  of  the  Church. 3    But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  all 

1  Vide  the  brief  dated  12th  of  April,  in  Gherardi's  "Nuovi  Documenti," 
doc.  vi.,  p.  145  and  fol.  ;  and  also  various  letters  from  Bonsi  in  Rome, 
and  Pepi  in  Milan  in  the  same  work.  Vide  also  Nardi,  i.  154;  Burla- 
macchi,  "  Vita  Latina  ;"  Padre  Marchese,  docs.  xxv.  and  xxx.  From 
Pepi's  letters  it  would  seem  that  Ludovico  was  not  altogether  pleased  by 
what  had  occurred,  fearing-,  in  fact,  that  the  Florentines  would  now 
be  too  completely  under  the  thumb  of  Alexander  VI.  Pepi  himself  was 
still  more  displeased,  for  as  a  follower  of  Savonarola,  he  no  longer 
knew  what  attitude  to  assume.  Pope  Alexander,  however,  was  over- 
joyed, and  on  the  nth  of  April  sent  two  other  complimentary  briefs  to 
Francesco  di  Puglia  and  the  Franciscans,  lauding  all  they  had  done 
against  Savonarola.  They  are  to  be  found  in  Quétif,  "  Additiones," 
pp.  462-463. 

2  Vide  Commines,  "  Mémoires,"  lib.  viii.  chap.  xxv.  :  "  Estoit  le  plus 
deshonneste  lieu  de  leans  car  tout  le  monde  y  pissoit,  et  estoit  rompue  à 
l'entrée." 

3  Commines,  "  Mémoires,"  lib.  viii.  chap.  xxv.  Vide  the  passage 
quoted  elsewhere  in  this  volume.     Even  Guasconi,  who  was  much  at- 


'  S  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 


things  •  the   poor   Friar;   and  no 

hope  remained  to  him  on  earth. 

lo  Savooai  •  .  in  announcing  the  death  of  King  Charles 

"  And   just  when  he  w.i>   feeling   the   Deed   of  doing  some- 
thing, hfr  has  failed  him."     Vidi  his  letter  given  in  the  examination  of 

llaninghi,  m  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxix.  No.  12. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


SA  VONoJROLA  is  examined  and  put  to  the  question. 

THE  ^MAGISTRATES  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  CONCOCT  TWO 
FALSIFIED  REPORTS  OF  HIS  AVOWALS,  BUT  STILL 
FAIL   TO  PcROVE  HIS  GUILT. 


(April  9-25,  1498.) 

HE  day  following  the  tumult  was  Holy- 
Monday  :  the  beginning  of  the  week 
consecrated  to  the  memory  of  our 
Redeemer's  sacrifice,  during  which  the 
people  were  accustomed  to  crowd  round 
v^?r^2££r>  Savonarola  in  the  greatest  numbers, 
and  in  which  he  had  always  delivered  his  most  impressive 
and  eloquent  sermons.  Now,  on  the  contrary,  he  was 
hidden  in  a  dungeon,  in  the  hands  of  the  enemies,  who 
were  masters  of  the  town.1  An  unusual  activity  was  to 
be  noticed  in  the  Palace,  a  perpetual  running  to  and  fro 
of  heralds  and  macebearers,  searching  in  the  name  of  the 
magistrates  for  all  who  were  best  known  as  partisans 
of  the  Friar  and  the  popular  government.  Some,  in 
defiance  of  the  express  prohibition,  succeeded  in  escaping  ; 
while  others  gave  themselves  up.     In  this  manner,  besides 

x  Landucci  writes,  at  p.  171  of  his  "  Diario":  "And  nothing  more  was 
done  on  the  9th  day  of  April,  149S  ;  weapons  were  at  rest,  but  not 
tongues  ;  hell  seemed  let  loose  ;  men  were  never  weary  of  crying  traitor 
and  thief.  As  for  saying  a  word  in  the  Friar's  favour,  it  was  impossible  ; 
one  would  have  been  killed." 


.  Ir  i  Domenico  tn  I 
.  some   monk  omc 

r   tor   having    taken    part    in 

ent  or  as  known  and  declared 
P  After   the   sack    of  St.   Mirk's   the   whole 

refuilj  died    from  end   to  end, 

11  in  particular,   in  the  hope  of  discover, 
that    might    he    useful     in     concocting    the 
CC  by  which  it  was  planned  to  destroy  him.      Mean- 
while brethren    had    withdrawn    to  the   infirmary: 
where»  after  having  tended  the  wounded  and  dying,  not 
r*  their  own   side   hut  also  or'  the  attacking   party, 
they   erected    an   altar   and   engaged   in   prayer.2     At  the 
e  time  the  Compagnacci  collected  all  the  weapons  they 
in   the   convent   church,   stacked  them   in   a   cart, 
carried    them,    still    blood-stained,    round    the     city    and 
exhibited    them    to    the    people,    crving  :     "Behold    the 
f  St.  Mark  ;   behold  the  miracles  of  the  Friar, 
and  the  tokens  of  his  Jove  for  the  people  of  Florence  !  "  3 
AJJ  this  naturally  had  much  effect  on  the  multitude,  who 
considered   themselves  defrauded  and  tricked,  because   no 
miracle  had  been  wrought  cither  on  the  day  of  the  ordeal  by 
or  at  the  storming  of  the  convent.     And  the  Signory, 
intent  on   striking  the   iron   while   it   was  hot,   neglected 
no  means   of  forwarding  their  purpose.     A  Pratica   was 
rnbied  the  same  day  to  discuss  the  best  mode  of  con^ 
ducting   the   prisoners'   examination.     Their  inquiries  on 
this    occasion    plainly    showed    that    they   had    not    only 
resolved  to  break  their  sworn  pledge  of  releasing  Savo- 
narola    and    his    two    companions,   but    were    also   deter- 
mined to  override  the  customs  and  even  the  laws  of  the 
Republic. 

1   Vide  their  interrogatories  or  examinations  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian 
edition,  doc.  xxx. 

3  I:urlamacchi,  p.  144.  s  Ibid.,  p.  145. 


SAVONAROLA    WRITING    IN    HIS   CELL. 


DELIBERATIONS  AS  TO  THE  PRISONER'S  FATE.   697 

In  fact,  they  first  of  all  demanded  "  whether  the  three 
friars  whom  they  had  been  obliged  to  seize,  for  the  honour 
of  the  Republic,  should  be  examined  here  in  Florence,  or 
sent  to  Rome  in  accordance  with  the  Pontiffs  request  ;  "  x 
and  they  next  asked  :  "  What  should  be  decreed  as  to  the 
functions  of  the  actual  Ten  of  Liberty  and  Eight  of 
Guard?'*  Both  these  magistracies,  and  the  first  in  par- 
ticular, having  always  been  favourable  to  Savonarola,  this 
was  a  very  important  question  ;  for,  according  to  the  law, 
it  was  the  special  function  of  the  Eight  to  judge  State 
offences.  Hence  the  Signory  wished  both  the  Eight  and 
the  Ten  to  be  changed  before  the  expiration  of  their  legal 
term  of  office,  in  order  to  ensure  the  election  of  men  of 
their  own  party.  This  would  be  the  only  means  of  secur- 
ing full  liberty  of  action.  We  have  no  detailed  report  of  the 
debate.  Nothing  but  the  briefest  outline  of  the  proceed- 
ings and  the  gist  of  the  speeches  made  on  the  occasion 
have  been  preserved.  Messer  Guidantonio  Vespucci, 
spokesman  for  the  bench  of  the  doctors  of  the  law,  who 
in  the  Pratica  of  the  14th  of  March  had  been  the  chief 
of  Savonarola's  opponents,  was  the  first  to  rise  to  his  feet. 
He  instantly  proposed  :  "  That  Fra  Ieronimo  should  be 
privately  examined  by  competent  persons,  so  that  when 
the  trial  was  concluded,  only  such  portions  of  it  as  their 
Excellencies  thought  fit  need  be  made  known  to  the 
public.  That  it  would  not  be  expedient  to  send  the 
Friar  to  Rome,  but  merely  to  inform  the  Pope  that  he 
would  be  kept  in  safe  custody.  As  to  the  magistrates 
of  the  Ten,"  he  added,  a  some  think  that  a  new  election 
should  immediately  be  held  ;  whereas  others  consider  that 
the  present  men  should  continue  in  office  until  the  expira- 
tion of  their  legal  term.     As  to  the  Eight,  it  should  be 


*   Vide  the  Ieratica  in  the  Register  previously  quoted,  at  sheet  189  and 
fol.,  and  in  doc.  viii.  of  Professor  Lupi's  published  collection. 


VD  TIMI 

■    i    !  th.it  their*  nend."1     Almost  all 

the  -  ikcra  shared   ti  ;,  but  went 

diano    M  :ii,   in    6ct,   bu  ,1    that 

both  the  1  nd  the  Ten  should  at  once  be  change 

the   temper  of  the   men   actually   in   office." 

Giovan  Pa         I     'ti    had   even   the   aiulacitv  t<»  add  that  if 
•h  llld  not  prove  suitable,  they  should 

be  pelled    to   resign,    in   order   that   others   might    be 

eJ  in   their   BJ  The   majority   were   also  "agreed 

that  it  would  be  by  no  means  advisable  to  publish  the 
trial  in  full,  "remembering,"  as  Paolo  Rucellai  said,  "  tha. 
rj  to  look  on  the  writings  of  Pompey."  2 
The  gist  of  the  matter  was,  that  full  powers  were  granted 
to  the  Government  to  make  and  unmake  either  of  the  two 
ma  ^-ies  at   will.        The   party   of   the   Piagnoni   was 

practically  extinct,  the  Arrabbiati  were  supreme,  and  the 

gnory  were  now  free  to  do  as  they  chose.  Accordingly 
they  at  once  elected  new  councils  of  the  Ten  and  the 
Eight,  and  made  them  take  their  places  beside  the  men 
actually  in  office.     Then,   on  the  nth  of  April,  they  ap- 

:nted  a  special  commission  of  seventeen  examiners  3 
to  conduct  the  trial  of  the  three  friars,  and  with  full 
power  to  use  torture  or  any  other  means  that  might  be 
found   necessary  to   their  purpose.        The  names  of  the 

mmissioners  chosen   sufficed   to  prove  with  how  little 

justice    and    impartiality  the   trial    would    be    conducted. 

I  here  was  Giuliano  Mazzinghi,  who  had  suggested  in  the 

Pratica  the  immediate  and  unlawful  dismissal  from  office  of 

■  The  Eight  were  to  go  out  of  office  at  the  end  of  April  ;  but  the  Ten 
were  to  be  in  power  for  two  months  longer. 

3  Vide  the  previously  quoted  report  of  the  Pratica  held  on  the  9th  of 
April,  149S. 

3  Vide  in  Appendix,  doc.  xxiii.,  the  decree  of  the  nth  of  April,  149S, 
in  the  above-quoted  register,  No.  100,  in  the  Florence  Archives,  at  shee- 
35.  Authorities  vary  as  to  the  number  of  examiners  appointed.  Nardi 
states  that  there  were  twelve,  Pico  fifteen,  Burlamacchi  sixteen  ;  we 
have  adhered  to  the  indisputable  evidence  of  the  official  decree. 


A  TRIBUNAL  OF  THE  FRIAR S  BITTEREST  FOES.  699 

the  Eight  and  the  Ten  ;  there  was  Piero  degli  Alberti, 
he  that  on  the  day  of  the  ordeal  had  displayed  such  inso- 
lent and  shameless  animosity  against  Savonarola  ;  there 
was  Doffo  Spini,  the  chief  of  the  Compagnacci,  principal 
author  of  all  the  machinations  against  him,  and  ringleader 
in  the  riot  on  Ascension  Day,  at  the  ordeal  by  fire  and  in 
the  assault  on  the  convent.  Thus  the  very  man  who  had 
so  often  employed  assassins  to  attempt  the  Friar's  life, 
and  tried  to  kill  him  with  his  own  hands  in  the  streets  of 
Florence,  was  now  one  of  the  new  Council  of  Eight  and 
member  of  the  commission  specially  chosen  to  conduct  the 
trial  and  pronounce  the  final  sentence.  His  person  was  well 
known  to  Savonarola,  who  had  frequently  seen  him  with 
eyes  blazing  with  ferocious  vindictiveness,  and  with  his 
dagger  half  drawn  from  its  sheath,  trying  to  force  his  way 
through  the  impenetrable  barrier  of  friends  whose  lives 
were  heroically  devoted  to  their  master's  defence.  And  he 
now  beheld  this  man  draped  in  the  official  robe  and  play- 
ing the  part  of  a  judge,  and  immediately  realized  what 
humanity  would  be  shown  in  the  examination  and  what 
honesty  in  the  verdict.  The  intention  to  violate  all  prin- 
ciples of  law  and  justice  was  so  plainly  evident,  even  from 
the  first,  that  one  of  the  examiners  indignantly  threw  up 
his  appointment  the  moment  after  receiving  it,  declaring 
<c  that  he  would  have  no  share  in  this  homicide."  l 

From  the  outset  innumerable  illegalities  were  committed. 
The  commission  was  appointed  by  a  decree  of  the  1 1  th  of 
April  to  preside  over  a  trial  nominally  begun  on  the  9th, 
with  the  assistance  of  two  Florentine  canons  selected  by 
order  of  the  Pope,  whose  letter  to  that  effect,  as  Violi 

x  In  recounting  this  fact,  Burlamacchi  attributes  the  words  to  Francesco 
degli  Albizzi,  but  this  was  a  mistake,  since  Albizzi's  name  is  on  the  list  of 
examiners  in  the  printed  version  of  the  trial.  Bartolo  Zati  is  the  man 
whose  name  is  included  in  the  list  formed  on  the  1  ith  of  April,  but 
absent  from  that  printed  in  the  report  of  the  trial.  Thus  the  original 
number  of  seventeen  examiners  was  reduced  to  sixteen. 


ividence  of  the  official  cor- 

ild  n<  •    |      ibly  have  arrive, 1  before  the 

It     Wluu  rtain  is  that,  after  being  interrogated 

: — that  is,  between  midnight 
v,  the  8th  of  April,  and  the  morning  of  the 

!  a  was  taken  the   following  day  to  the  upper 
hall  of  the  Bar         '  and  after  be  rain  interrogated, 

th  nsulted,  was  roped  tO  a  pulley,  and  put  to 

the    question,      lie   was   hoisted    some  distance  from   the 
,    then    allowed   to   tall    rapidly,   and   the   rope    being 
flecked    with    a   jerk,    his    arms    were    forced 
hack     until     they    described    a    half-circle,     his    muscles 
I   all    his    limbs   quivering   with    pain.       The 
r  the  rope  and  pulley,  when  slightly  applied  was 
by   no    means   one   of   the    most  cruel,   but   could  some- 
times be  used  in  a  way  to  overcome  the  strongest  frame 
and    the    firmest   endurance.       When    continued   for  any 
length   of   time    it    invariably   produced  delirium,   some- 
times ending  in  death  ;   consequently  the   sufferer    could 
be  made  to  confess  anything.     It  was  only  a  question  of 
time. 

Even  in  early  youth  Savonarola  had  been  of  delicate  and 
sensitive  fibre,  and  owing  to  continued  austerities,  prolonged 
lis,  and  eight  years  of  uninterrupted  ministrations  in 
the  pulpit,  he  had  become  singularly  ailing  and  nervous. 
Indeed  for  some  time  past  he  had  been  in  a  state  of  almost 
incessant  suffering,  and  only  seemed  to  live  by  the  force 
of  his  will.  All  that  he  had  undergone  during  these  last 
days— peril,  insult,  and  the  pain  of  finding  himself  for- 
saken by  all — had  greatly  increased  his  already  morbid 
sensibility,  in  this  state  he  was  subjected  to  cruel  and 
and  unbearable  torture!     As  was  only  to  be  expected,  he 


■  The  palace  of  the  Bargello  was  then  next  to  the  Custom  House,  and 
joir.ed  by  it  to  that  of  the  Signoria. 


PUT  TO  THE  QUESTION.  ;ci 

soon  began  to  rave  ;  his  replies  lost  all  coherence,1  and  at 
last,  as  if  despairing  of  himself,  he  cried  in  a  voice  that 
might  have  softened  a  stone,  though  with  no  effect  upon 
his  judges  :  Tolte,  tolte,  Domine,  animam  meam.2  Well 
indeed  for  him  had  he  died  at  that  moment  !  His  memory 
would  have  been  spared  many  new  calumnies,  and  his 
heart  an  endless  series  of  novel  pangs. 

So  far  his  enemies  had  extorted  no  avowals  from  him. 
On  being  taken  down  and  again  interrogated  he  reasserted 
the  truth  of  his  doctrines,  and  when  requested  to  answer 
differently,  exclaimed,  "  Ye  tempt  the  Lord."  3  He  wav; 
then  supplied  with  writing  materials,  but  the  nature  of  his 
declarations  caused  the  examiners  first  to  conceal  and  then 
destroy  the  sheets,  and  to  discard  the  idea  of  basing  the 
trial  on  the  prisoner's  autograph  confessions,  as  was  required 
by  the  law.  These  few  papers,  of  which  no  trace  was 
preserved,  may  be  considered  as  Savonarola's  only  au- 
thentic confession^  since,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  he  was 
allowed  to  write  nothing  more  with  his  own  hand  through- 
out the  rest  of  his  examination.  On  perceiving  that 
nothing  suited  to  their  purpose  could  be  extracted  from  his 
vague  replies,  they  had  him  unbound  and  sent  back  to 
prison.  Once  in  his  cell,  he  knelt  down  and  prayed  for 
his  executioners,  crying  :  "  O  Lord,  they  know  not  what 
they  do."  5 

The   proceedings  had  now  to  be  started  afresh,  new 

1  "Inventum  est  item  in  posterioribus  con  fessi  on  nm  libellis  obtestatum 
se  vi  tormentorum  multa  dixisse,  et  abalienari  animo  cum  torqueretur" 
(Pico,  p.  83).  Several  proofs  of  this  are  even  to  be  gleaned  from  the 
trial. 

3  Burlamacchi,  pp.   145-146  ;  Pico,  p.  77. 

3  "Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi  and  Pico.  See,  too,  in  Appendix, 
docs.  xxi.  and  xxii.,  and  the  narratives  of  Violi  and  Fra  Benedetto. 

4  Hence  the  existence  of  a  genuine  proces  verbale  in  the  Friar's  hand 
s  altogether  hypothetical.     Much  information  will  be  found  concerning 

the  few  papers  he  really  wrote,  and  which  were  subsequently  destroyed^ 
ai  Violi's  "Giornate"  and  the  "Vulnera  Dihgentis"  of  Fra  Benedetto. 

5  Burlamacchi  and  Pico. 


VD  TIMES. 

nory   lost    no    time   in 
I  only  asked   i  bt&incd   absolution 

R    •         '    r     the     ii:  nmcnt,     examination,    ami 

but  permission  to  continue  the  same 
tad  j  leanwhile  they  Burn- 
ir   Pra  to   consult   what  reply  should  be 
to  the  Pope  as  to  sending   the  three   friars  to  Rome 
r  the  trial.  linst   giving   up  the 
rs,  but  SU              1  that  the    Pope  should    he  kept  in 
good  humour  by    fair    words,  so  that  he  might  be  induced 
to  grant   them  the  tithe  on  Church  property.2     Finally  a 
-.mission   was  appointed   in  due  legal  form  to  draw  up 
the   ca             inst   the   prisoners.      But  how   was   it   to   be 
up  ?      It  was  so  hard  to  decide  this  capital  point, 
that  all  proceedings  were  suspended  on  the  ioth  of  April. 3 
The    people    murmured     impatiently    at    the    delay,    the 
Signor v  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  openly  groaned  over 
the   uncertainty  with   their   intimates.     Seeing  that,  apart 
from  his  written   replies,  nothing   but   vague  and  contra- 
dictory words  were  to  be  extorted,  even  by  torture,  from 
Savonarola,  how  could  he  be  condemned  with  any  show  of 
legality  ?      The   fabrication   of  entirely  fictitious  avowals 
would  never  be  sanctioned  by  all  the  commissioners,  added 
to  which,  a  fraud  of  this  kind  would  be  liable  to  discovery 
and  might  have  very   serious   consequences.      It  was  then 
that  a  Florentine  notary,  Ser  Ceccone  di  Ser  Barone,  said 
to  one  of  the  examiners  who  was  making  these  complaints: 
11  Where  no  real  case  exists,  it  is  necessary  to  invent  one." 

1  Vide  the  brief  of  the  17th  of  April,  1498,  and  the  letters  of  the 
Signory  and  their  ambassador  at  pp.  154-155  of  Gherardi's  work.  Vide 
also  Padre  Marchese,  doc.  xxx. 

"  Pratica  of  the  13th  of  April  in  the  before-quoted  Register,  and  in 
doc.  be.  of  Signor  Lupi's  published  collection. 

3  So  it  would  seem  from  the  two  editions  of  the  trial  published  at  the 
time,  although  we  have  the  authority  of  several  Codices  to  the  effect  th.it 
even  on  the  ioth  the  examination  of  the  accused  was  continued.  The 
manuscript  minutes  of  the  trial  underwent  many  arbitrary  alterations. 


FALSE  DEPOSITIONS  PREPARED.  703 

And  he  added  that  he  should  not  be  afraid  to  find  a  way 
of  doing  it.1 

This  Ceccone  had  originally  belonged  to  the  Medicean 
party  and  been  concerned  in  Piero1  s  conspiracy,  but  on  its 
discovery  had  sought  refuge  at  St.  Mark's,  and  found 
protection  and  safety  with  the  monks.  While  there  he 
feigned  to  be  converted  to  religion,  daily  attended  the 
sermon,  and  played  the  part  of  a  Piagnone.  But  this  did 
not  prevent  him  from  acting  as  a  spy  for  Duke  Ludovico, 
to  whom  he  wrote  letters  in  cypher,  with  full  details  of  all 
that  was  going  on  in  Florence.2  He  continued  to  pursue 
this  career  until  Savonarola's  incarceration,  when,  throwing 
off  the  mask,  he  not  only  showed  himself  a  declared  enemy 
of  the  Friar,  but  offered  to  draw  up  falsified  depositions, 
altering  the  prisoner's  replies,  without  too  many  verbal 
changes,  in  such  a  way  as  to  facilitate  his  condemnation.  He 
was  known  to  be  a  sharp-witted  man,  quite  capable  of  the 
work,  and  accordingly  his  offer  was  not  only  accepted,  but 
he  was  promised  the  considerable  reward  of  four  hundred 
ducats  in  the  event  of  his  success.  No  attention  was  paid 
to  the  fact  that  as  notary  to  the  Signory  he  was  legally 
unqualified  to  draw  up  the  case. 3  But  legality  was  now 
altogether  discarded.  Thus,  on  the  nth,  a  real  beginning 
was  made  to  the  so-called  trial,  and  the  iniquitous  mode  in 
which  the  evidence  was  compiled  proved  the  origin  of  many 
strange  and   contradictory  opinions  regarding  Savonarola, 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  147.  Detailed  information  concerning  Ceccone  may 
be  found  not  only  in  all  the  biographers,  both  ancient  and  modern,  but 
also  in  Violi's  "  Giornate  ''  and  the  "  Vulnera  Diligentis"  of  Fra  Benedetto, 
ii.,  chap.  20.  There  are  documents  in  the  Florence  Archives  proving 
that  he  had  been  employed  in  the  Chancery  of  the  Eight  of  Pratica 
until  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici  in  1494.  After  that  his  handwriting 
only  reappears  again  in  the  minutes  of  the  trials  of  April,  1498. 

2  Vide  the  authors  previously  quoted.  It  is  possible  that  he  was  the 
secret  friend  frequently  mentioned  in  Somenzi's  letters  to  the  Duke. 

3  Violi  and  Fra  Benedetto-  speak  with  indignation  of  this  illegal 
proceeding. 


>   TIM 


difficult    '  le   truth  from 

H  .1  were  bo  dexterously  jumbled  that 

ble  to  know  what  to  believe. 
We    have    no   means   of  ascertaining   how    many   times 

to   the    question,    but    more    than   a 

nth    was  .ployed    in   framing  the  various 

md  throughout  that  period  he  was  repeatedly 

to    pn  1    and    terrible    torture.      An    eve- 

1  that  in  one  day  he  beheld  him  suffer 
:  rtcen  turns  of  the  rack.1  Pico  and  Burlamacchi  add 
J.lat  when  suspended  from  the  rope,  hot  coals  were  applied 
t->  the  -  (  his  feet  ;  and  that  after  interrogating  him 

during  this  torment,  his  examiners  wrote  in  their  report 
that  u  lie  had  confessed  of  his  own  accord,  and  under  no 
physical  restraint."  So  many  writers  are  agreed  that  he 
tetimes  gave  way  under  torture,  that  we  are  compelled 
to  believe  it,  although  a  great  number  of  his  followers 
make  assertions  to  the  contrary.  But  the  very  nature  of 
the  case  affords  a  stronger  argument  for  belief  than  any 
written  testimony.  How  could  a  man  of  the  Friar's 
delicate  frame  and  sensitive  nerves  have  the  strength  to 
withstand  such  fierce  and  prolonged  agony,  when  at  the 
first  jerk  of  the  cords  he  fell  into  delirium  ?  The  execu- 
tioner himself  declared  that  he  had  never  seen  any  one 
so  quickly  and  severely  affected  by  torture.  We  may  be 
certain,  that  even  then,  for  all  his  racked  limbs  and 
harrowed  soul,  had  he  suddenly  found  himself  in  the 
pulpit,  in  presence  of  the  assembled  people,  under  the 
influence  of  a  thousand  kind  and  attentive  eyes,  he 
would  have  been  his  old  self  again,  and  energetically 
reasserted  every  article  of  his  creed,  even  at  the  cost  of 
uttering  the  last  word  with  the  last  breath  in  his  body. 
But,  when  forsaken  by  all,  surrounded   by  the  stony  faces 

1  Lorenzo   Violi,    "Giornata,"    vi.      Vide  Appendix,    docs,   xxi,  and 
xxii. 


SA  VONAROLAS  MENTAL  SUFFERINGS.         705 

of  his  foes,  who  would  not  listen  to  him,  could  not  under- 
stand, and  only  sought  to  expose  him  to  fresh  torture, 
how  was  he  to  find  vigour  to  recapitulate,  explain,  and 
justify  his  visions  and  prophecies  ?  His  utterances  at 
these  times  were  mere  ravings  of  delirium.  And  how 
could  one,  no  longer  conscious  of  what  he  said,  be  held 
responsible  for  his  words  ?  I 

But  the  worst  agony  for  Savonarola,  and  perhaps  the 
most  painful  moment  of  his  whole  life,  must  have  been 
when,  after  the  first  application  of  torture,  he  was  left 
to  silence  and  solitude  in  the  tower  cell.  There,  face  to 
face  with  his  own  conscience,  he  must  have  been  com- 
pelled to  recognize  that  he  was  unable  to  withstand 
physical  torment  ;  that  once  bound  to  the  rope,  his  mind 
would  soon  wander,  and  that  he  might  be  easily  made  to 
give  any  reply  demanded  of  him.  What  was  to  be  done  ? 
As  soon  as  the  torture  became  unbearable,  he  would  have 
to  yield  upon  some  point  or  another.  Which  point  should 
be  the  one  chosen  ?  The  charges  against  him  were  to  be 
classed  under  three  heads  :  religion,  politics,  and  prophecy. 
As  to  yielding  on  the  first  point,  it  was  not  to  be  thought 
of;  death  were  a  thousand  times  preferable.  To  abjure 
his  politics  would  not  only  be  vile,  but  might  greatly 
endanger  the  cause  of  the  nation  and  of  freedom.  There- 
fore, since  he  had  to  give  way  on  some  point,  it  must  be 
regarding  his  prophecies  and  visions. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  see  how  this  question 
of  his  gift  of  prophecy  had  continually  entangled 
Savonarola  in  a  maze  of  sophistry  through  which  it  ia 
extremely  difficult  to  follow  his  steps.  Now,  therefore, 
in  the  loneliness  of  his  cell,  broken  down  by  the  first 
turns  of  the  rack,  and  humiliated  by  his  weakness  of 
nerve,  we  may  well  believe  that  his  imagination  was  more 

1   Vide  Burlamacchi,    p    145  and  fol.  ;    Pico,  33-34  ;   Violi  and  Fra 
Benedetto  in  many  passages  of  their  before-quoted  works. 

46 


••  AND  TIMES. 

'    '  I  Man]  it  this  time 

I  '         no    Burlamacchi  ;    but  they  arc 
b]  Vi  li  and  I 

18  to  investigating  and  writing 
•    trial;     and     were    so     compiei 
imbued     with    their    :  hisms,  as  well   as  with 

his  ,    that    we    fi  tltly  seem    to    hear  his  voice 

m   their  li]  All   they  tell   us  on  this  head,  not  only 

Is  with    all  la's  ideas    and  the  whole 

•    his   lite,   hut  even  with  words  actually  spoken 
written    by    him    during  his  imprisonment.      Conse- 
quently their  testimony  commands  our  fullest  belief.1 
I  le  seems  to  have  begun  by  recalling  certain  passages  of 
I  Aquinas,  in  which  it  is  laid  down  that  it  is  by 

no  means  imperative  to  reveal  the  entire  truth  to  perverse 
Then,  looking  through  the  Bible,  he  found  that 
Amos,   Micah,  Zechariah,  and  St.  John  the  Baptist  had 
mes  denied    that  they   were    prophets,    and    given 
dubious    replies  ;     and     remembering    that    Jesus    Christ 
nself  had  adopted  this  course,  was  it   not  allowable, 
fitting,    for  him  to   do   the  same  ?      Nor    was    this 
the   first    time    he    had    propounded  this  theory.     After 
uttering    some  prophecy  from   the  pulpit,  he  had  often 
been   heard    to    declare  :   "  I  am   neither  a  prophet,    nor 
the  son  of  a    prophet  ;  I    have  never    claimed    to  be   a 
prophet."        And,      on     proceeding,     in     a     subsequent 
sermon,    to    explain    these    contradictory    utterances,  he 
would  plunge  into  such  a  flood  of  allegorical  interpreta- 
tions and  sophisms,  that  it  was  impossible  to  arrive  at  his 
real  meaning.     Naturally,   therefore,   the  same  man  and 
the  same    contradictions    are    brought    before    us  in    the 

1  Some  of  Savonarola's  followers  have  written  whole  volumes  on  this 
theme.     Vide  Pico,  chap.  xvii.  ;  Fra  Benedetto,  "Vulnera  Diligentis," 
bk.  ii.  chap.  xxi.  and  elsewhere,  especially  bk.  iii.,  which  is  devoted  solely 
to  this  subject,  and  the  whole  of  the  "  Giornata  "  vi.  of  Lorenzo  Violi 
Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xxi.  and  xxii. 


THE  FRIARS  MENTAL  ATTITUDE.  707 

depositions  made  during  the  trial.  Having  always  been 
allegorical  and  obscure  concerning  his  gift  of  prophecy, 
we  may  imagine  how  much  vaguer  and  more  confused  he 
became  at  this  juncture,  when  purposely  endeavouring  to 
bewilder  his  judges. 

It  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  firmness  and 
heroism  of  great  men  in  asserting  their  special  beliefs, 
are  always  the  results  of  faith  and  truth  ;  and  we  have 
seen  that  Savonarola's  visions  and  prophecies  were  chiefly 
the  outcome  of  what,  despite  its  sincerity,  must  un- 
doubtedly be  considered  a  fanatic  state  of  mind.  Whence 
could  he  derive  strength  to  maintain  the  truth  of 
these  things  under  physical  torture  that  clouded  his 
brain  ;  when^  in  the  depths  of  his  spirit,  the  subject 
was  ^  always  involved  in  a  maze  of  superstition  and 
sophistry?  This  was  the  weak  point  in  Savonarola's 
life  and  character,  the  point  on  which  his  examiners 
harassed  him  with  their  fiercest  torments,  and  forming, 
we  must  frankly  allow,  the  least  worthy  part  of  his 
depositions.  He  says  and  unsays,  affirms  and  denies  ; 
he  could  not  speak  clearly  on  a  subject  of  which  his 
own  perception  was  so  vague  ;  he  could  not  show 
strength  where  he  was  weakest,  and  was,  in  short,  the 
miserable  victim  of  his  own  hallucinations.  On  this 
question,  therefore,  what  heroism  could  be  expected  or 
hoped  from  him  ? 

The  difficulty  of  forming  an  exact  conception  of 
Savonarola's  mental  attitude  is  enormously  increased  by 
our  ignorance  of  his  genuine  replies.  All  that  was 
extorted  from  him  by  torture,  was  transcribed  more 
or  less  faithfully  by  Ser  Ceccone,  and  then  altered 
with  diabolical  cunning  before  being  copied  into  the 
minutes.  Sometimes  a  yes  was  turned  into  a  no>  or  vice 
versa  ;  or  again,  whole  paragraphs  of  considerable 
length  were    omitted.      Certain    phrases    also  were  con- 


ÌROLA'S  UFE  AND  TIMES. 

tinually     i  f''r     instance  :      /  my 

l  dui  it  for  the  sake  of 
th.i     The  examiners  themselvt 
t|v  |  t  considerable  number  of  other  citizens, 

all  Lorenzo  Violi,  who  was  enabled  to 

LTC  the  nal  draft  with  the  printed  minutes  of  the 

several  of  these  alterations. 3     In  reading 

thc  1-  sitions,  one  finds  many  perceptible  gaps  and 

;lned  interpolations  frequently  clashing  with 

and  even  the  grammar  of  the  paragraph  to  which 

they  have  been  added.      It   is  plainly   evident    that   when 

the  examiners  found  that   neither  by   threats,  torture,  nor 

1  Here  is  what  Nardi  says  on  this  subject,  in  his  "Storia  di  Fire;. 
i   p.  170:  ■•  And,  in  order  that  my  own  conscience  may  not  charge   me 

h  the  guilt  of  concealing  the  truth,  I  am  constrained  to  say  what  was 
tol(l  me  cat  arai  noble   citizen,  one  of  the  examiners  of  the  said 

Friars,   who,  as  a  determined  enemy  of  theirs,  was  appointed  to  that 
,  and  afterwards   arrested   with  many  other  citizens  on  the  return 
liei  to  Florence.    One  day,  being  at  his  villa  and  questioning 
him.  in  reference  to  a  certain  subject,  how  things  truly  went  at  that  trial, 
he  candidly  declared  to  me,  in  his  wife's  presence,  that  it  was  perfectly 
true  that,  for  a    good  purpose,  somewhat   had  been   omitted  front  and 
mewhai  added' to  the  depositions  of  Fra  Girolamo.     These  were  the 
actual  words  of  his  reply  ;  1  know  not  if  he  spake  truly,  but  I  know  that 
I    report  them  truly,  and  therefore  believe  that  I  now  note  them  down 
truly."  J  V^Burlamacchi, Violi,  Pico,  &c.  Ournarrative  in  general  isbased 
throughout  on  the  authority  of  contemporary  writers  and  original   docu- 
menta; but  in  this  chapter  we  have  been  specially  scrupulous,  and  the 
reader  may  be  assured  that  almost  every  sentence  of  it  is  based  on  the 
evidence  of  some  original  document  or  author  of  the  period. 

a  In  2nd  ed.  of  the  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  Signor  Gherardi  publishes 
two  letters  from  Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici  to  the  Rector  of  Caseina, 
who,    like    so   many    of  Savonarola's  former  friends,  had   now   turned 

li'nst  him.  And,  as  Gherardi  justly  remarks,  "even  if  there  were  no 
oHier  proofs  of  how  the  depositions  were  falsified,  these  letters  alone 
would  suffice  to  show  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  genuine  reports  from 
similar  examiners."  , 

The  priest  seems  to  have  feared  that  he  might  be  implicated  on 
account  of  his  former  relations  with  Savonarola  ;  and  accordingly,  in  a 
letter  dated  the  25th  of  April,  1498,  Pier  Francesco  writes  to  reassure  him, 
bidding  him  fear  nothing,  inasmuch  as,  even  if  Savonarola  should  say 
anything  to  his  hurt,  it  would  not  be  inserted  in  the  report.  Vide 
Gherardi,  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  2nd  ed.  p.  259-260. 

3  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xxi.  and  xxii. 


CONCERNING  HIS  PROPHETICAL  POWERS.     709 

forged  reports  would  it  be  possible  to  establish  Savonarola's 
guilt,  they  resolved  to  do  their  utmost  to  rob  him  of  his 
followers'  admiration  and  esteem. 

We  have  already  said  that  the  charges  against  him 
turned  chiefly  upon  three  points  :  his  prophecies  and 
visions,  his  religion,  his  politics  ;  and  how  the  first  of  the 
three  was  the  weak  point,  that  Savonarola  had  not  the 
strength  to  maintain  under  torture.  In  spite  of  his 
sincere  belief  that  he  was  not  merely  endowed  with 
insight  into  the  future,  but  was  a  true  prophet  in 
direct  communication  with  the  Lord,  this  belief  was  very 
different  from  the  inspired  faith  in  truth,  religion,  and 
freedom  which  gave  him  strength  to  suffer  martyrdom 
with  heroic  calm.  The  first  was  but  a  confused  and 
superstitious  dream  that  he  was  unable  to  shake  off 
during  flights  of  visionary  meditation  or  oratorical  excite- 
ment when  the  affectionate  glances  of  his  flock  served  to 
inflame  his  imagination  ;  but  the  dream  vanished  amid 
the  stern  realities  of  his  dying  moments.  He  himself 
lamented  it,  crying  :  "  O  Lord,  Lord,  Thou  has  taken 
from  me  the  spirit  of  prophecy  !  "  1 

Nevertheless,  when  first  interrogated  before  all  the 
Commissioners,  he  had  insisted  on  the  truth  of  his 
visions,  had  referred  to  the  Divine  voice  that  had  ad- 
dressed him  through  the  lips  of  an  angel,  and  concluded 
by  saying  :  "  Leave  this  matter  alone  ;  for  if  it  was  of 
God,  ye  will  receive  manifest  proofs  of  it  ;  if  of 
man,  it  will  fall  to  the  ground.  Whether  I  be,  or  be 
not,  a  prophet  is  no  concern  of  the  State  ;  and  no  man 
hath  the  right  to  condemn  or  judge  the  intentions  of 
other  men."2     But  when  again  put  to  torture,  he  first 

1  We  shall  see  elsewhere  under  what  circumstances  he  repeated 
these  words. 

2  All  this  was  omitted  in  the  minutes  of  the  trial,  but  included  in  the 
original  draft  examined  by  Violi.  Vide  "Giornata,"  vi.,  given  in  Appendix 
to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxi. 


;io  SA 

i  pro|  iic-;  and  then  i  ted    his 

n  the  tun urc  In  ing  n  make 

ical   replies,   which,  being  continually 
rter,    became   too  to  be 

lligible.  r  the  ;  .--red  from 

questioning  him  .is  to  his  visions,  lie  ceased  to  reply  in  the 
acter  ol  a  deluded  prophet,  and  spoke  as  became  an 
martyr  in  the  cause  of  religion  and  freedom. 
-V.    rdingly,   in    the  d   stage    of   the   trial,   when 

>    had   to   speak   of  his  mission,  he  was  worthy 
himself,    and     unshaken     by     torture.       J  le     frankly 
his    belief    that     the     Church    must     first    be 
ed  and  then  regenerated.      "To  forward   this  end," 
:,  "  I   preached  things  by  which   Christians  mi 
the  abominations  committed  in    Rome,  and  might 
unite  in  forming  a  council,  the  which,  if  once  assembled, 
would,   as  I    hoped,   lead    to  the    degradation    of  many 
prelates  and  even  of  the  Pope  ;  and  I  should  have  sought 
to  be  present,  and  was  determined,  when  there,  to  preach 
and  do  things  of  which  I  might  be  proud."  And,  proceeding 
in  the  same  strain,  he  frequently  repeated  :   "  I  purposed 
ichieve  great  deeds  in  Italy  and  beyond  the  borders." 
When  asked    if  he    had    thought    to    become  Pope,   he 
replied  :    "  No  ;    for    had    I   accomplished    this  work,    I 
should  have  deemed  myself  higher  than  any  Cardinal  or 
1      Now,  if  words  such  as  these  are  to  be  found  in 
Ceccone's  falsified  reports,  how  can  we  doubt  Savona- 
rola's heroic  courage  in  upholding  his  religious  ideas  ? 

I  le  showed  the  same  courage  when  interrogated  on 
politics.  In  spite  of  additions  and  alterations,  we  see 
that  his  replies  were  very  firm  and  explicit.  He  repeatedly 
and  indignantly  denied  the  charge  of  having  extorted 
State  secrets   by   means   of  the   confessional.     He   often 

1    Vide  Savonarola's  first  trial  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc. 
xxvi. 


HIS  FIRMNESS  AS  TO  POLITICAL  QUESTIONS.    711 

reiterated  that  he  had  never  meddled  with  the  govern- 
ment ;  had  shown  neither  favour  nor  disfavour  to  any 
man  ;  that  he  had  spoken  on  the  affairs  of  the  State  in 
general,  but  had  left  all  details  to  the  care  of  Valori, 
Soderini,  and  other  experts.  "  My  sole  aim  was  to  pro- 
mote free  government  and  all  measures  tending  to  its 
improvement."  He  also  alluded  to  some  of  the  principal 
laws  he  had  proposed  or  intended  to  propose  later,  such 
as  the  election  of  a  perpetual  Gonfalonier  ;  and  there 
is  a  noteworthy  passage  in  which  he  states  that  on 
finding  reason  to  suspect  that  some  of  his  trustiest  friends 
were  scheming  to  get  the  government  entirely  into  their 
own  hands,  he  had  immediately  begun  to  preach  against 
tyranny  and  every  limited  form  of  government,  "  so  that, 
willingly  or  unwillingly,  those  persons  should  be  driven 
to  favour  the  civil  government."  Therefore,  whenever 
liberty  was  at  stake,  he  had  been  restrained  by  no 
personal  considerations,  had  not  even  yielded  to  beloved 
and  faithful  followers  of  his  own,  and  now,  under 
torture,  remained  still  firmer  than  before.  We  have  the 
clearest  evidence  of  this,  even  in  the  falsified  reports 
drawn  up  by  Ceccone  to  compass  the  Friar's  condemna- 
tion. 

After  subjecting  him  for  eleven  days  to  continual 
interrogatories  and  tortures,  the  Commissioners  finally 
brought  the  examination  to  an  end.  But  although  it  was 
conducted  with  so  much  illegality,  and  with  so  many 
ingenious  falsehoods  introduced  into  the  depositions,  the 
evidence  proved  insufficient  for  the  end  proposed  ;  and 
the  Signory  were  highly  displeased  with  the  mode 
in  which  the  case  had  been  managed.  When  writing 
to  the  Pope,  who  had  complained  of  their  slowness,  they 
were  obliged  to  explain  that  they  had  to  do  "  with  a 
man  of  most  enduring  body  and  sagacious  wits,  who, 
hardening  himself  against  torture,  had  involved  the  truth 


://.\v. 
in  a  tfa  curities,  and  appeared  determined,  by 

ther     to    Win     lasting    tame     in 

futi;-  suffer  incarceration  and  death.     Even 

by  [i  vinous   examination,  continued   tor   many 

d  with  the  aid   of  torture,  we  COIlId   barely   extort 

from    him,  and  we  preferred    not   to  reveal  what 
:,  hoping    to   succeed    in   discovering   the   innermost 

mind."  l 

'{":.  tut   the  whole   course   of  the   trial,  Savonarola 

ubtedly  consistent  with   his  real   self.     As  we 

j  seen,  intellect   and   superstition,  lofty   reasoning  and 

phistry,    sublime  heroism   and,    sometimes,    un- 

ted   weakness,   were   all  combined  in    him,   with,   at 

bottom,  a  most  noble,  strong,  and  magnanimous  character. 

It    is    true   that   he   now  maintains,   now   denies  his   gift 

of  prophecy  ;  but  when  questioned  on  points  into  which 

both   mind  and  heart  had  a  clear  insight,  he  showed  an 

unconquerable    forcj    of    resistance.      Promises,    threats, 

repeated  tortures  were  alike  unavailing  ;  even  in  delirium 

*  "  Nobis  fuit  res  cum  homine  patientissimi  corporis  et  sagacis  animi, 
qui  contra  tormenta  animum  obdurasset,  et  veritatem  multis  tenebris 
continue  involveret  ;  quique  videretur  ad  hoc  eo  Consilio  accessisse,  ut 
aut  simulata  sanctitate  acternum  sibi  nomen  apud  homines  pareret,  aut 
in  carcerem  et  in  mortem  iret  :  multaque  et  assidua  qua?stione,  multis 
diebus,  per  vim,  vix  pauca  extorsimus  ;  quae  nunc  celare  animus  erat, 
donee  omnia  nobis  paterent  sui  animi  involucra"  (Padre  Marchese,  doc. 
xxxiv.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  185).  It  is  true  that  the  Signory  spoke  falsely  in 
saying  that  Savonarola  was  patientissimi  corporis  ;  but  it  is  strange  that 
Padre  Marchese  should  be  enraged  by  the  letter  and  call  it  injurious  to 
Savonarola,  when,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  a  splendid  monument  to  his 
honour  and  fame.  And  it  may  here  be  remarked  that,  either  through 
negligence  or  excessive  affection,  some  of  Savonarola's  adherents  have 
done  him  worse  harm  than  his  enemies.  Nardi,  for  instance,  although 
confessing  that  he  had  little  knowledge  of  the  trial,  and  writing  many 
years  after  the  event,  nevertheless  believed  himself  authorized  to  assert 
that  only  slight  torture  was  inflicted  on  Savonarola,  and,  relying  on  his 
authority,  innumerable  writers  afterwards  repeated  his  words,  without 
noticing'  that  all  contemporary  biographers,  chroniclers,  and  authors 
affirm  the  contrary,  or  that  the  Signory  themselves  had  recorded  how 
cruel  was  the  extent  of  the  Friar's  sufferings. 


FALSIFICATION  OF  SA  VONAROLAS  REPLIES.     713 

his  will  remained  firm  and  unshaken.  Therefore  the 
Signory  had  good  reason  to  be  most  dissatisfied  with  the 
trial,  seeing,  to  their  decided  pain  and  mortification,  that 
notwithstanding  his  prolonged  tortures  and  the  numerous 
changes  introduced  into  his  depositions,  Savonarola's 
innocence  became  more  and  more  apparent.  The  only 
advantage  they  had  gained  by  their  attempt  was  that  of 
discrediting  him  in  the  eyes  of  his  followers,  and  this  at 
any  rate  was  of  no  little  importance.  Once  deprived 
of  the  popular  favour,  they  might  venture  on  condemning 
him,  without  any  regard  for  law,  justice,  or  for  his  own 
declarations  of  innocence. 

But  first  of  all  it  was  necessary  to  obtain  his  signature, 
to  the  falsified  depositions,  the  more  especially  because 
they  were  not,  as  required  by  the  law,  in  the  hand- 
writing of  the  accused.  Savonarola  must  therefore  be 
induced  to  affix  his  name  to  the  documents.  It  is  difficult 
to  exactly  ascertain  how  this  was  accomplished.  The 
examiners  tell  us  that  two  days  were  spent  in  persuading 
the  accused,  by  words  and  humane  encouragements  ; l  and 
all  may  imagine  in  what  this  humanity  must  have  con- 
sisted.2 Burlamacchi  declares  that  one  copy  of  the  deposi- 
tions was  read  to  him,  another  given  him  to  sign  ;  and 
this  would  seem  to  be  confirmed  by  what  was  afterwards 
said  by  the  notary  and  judges  themselves.  In  all  proba- 
bility, therefore,  the  first  rough  draft  was  read   to  the 

*   Vide  the  beginning  of  the  report  of  the  trial. 

9  The  printed  reports  of  the  trial  gave  the  world  to  understand  that 
Savonarola  had  read  them  all  with  his  own  eyes,  but  this  is  contradicted 
by  his  biographers  and  also  by  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  whose 
signatures  are  appended  to  the  documents.  The  first  witness,  Canon 
Adimari,  vicar  of  the  Archbishop  Orsini,  says  in  his  subscription  : 
"  Interfuimus  confessioni  suprascripti  Fratris  Hieronymi  Savonarola?, 
qui  lectis  (sic)  sibi,"  &c.  This  clearly  proves  that  the  depositions  were 
read  to,  but  not  by  him,  and  confutes  the  written  statement  made  in 
the  heading,  that  Savonarola,  "having  again  re-read  (the  document)/ 
appended  his  name  to  it. 


;i4  AND  TIMES. 

and    Ceccone'i  mpilation  -the    one 

rda    printed  —pi        ted    to    him    tor    signature. 

\  the  diver]  xreen  one  document  and 

h    numerous  and   important,  left   essential 
untouched,    as    may    he    seen    from    Yioli's    trafi- 
tti   of    the     greater    part    ot    them.1       I  knee     we 
affirm    that   on    the     19th    of    April,   in   the 
lit    witnesses,   six    of    whom   were    monks 
:;is   own   convent,   Savonarola    affixed    his    name   to   a 
■«m   that,  although  contradicting   no  essential   point 
Ctrines,  he  would   have  done  better  to  tear  into 
It    least    refuse    to  sign.        But    confused     by 
his  own  allegorical  interpretations,  he  believed  that  he  had 
thoroughly    vindicated   his  conscience  and  dignity.      We 
must  again  repeat  that  he  held  himself  as  one  apart  from 
the   rest   of    mankind.      Convinced   of   the    possession   of 
supernatural  girts,  he  neither  felt  bound  to  use  ordinary 
terms  of  speech,  nor  to  reveal  his  inmost  thoughts,  deem- 
ing that  he  could   never  be   understood  by  the  common 
herd,  while  for  true  believers  allegorical  language  would 
always    be    enough.      Having    adhered    to    this    system 
throughout    his    career,    in     his    sermons,    writings,    and 
familiar  discourses,  he  continued   to  adhere  to  it  in   his 
depositions.     To  gain   any  definite  idea  of  the  value   of 
this   mystical    language,    it   is   necessary   to  recur   to  the 
sermons    in   which  Savonarola  spoke   of   himself,    to  the 
writings  of  his  disciples,  and  particularly  to  Fra  Benedetto's 
commentary  on  his  depositions,  and  it  will  then  be  seen 
that  both  the  master  and  his  followers  frequently  attribute 
to    their    words    a    contrary   meaning    to    that    which    is 
apparently  expressed2 

1  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xxi.  and  xxii.,  the  narra- 
tives of  Violi  and  Fra  Benedetto. 

2  Vide  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,"  bk.  ii.  chap.  16  and  fol.,  and  also  the 
third  part  or  book  of  the  same  work,  which  is  almost  exclusively  devoted 
to  the  same  theme. 


MYSTICAL  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  FRIAR.         715 

m  It  is  related  that  the  notary,  having  read  the  deposi- 
tions   to  Savonarola,   inquired  :    "  Is   all   that  is  written 
here  true  ?  »     Whereupon  he  made  reply  :  «  That  which 
/  have  written  is  true,"  thus  availing  himself  of  a  verbal 
quibble,  that  is  held  up  to  admiration  by  Fra  Benedetto, 
Burlamacchi,  and  Pico,   because  they  consider  it  to  re- 
semble the  replies  given   by  the  Saviour   to  his  judges. 
But  subtle  comments    of  this  kind    may    be  put  aside, 
together    with     the    numerous    anecdotes    invented    by 
exaggerated  and  blind  admirers,  who  regarded  Savonarola 
not  as  a  man,  but  as  a  saint  ;  kept  lights  burning  before 
his  portrait  as  before  a  shrine,  and  offered  up  prayers  to 
him.     What  we  know  for  certain   is,  that  after  all  the 
witnesses  had  added  their  signatures,  he  turned  to  them 
and    pronounced    the    following    words  :    «  My    doctrine 
is  known  to  ye,  and   is  known  to  all.     In   my  present 
tribulation  I  ask  of  ye  only  two  things  :  to  have  care 
of  the  novices  and    to  preserve    them    in   the   Christian 
doctrine,  to  which  we  have  hitherto  kept  them  steadfast. 
Pray  for  me  to  the  Lord,  whose   spirit  of  prophecy  is 
removed  from  me  at  this  moment."  *   Fra  Malatesta  Sacra- 
moro,  who  was    apparently  determined    to  persevere  in 
the  part  of  Judas,  then  said  to  him  :  <f  But  are  the  things 
which  thou  hast  subscribed  true  or  false  ?  "     Thereupon, 
Savonarola,  giving  him  an  indignant  glance,  turned  away 
without  making  any  reply,  and  was  then  led  back  to  his 
prison.*     Once  alone  he  tried  to  deliberately  review  all 
that  he  had  done  ;   but   his  harassed  and  wearied  mind 
immediately  recurred   to  mystic    contemplation,  his  cell 
became    peopled  with    supernatural    forms   and   invisible 
beings,  and  transported  into  an  imaginary  world,  every 
other  idea  disappeared  from  his  mind.3 

I  "Vi,ta  Latina,"  at  sheet  58*;  Burlamacchi,  p.  150;  Pico,  p.  70. 
"  Burlamacchi  and  Pico.  >**/*» 

*  This  we  shall  find  to  be  proved  by  what  he  wrote  during  his  imprison- 


ment. 


AND  Ti  Mrs. 

Meanwhile,   after  prolonged   debate,  the  Signory  d 
print  the  dei  tis,  although  their  notary  was 

to  that  incisure.     In  fact,  notwithstand- 

,.K.  IH.;  !i  into  them  for  the  thud 

•  published  version  of  the  trial  excited  so  general 

ition  against  the  Signory,  that  stringent 

lied   to  suppress   every   copy.      The  greater 
•t  of  them  were  consequently  withdrawn;  but  in  a  few 

>nd   edition   appeared,  and  publicity  could   no 
longer  be  evaded. 

'  In  fact   there  were  two  fifteenth  century  editions  of  this  fust  trial,  and, 
re,  a  few  copies  of  them  are  to  be  found  in  the  public  libraries  of 
e  of  these  editions,  probably,  we  think,  the  first  so  hastily 
v  the  Signory,  and  then  suppressed  by  public  proclamation, 
I  'Hows  :  "  This  is  the  examination  and  trial  of  \  rà  Hieronymo 
vonarola,  made  by  respectable   and  prudent  men,  com- 
missioners and  examiners  of  the  Florentine  Signory,  solemnly  elected 
and  deputed,  bv  commission  from  the  Holy  Apostolic  Sec,  as  IS  faith- 
fully herein  shown."     The  other  edition,  of  which  the  National  Library 
,vo  copies,  is  inscribed  as  follows  :  »■  By  the  respectable  and 
•  men,  commissioners  and  examiners  of  the  excellent  Florentine 
norv,  solemnly  elected  and  deputed  by  the  said  excellent  Signory.'    It 
would  seem  that  the  Signory  sought  to  get  out  of  the  difficulty  by  sub- 
terfuge throwing  on  the  Pope  the  whole  charge  and  responsibility  of  the 
trial  and  condemnation.     And,  in  fact,  we  find  them  expressly  stating,  by 
letter  to  the  King  of  France,  that  Romolino  and  Turnano,  the  envoys  ot 
the  Pope  had  given  sentence  by  the  latter's  authority,  and  that  conse- 
quently the  Signory  had  no  responsibility  in  the  matter:  "Quo  fit,  ut 
nee  mortis  eius  nos  auctores  fuenmus,"  &c.      Vide  Padre  Marchese,  doc. 
xli   p    193.     Even  the  sentence  pronounced  by  the   Eight  refers  to  that 
(riven   by  the   Papal   Commissioners.     This  serves   to  explain  why  the 
Phrase,  by  commission  of  the  Holy  Apostolic  See,  was  inserted  in  the 
report  of  the  trial  published  by  the  Signory.     It  is  absent  from  the  other 
edition      We  believe  that  it  must  have  been  for  the  same  reason  that  the 
1    oe's  letters  to  Francesco  di   Puglia  and  the  Franciscans  were  printed 
at  the  end  of  the  trial.     It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  by  whom  the  second 
edition   which  also  includes  the  two  letters  of  the  Pope,  could  have  been 
produced      We  read  in  Burlamacchi,  p.  148  :  "  Nevertheless,  this  report 
of  the  trial  was  very  slight,  and  contained  nothing  of  any  moment  ;  accor- 
dingly they  (the  Signory)  did  not  wish  to  make  it  public,  but  rather  to 
concoct  another  of  more  seeming  importance.     With  all  this  God  allowed 
it  to  be  divulged,  inasmuch  as  Ser  Ceccone,  having  sent  a  copy  of  it  to 
a  friend  who  had  pledged  himself  to  show  it  to  no  one    the  said  friend 
deceived  him,  by  giving  the  said  trial  to  be  printed  and  published.      I  nese 


THE  SECOND  TRIAL,  717 

Putting  aside  the  desire  many  must  have  felt  that  Savona- 
rola should  have  shown  greater  firmness,  it  was  nevertheless 
sufficiently  clear  that  even  the  replies  extorted  by  torture, 
although  altered  in  the  rough  draft,  still  more  altered  in 
the  copy  he  had  signed  and  farther  tampered  with  in  the 
printed  version,  only  served  to  establish  his  complete 
innocence.1 

The  Signory,  after  assembling  several  Pratiche?  in  order 
to  obtain  advice  on  the  matter,  finally  adopted  the 
desperate  resource  of  holding  a  second  trial.  This  was 
begun  on  the  21st  of  April  ;  continued  on  the  morning 
and  evening  of  the  23rd,  nearly  all  the  depositions  being 
radically  changed  by  the  notary  ;  interrupted  on  the  24th, 
and  on  the  25th  signed  without  any  witnesses  by  Savonarola, 

words  explain  why  the  Signory  caused  a  fresh  version  of  the  proceedings 
to  be  prepared  ;  but  the  indiscretion  alluded  to,  or  another  of  the  same 
sort,  must,  I  believe,  refer  to  the  printed,  instead  of  the  manuscript 
version,  and  probably  led  to  the  production  of  a  second  edition,  when  the 
Signory  ordered  the  suppression  of  the  first. 

1  For  all  the  particulars  given  above,  the  reader  may  be  referred  to  the 
"Sesta  Giornata"  of  Violi,  and  to  the  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,"  bk.  ii.  chap. 
17,  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  docs.  xxi.  and  xxii.,  and 
also  to  chap.  18,  bk.  ii.  of  the  latter  work,  under  the  heading  :  Delle  con- 
tradizioni et  falsità  che  sono  nel  processo  stato  stampato.  From  what  is 
said  by  Fra  Benedetto  and  Violi,  it  is  clear  that  the  first  written  draft 
falsifying  Savonarola's  replies  was  very  different  from  the  copy  placarded 
in  the  palace.  This  second  copy  differed  again  from  the  printed  version 
of  the  trial,  and  Fra  Benedetto  himself  noted  down  a  few  of  the  diver- 
gences he  had  discovered,  as  the  following  passage,  for  instance,  which  is 
omitted  altogether  from  the  second  manuscript  copy  :  "  My  citizens,  when 
ye  find  that  these  enemies  who  believe  not  the  things  I  have  said',  shall 
have  committed  some  error,  chastise  them  severely  as  enemies  of  the 
faith  of  Christ."  He  also  remarked  that  the  signatures  of  Savonarola  and 
the  witnesses  had  been  altered,  but  without  specifying  how  and  where. 
But  he  repeatedly  says  that  everything  really  subscribed  by  Savonarola 
redounds  to  his  honour.  He  forgets  to  tell  us  whether  the  signed  declar- 
ations he  had  seen  were  really  in  the  Friar's  handwriting  ;  and  it  is 
impossible  to  arrive  at  the  truth  on  this  point,  since  the  manuscript 
report  of  the  trial  kept  in  the  Palace  was  burnt  during  the  siege  of 
Florence,  as  being  an  insult  to  Savonarola's  memory.  Vide  also  Varchi, 
"  Storia  di  Firenze,"  Arbib  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  365. 

3  Vide  the  be  fore-  quoted  volume  of  "Pratiche"  in  the  Florence  Archives, 
and  the  collection  edited  by  Signor  Lupi. 


S  LIFE  AM)   TIM. 

'urc  inexplicit  declaration, that  the 

ament  contained  interpolations  from  the  hand  of  Ser 

But  this         id  attempt  was  soon  given  up, 

'    and   that    it   would   only    cause   more 

d    them    with  greater  responsibility.1 

I,  therefore,  to  adhere  to  the  first   trial.      But 

to  the  cus:<>m  of  the   Republic,  it  was  necessary 

;ull  report  of  the  proceedings  read   aloud  in  the 

hall  of  the  Greater  Council,  in  presence  of  the  accused  and 

aerai   public.     The    Signory,    however,    merely 

I    certain   portions  of  it  to  be   read   by  one  of  the 

chancellors  of  the  Eight,  who  explained  to  the  assembled 

crowd   that  Savonarola  had  refused  to  be  present  for  fear 

of  being  stoned..2     Of  course  no  one  believed  this,  and  it 

was  only  another  proof  of  the  bad  faith  and  ineptitude  of 

the  Signory,  who  were  in  fact  so  strongly  dissatisfied  with 

the  whole  conduct  of  the  trial,  that  they  gave  Ser  Ceccone 

only  thirty  ducats  instead  of  four  hundred, 3  on  the  score 

of  his  having  failed  to  fulfil  his  engagements. 

1  This  second  trial  was  first  discovered  by  ourselves.  It  is  included  in 
endtx  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxvi. 

-  Nardi,  i.  pp.  158-159,  tells  us  that  the  reports  were  read  of  all  Savona- 
different  trials,  even  including  that  of  his  subsequent  trial  by  the 
1  Commissioners,  the  which  being  based  upon  questions  of  religious 
rine  or  ecclesiastical  discipline  was  not  subicct  to  the  approval  of  the 
council.  But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  Nardi  wrote  on  these  things 
from  memory,  long  after  the  event,  and  was  frequently  inexact  as  to 
details.  He  seems  to  think  that  a  single  report  was  afterwards  concocted 
from  the  three  which  had  been  drawn  up,  but  this  is  incorrect.  On  the 
19th  of  April  Somenzi  wrote  to  Duke  Ludovico,  that  the  Signory  had 
that  day  caused  a  part  of  the  trial  to  be  read  before  the  Greater  Council, 
u  namely  those  parts  of  it  which  are  of  little  moment."  And  this  was  to 
silence  the  champions  of  Savonarola,  who  were  declaring  that  even  by 
means  of  torture  the  Signory  would  never  succeed  in  proving  him  guilty. 
On  the  25th  of  April  he  wrote  that  they  caused  another  part  of  the  trial 
to  be  read,  containing  ^  solum  the  machinations  and  malicious  practices 
of  his  followers."  Vide  Somenzi's  letters  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xx.  It  is  clear  from  all  this  that  the  Signory  felt  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  arbitrary  changes  and  falsifications  made  in  the  reports,  they  had 
failed  to  achieve  their  purpose. 

1  This  is  stated  by  Burlamacchi,  and  also  in  the  "  Diario  "  of  Landuccl 
According  to  Fra  Benedetto,  Ceccone  received  thirty-three  ducats. 


CHAPTER  X. 

FR\.?r0ifr^FSCICO'  FKÀ    SILVESTRO,  qA ND   MAVSTY  OTHER 

mfnfrrkT*™   ^fEJ^Dl  OF   THE    co^Vènt Sire 

BROUGHT    TO    TRIq4L.     SAT)OZN%AROLqA    WRITES    Hrs 
FfNEmE^TPOSITIOU<S    WHIL^  IN    SOLITARY    CON- 


(April 


26— May   18,  1498.) 


HE  examinations  of  the  two  other 
prisoners  must  have  resulted  in  equal 
discomfiture  to  the  Signory. 
menico    da    Pescia     surpassed 


Do- 

himself 
under  torture.  His  examiners  tried  to 
make  him  believe  that  Savonarola  had 
retracted  everything  ;  they  subjected  him  to  the  rack  and 
the  still  more  cruel  torment  of  the  boot  ; r  but  all  was  in 
vain,  for  he  remained  as  calm  and  unshaken  as  one  of  the 
early  martyrs  of  the  Church.  They  next  resolved  to  make 
a  virtue  of  necessity,  allowed  him  to  write  his  own  con- 
fession, and  were  even  disposed  to  publish  it  without 
alterations,  in  order  to  establish  a  reputation  for  honesty, 
and  thus  induce  the  public  to  believe  in  the  falsified  report 

l  This  is  affirmed  in  Violi's  "  Giornate."  "  Il  Sacro  Arsenale  ovvero 
Prattica  dell'  Offitio  della  Santa  Inquisitone,"  by  Dr.  G.  Pasqualoni 
(Rome  and  Bologna,  1716).  In  describing  the  torture  of  the  boot  the 
author  relates,  at  page  248,  how  a  victim  who,  "  dicto  tormento  suppositus 
in  terra  prostratus,  talo  pedis  dexteri  denudato  inter  duos  ferreos  taxillos 
concavos  posito,  et  Ministro  eos  stanghetta  comprimente,  clamare  coepit  " 


!\S  I  HE  AND  TIMES. 


p  triti.»     But  they  lacked  the  courr.     I    do 

1  ri   Domenico'i  coi  n,   they  felt 

interpolate         iin  alterations,  enabling  them, 

Lking   any  radical  changes,  to    discolour  the 

.1  efface  the  stamp  of  heroism  that  was  visible 

,vd.      They    added    to  it,    by   guesswork,    the 

IU.  f    the    supporters    of   the    convent,    whom    1mm 

|  )  o  had  refused  to  betray,  and  even  then   could  not 

i  publish  the  document,  but  only  circulated  it  in 

muscript,  .  . 

On  collating  the  two  copies  of  these  depositions,  which 
discovered     by     ourselves,    we     find    that    the   one 

touched  by  the  Signory  is  better  arranged,  more  gram- 
matical, and  more  correct  in  style  than  the  true  and 
genuine  confession.  The  latter  is  marked  by  an  earnest, 
ingenuous  eloquence  that  is  no  product  of  art,  but  the 
spontaneous  expression  of  a  magnanimous  soul.  It  is 
impossible  to  read  this  examination  without  being  deeply 
moved,  we  seem  to  be  present  in  the  torture-chamber; 
to  witness  the  horrible  wrenching  of  the  sufferer's  limbs  ; 
to  hear  the  grating  of  his  bones  ;  to  hearken  to  the  faint, 
sublime  utterances  of  this  courageous  Monk,  who  greets 
the  approach  of  death  with  a  martyr's  angelic  smile,  and 
whose  spirit  is  stirred  by  mortal  pain  to  fresh  praises  of  his 

Lord.2  , 

His   deposition  began  with  these  words:  "  Our  Lord 

God  Jesus  Christ   knows  that   I,   Fra  Domenico,  bound 

■  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Vulnera  Diligentis." 

»  ]  very  one  who  reads  both  versions  of  this  confession  will  easily  be 
able  to  distinguish  the  genuine  from  the  falsified  copy.  And  if  it  be 
necessary  to  cite  a  contemporary  authority,  we  have  the  powerful  testi- 
mony of  Fra  Benedetto,  who,  in  bk.  iii.  of  his  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,'  con- 
tinually refers  to  Fra  Domenico's  true  confession  ;  and,  to  distinguish  it 
from  every  other  version,  not  only  quotes  its  first  and  concluding  words, 
but  also  a  lengthy  passage  that  is  almost  entirely  omitted  in  the  falsified 
copy  Vide  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,"  bk.  iii.  chaps.  3  and  9 
in  Codex  2985  of  the  Riccardi  Library.  Vide  also, in  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  the  two  confessions  in  doc.  xxvn. 


FRA  DOMENICO  S  COURAGEOUS  PRO  TE  ST.     721 

here  for  His  sake,  speak  no  falseness  on  any  of  these 
matters."  He  declared  that  Savonarola  and  himself  had 
always  been  averse  to  making  any  preparations  for  defence, 
or  to  opposing  any  armed  resistance  at  St.  Mark's. 
Touching  the  ordeal  by  fire,  he  said  :  "  I  came  with  the 
firm  resolve  to  go  through  it,  nor  did  I  think  that  any 
objection  would  be  made  to  my  bearing  the  Host/'  "  If, 
therefore,  this  gave  rise  to  scandal,  God,  by  whose  will  I 
accepted  the  ordeal,  will  grant  me  His  reward,  for  verily  I 
am  deserving  of  it  in  this  great  infamy  and  persecution." 
And,  on  this  first  day,  he  concluded  by  saying  to  the 
Signory,  "  I  pray  ye  not  to  interpret  my  words  sophisti- 
cally  ;  but  let  them  rather  serve  the  purpose  for  which 
they  are  written."1 

On  the  1 6th  of  April,  after  the  examiners  had  sought, 
by  every  kind  of  cruel  and  cunning  device,  to  convince 
him  that  Savonarola  had  retracted,2  they  urged  him   to 
write  his  opinion  of  his  master.     And  he  hastened  to  write 
as  follows  :  "  From  a  certain  impulse  of  my  mind,  I  have 
'  ever  believed,  and,  in  the  lack  of  better  proof  to  the  con- 
trary, still  firmly  believe,  in  all  the  prophecies  of  Savona- 
rola."     And,    after    enumerating    these    prophecies    he 
continued  :  "I  am   earnestly    steadfast  in  this  faith,   nor 
should  your   Magnificencies  be  wrathful  thereat,  for  this 
my  belief  can  cause  no  hurt  either  to  myself  or  the  city, 
and  in  matters  such  as  these  every  one  is  free  to  believe 
what  he  chooses."     He  also  added  that  Savonarola  had 
never  suggested  what  he  should  preach,  but  had  left  him 
to  be  inspired  by  God.      And  he  then  said  in  conclusion  : 
"  I  can  remember  nothing  else  ;  if  ye  desire  to  hear  more 
from   me,  question   me,  according  to  the  custom  of  good 
confessors,  and  I   will  endeavour  to  satisfy  ye.     And  ye 
may  truly  believe  all  I  say,  inasmuch  as  having  ever  been 

1  Vide  his  confession,  the  first  part  of  which  is  undated. 
We  learn  this  from  Fra  Domenico's  confession 

47 


AND  TIMES, 

-,  I   kn«»\v  well  that  to  speak  lies 

;l  that  which  should  be  made 

in.     I  have  endeavoured  to  be  as  precise  as 

•  the  point  of  death,  and  assure  lly  I  might  easily 

die  rture  n  for  I  am  all  shattered,  and 

te  left,  u  hich  by  this  *  is 

I    for  the  second   time.      Wherefore  I  beg  yc 

to  k  .  iful  and  believe  in  the  truth  of  my  plain  decla- 

im .-  tl  jes  continuing  to  torture  him  with  still  greater 

cruelty,  Fra    Domenico  then   wrote:    "I   know  no  more, 

cem   has  been  to  live  a  virtuous  life,  with 

1.     .    Chri  '  as  King  of  Florence."     "Thus,  if  not  belicv- 

me,  ye  should  even  put  me  to  torture  anew,  ye  will 
discover  no  more,  for  there  is  nought  else  to  be  said  ;  and 
ve  will  bring  me  nigh  unto  death."  But  his  protestations 
:  no  avail,  for  his  judges  were  bent  upon  forcing 
him  to  deny  his  master.  After  putting  him  to  renewed  and 
more  terrible  anguish,  they  again  bade  him  write,  and  there- 

:i  the  exhausted  victim  traced  with  trembling  hand  but 
undaunted  courage  the  last  and  most  remarkable  words  of 
his  confession  :  "  God's  will  be  done.  I  have  never  per- 
ceived, nor  had  the  least  occasion  to  suspect  that  my 
Father,  bra  Ieronimo,  was  a  deceiver,  or  that  he  acted 
falsely  in  any  wise  ;  on  the  contrary,  I  have  ever 
held  him  to  be  a  thoroughly  upright  and  most  extra- 
ordinary man.  And  having  a  great  reverence  for  him,  I 
hoped,  by  his  means,  to  receive  grace  from  God  and  be 
enabled  thereby  to  do  some  good  to  the  souls  of  men  ; 
and  holding  him  to  be  a  man  of  God,  I  obeyed  him  as  my 
superior,  with  all  single-mindedness  and  zeal.  .  .  .  To 
my  brethren  and  to  a  few  laymen  I  have  sometimes 
declared  from  the  pulpit,  that  were  I  to  detect  the  least 
error  or  deceit  in   Fra  Ieronimo,  I  would  openly  reveal 

1  I.e.,  this  torture. 


FRA  SILVESTRO S  COWARDLY  RECANTATION.  723 

and  proclaim  it.  And  assuredly  he  himself  has  more  than 
once  testified  that  I  was  ready  ro  do  this  ;  and  I  would  do 
it  now,  if  I  knew  of  any  duplicity  in  him.  But  none  has 
ever  come  to  my  knowledge.  Finis.  In  simplicitate  cordis 
mea  l<etus  obtuli  universa."  x 

_  Very  different  was  the  behaviour  of  Fra  Silvestro.     A 
sickly,   nervous,    visionary    creature,    subject    to    strange 
attacks   of  somnambulism,  which  he  regarded  as  inspira- 
tions   from  God,    he    was   of  very  weak  character,    and 
disposed  to  believe  or  disbelieve  with  equal  facility.     He 
had  been  much  addicted  to  sauntering  about  the  cloisters 
of  St.    Mark's,   chattering  with  the  townsfolk,  and  had 
been  frequently  reproved  for  this  by  Savonarola  ;  but  as 
many  people  sought  his  society,  he  always  relapsed  into 
the  same^  error.     Either  from  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
speech  with  Savonarola,  and  the  knowledge  of  his  entire 
confidence    in  Fra    Silvestro,  or  from  the  widely  spread 
fame  of  the  latter's  visions,  and  of  the  religious  enthusiasm 
displayed  in  his  conversation,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  the 
chosen  confessor  of  Francesco  Valori,  Piero  Capponi,  and 
other  distinguished  men,  and  in  continual  correspondence 
with  them.2 

But  he  cut  a  very  poor  figure  in  the  hour  of  danger. 

We  have  seen  how  he  disappeared  during  the  attackon 

the  convent,  and  remained  in  hiding  until  betrayed  by  Fra 

Malatesta  to  the  guards.     When  subjected  to  examination 

on  the   25th  of  April,  his   only  thought  was  to  save  his 

own  life,  both  at  the  sacrifice  of  his  innocent  master  and 

his  own  dignity.     His  confession  also  underwent  several 

changes  at  the  hands  of  Ser  Ceccone  ;  3  but  its  general 

«  Vide  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxvii.,  the  trial  of  Fra 
Domenico. 

2  The  depositions  of  the  three  friars  and  of  the  rest  of  the  accused- 
Burlamacchi  "Vita  Latina."  And  Machiavelli  alludes  in  his  "Fram- 
menti Storici  »  to  Piero  Capponi's  relations  with  Fra  Silvestro. 

*ra  Benedetto  says  that  some  alteration  was  made  in  Fra  Silvestro's 
confession.     Vide  "  Vulnera  Diligentis,"  bks.  ii.  and  iii. 


VD   TIMI 

lined  i         atly  dear,  and  were 
warn     I  ¥et, 

11   v.-     and 
While  giving 
f  tho  c  who  frequented  the  con- 
ti i  utmost  to 
of  his  master's  life,  he  was  never- 
i    to  <     fesa   that   Savonarola   had    never 
a|<  [f  to    be    influenced    by  parry   intrigue,  nor 

■  affairs  at  St.  Mark's.     H       tid  in  condu- 
m   \s        ards  my  own  opinion  of  Fra  Girolamo's 
,  I  may  say  that  on  twenty  or  twenty-five  different 
.    when  he  was  about   to  preach,  he  would  come, 
non,  to   my  cell,  and  say  to  me  :    4 1  know 
it   to    preach  ;   pray   thou  to   God   for  me,  since  I 
.r  that  ì  le  may  have  forsaken  me  on  account  of  my  sins.' 
And   he   would  say  that   he  wished  to  unburden  his  soul, 
and  accordingly  make  confession,  and  nevertheless  would 
afterwards  preach  beautiful  sermons.     And  the  last  time 
he   did  this,  was  on  the  Saturday  before  the  last  Sunday 
he  preached  in  St.  Mark's  this  Lent.     Finally  I  declare 
that   he  deceived  us."  l        This    last    sentence    seems    to 
have  been  added  by  Ser  Ceccone  ;  but  the  whole  depo- 
sition    merely    proves    that    Savonarola    had    the    fullest 
confidence  in    the  goodness  and  sincerity  of  the  disciple 
who  now  so  basely  betrayed  him  and  vainly  endeavoured 
to  blacken  his  feme  ! 

During  this  time  several  other  friars  of  St.  Mark's  and 
many  of  Savonarola's  lay  friends,  who  were  in  the  convent 
on  the  day  of  the  attack,  had  been  brought  to  trial.2  AH 
were  subjected  to  torture  3  and  minutely  questioned  as  to 
1  Vide  this  trial  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxviii. 
a  Vide  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  the  trials  or  depositions  of  the 
rest  of  the  accused  in  doc.  xxix. 

s  "  And  on  the  27th  day  of  April  all  the  citizens  arrested  for  this  attair 
were  put  to  torture;  so  that  from  the  15th  hour  to  the  evening  con- 
tinual shrieks  arose  from  the  Bargello  ■     (Landucci,  "  Diario,"  p.  174)- 


THE  MONKS  DESERT  THEIR  SUPERIOR.       725 

what  schemes  were  planned  in  St.  Mark's,  the  weapons 
stored  there,  and  so  forth.  In  this  way  some  fresh  par- 
ticulars were  elicited,  but  absolutely  nothing  that  could 
damage  Savonarola,  whose  innocence,  on  the  contrary,  was 
still  more  clearly  established.  All  affirmed  that  he  was 
exclusively  devoted  to  the  contemplation  of  heavenly 
things,  and  never  took  part  in  any  political  intrigues. 
They  added,  that  so  great  was  their  respect  and  venera- 
tion for  him,  that  no  one  ventured  to  enter  his  cell,  for 
fear  of  distracting  him  from  the  meditations  in  which  he 
was  continually  absorbed.1 

But  when  Savonarola's  falsified  confession  was  shown  to 
the  accused  as  a  proof  that  he  had  denied  the  truth  of  his 
own  prophecies  and  visions,  some  of  them  wavered  in 
their  faith.  The  monks  in  particular  were  easily  betrayed 
into  expressions  of  rage  and  indignation.  Fra  Roberto  da 
Gagliano,  who  had  been  one  of  those  most  attached  to 
Savonarola  and  his  two  companions,  now  implored  the 
Signory  on  no  account  to  let  them  return  to  the  con- 
vent. But  even  at  the  height  of  his  anger  and  excitement 
he  was  unable  to  conceal  the  great  esteem  and  veneration 
he  had  previously  felt  for  the  master  he  now  forsook,  so 
that  even  his  denunciations  had  the  effect  of  a  defence. 
"Having  some  learning  as  a  theologian,  I  knew  his  doc- 
trine to  be  sound  and  in  nowise  heretical.  I  could 
discern  no  fault  in  Fra  Girolamo,  but  always  beheld  in  him 
manifest  signs  of  holiness,  devotion,  humility,  and  prayer, 
goodly  words  and  excellent  life  and  example,  admirable 
conversation,  sound,  firm,  and  solid  doctrine  ;  so  that  I 
would  have  testified  to  these  things  at  the  risk  of  my  life. 
But  since  he  has  so  subtly  feigned  and  deceived,  I  return 


1  Andrea  Cambini  states  in  his  deposition,  that  even  Valori  "  never 
ventured  to  enter  Savonarola'sicell  when  the  Prior  was  engaged  in  study" 
(Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxix.  No.  18). 


:xn  times. 


th„       toG    I   ind  yont  Bxcellenciea  for  htvi  bd 

1 
I-  tain  that    the   friars  of  St.    Mark's   behaved 

tibiy   on   this   i  :i.      But    we   should 

aber  that  they  were  in  an  extremely  difficult  portion, 

•  ,;t:i  waa  severely  tried,      I  o  many  of  them, 

ur>:  the    new    doctrine  they    professed    was    no 

\  out<    me  of  a   genuine   belief,  hut  was  chiefly 
ions   and   prophecies.      They   had    blindly 

!,    expected,    nay,    even    positively    counted     on    a 
miracle,   and    on   seeing    all    hope    of  it  disappear,   knew 
t  what  to  think.      We  can  realize  the  cruel  perplexity 
their  minds  when  we  see  that  even   Fra  Benedetto,  the 
•hful   friend,  heroic  disciple,  and  unwearied  defender  of 
.onarola,  allowed  himself  to  be  overcome  by  doubt,  and 
ling — to  use  his  own  words — like  a  thrush  when  struck 
by  a  idling  bough,  hurried  away  to  Viterbo.2     But  in  his 
j  quiet  thought  soon  restored  him  to  reason.    On  return- 
ing to  Florence  he  minutely  investigated  facts,  sought  out 
genuine    documents,    questioned     sincere    witnesses,    and 
becoming    more    and    more    confirmed   in    his    old   faith, 
persevered  in  it  to  the  end  of  his  life.3     But  all  were  not 

•    Vide  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition  Fra  Roberto's  examination 
at  doc.  xxix.  No.  ii. 

3  Come    tordo   avuta   la  ramata,    Fra   Benedetto,    "  Cedrus  Libani,' 

chap.  x. 

3  Ibid.  Vide  also  the  particulars  given  by  Padre  Marchese  concerning 
the  life  of  Fra  Benedetto,  in  the  "  Scritti  varii."  On  the  19th  of  Apru 
Luca  Landucci,  in  the  hall  of  the  Grand  Council,  at  the  moment  when 
the  false  confession  was  read  out  and  proclaimed  not  only  to  be  genuine, 
but  in  Savonarola's  own  hand,  was  so  much  shaken  in  consequence,  as 
to  write  the  following  passage  in  his  "Diario"  (p.  173):  "•  •  •  where- 
fore I  was  astonished,  stupefied,  and  amazed.  I  felt  grieved  to  the  soul 
to  behold  so  great  an  edifice  overthrown,  through  being  so  sadly  based 
on  a  lie.  I  hoped  to  see  Florence  made  a  new  Jerusalem,  and  become  a 
splendid  law  and  example  of  virtuous  living,  and  hoped  to  see  the  reno- 
vation of  the  Church,  the  conversion  of  infidels,  and  the  consolation  of 
the  good  ;  yet  I  heard  all  the  contrary  to  this,  and  had  to  gulp  down  the 
dose  :  In  voLunlate  tua,  Domine,  omnia  sunt  fiosita." 


A  SEX  VILE  PETITION  TO  THE  POPE.  72J 

endowed  with  a  like  spirit  of  generous  constancy  :  and 
even  as  early  as  the  21st  of  April  the  friars  or'  St.  Mark's 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  that  is  an  indelible  blot  on 
their  fame. 

They  prostrated  themselves  at  the  Holy  Father's  feet, 
and  sought  to  throw  all  blame,  whether  true  or  supposed, 
on  Savonarola's  shoulders.     But  as  all  his  accusers  seemed 
unwittingly  compelled   to  speak  in   his  defence,  so  even 
this  missive  redounded  to  his  praise.     "  Not  merely  our- 
selves," said  the  friars,  "  but  likewise  men  of  far  greater 
talent,  were  deceived  by  Fra  Girolamo's  cunning.     The 
fineness  of  his   doctrine  ;  the  rectitude  of  his  life  ;  the 
holiness  of  his  manners  ;  his  pretended  devotion,  and  the 
good   results   he    obtained    by  purging  the    city    of  im- 
morality, usury,  and  every  species  of  vice  ;  the  different 
events  which  confirmed  his  prophecies  in  a  manner  beyond 
all    human    power    and   imagination,  and  which  were  so 
numerous  and  of  such  a  nature,  that  had  he   not  made 
retractation  himself,    declaring  that  his  words  were  not 
inspired  by    God,  we  should    never   have    been  able    to 
renounce  our  faith  in  him.     For  so  firm  was  our  belief  in 
him,  that  we  were  all  most  ready  to  go  through  the  fire 
in  support    of  his    doctrine/'     They   then  asked  to  be 
absolved  from  the   excommunication  incurred  by  having 
been  followers  of  Savonarola,  and  for  having,  some  of  them, 
borne  arms  on  the   day  of  the  assault  of  the    convent. 
Farther  on  in  the  letter,  it  is  strange  to   find  the  friars 
supplicating  the  Holy  Father  to  graciously  preserve  their 
congregation  intact  and  separate  from  any  other,  under  a 
vicar  of  their  own.     It  was  to  maintain  the  independence 
of  this  very  congregation  that  Savonarola  had  so  strenu- 
ously fought,  and  it  was  for  this  cause  that  the  Pope  had 
afterwards    excommunicated  him    and  his  convent.     His 
friars  now  supported  their  request  by  the  identical  argu- 
ments urged  by  himself  in  the  letter  that  had  provoked  so 


WES. 

.■\  oath  ■  be  Papal  wrath.     And  I 

ng  :    <l  May   it    be   enough    tor   your 
I  the  and  chief  of  all  en 

la  ;  let  him  suffer  condign  punish- 
•    ■  •  meet   for  wickedne 

Keep  return  to  the  true  shepherd."1 

I        letter  was  carne  I  to  Rome  by  two  friars  furnished 
nmendations   from   the  Signory.8     The 

P  ;s    dated     the    14th    of    May,  and    after 

;  the  repentance  ot    the  friars,  gave  them   his  ahso- 

and   promised  to  give  careful   consideration  to  the 

question   of  their   independence,  the   which   had   been   so 

•1  alternately  granted  and  refused. 3   Meanwhile  crowds 

of  ]  were   flocking   to   the   Duomo,  no   longer,  how- 

0  he    spell-hound    by  Savonarola's   voice,    but    to 
enjoy    the    plenary   indulgence   conceded    to   all  who   had 

pen    against    him,   regardless    of  the  crimes    or    even 
rhu  they  might  have  committed  for  this  purpose. 4 

A  most  active  correspondence  was  still  going  on  be- 
tween the  Republic  and  the  Pope.  Alexander  was  insis- 
tenti v  demanding  that  Savonarola,  after  being  sufficiently 
examined  and  tortured,  should  be  consigned  to  him 
alive  ;  but  the  Signory  felt  that  this  could  not  be  done 
without  gravely  compromising  the  dignity  of  the  State. 
Accordingly  they  temporized  with  his  Holiness,  making 
fresh  attempts  to  obtain  the  concession  of  the  tax  on 
Church  property  that  had  been  so  warmly  advocated  by 
•narola  and  been  the  cause  of  so  many  charges  againsc 
him.  The  members  of  the  Pratica  agreed  with  the 
Signory  in  urging;  this  request,  but  the  Pope  either 
kept  silence  on  the  subject,  or  took  time  to  reflect,  and  the 
Florentines  continued  to  press  the  demand.  It  appeared 
as    though   all  were   endeavouring  to    trade  on   the  pool 

1  Perrens,  doc.  xviii.  "Padre  Marchese,  doc.  xxxv. 
»  Perrens,  doc.  xviii. 

«Nardi,  vol,  i,  pp.  154-155;  landucd,  <:Diario,':  p.  173. 


VESPUCCrS  ADVICE  TO  THE  SIGNOR Y.        729 

Friar's  life  in  order  to  gain  in  exchange  for  it  the  identical 
concessions  he  had  been  the  first  to  ask,  and  which  were 
now  leading  him  to  martyrdom.1 

The  moment  was  approaching  for  the  election  of  a  new 
Signory,  and  the  Pratica  met  almost  daily.2  On  the  27th 
and  28th  of  April  the  Signory  in  office  asked  the  opinion 
of  the  meeting  :  as  to  what  reply  should  be  sent  to  the 
Pope  ;  how  to  provide  for  the  finances  ;  and  how  to 
maintain  order  in  the  city  ? 

And  Vespucci,  now  the  leading  voice  in  the  council, 
advised  that  they  should  continue  to  temporize  with 
Rome,  and  prolong  the  examination  of  the  three  friars,  so 

1  The  reports  of  the  "  Pratiche,"  and  other  documents  published  bv 
Padre  Marchese  and  Gherardi,  furnish  clear  proofs  of  all  this.  Many 
other  measures  Savonarola  had  proposed  were  adopted  after  his  death, 
some  even  while  he  was  being  put  to  the  torture.  We  have  already  spoken 
of  the  Church  Tithes  and  the  separation  of  St.  Mark's,  and  may  now 
repeat  that  he  was  the  first  to  advocate  the  election  of  a  perpetual  Gon- 
falonier. He  had  also  suggested  the  appointment  of  a  foreign  judge  of 
appeal,  as  the  first  step  to  the  formation  of  a  Ruota,  or  court  of  wealthy 
citizens,  who  were  also  to  be  highly  paid  in  order  to  ensure  their  incor- 
ruptibility. And  on  the  20th  of  April,  that  is,  the  day  before  the  com- 
mencement of  his  second  trial,  a  decree  was  issued  {vide  "  Provvisione" 
191,  sheet  5,  Florence  Archives,  cl.  ii.  dist.  ii.)  abolishing  the  office  of 
Bargello,  and  re-establishing  in  its  stead  that  of  the  Captain  of  the 
People,  suppressed  in  1477.  The  Captain's  tribunal  was  to  be  the  lower 
court  of  appeal,  that  of  the  Podestà,  the  higher  court.  Meanwhile 
however,  the  Bargello,  or  Captain  of  the  Piazza,  was  to  have  an 
additional  guard  of  thirty  soldiers,  until  the  new  Captain  of  the  People 
should  come  into  office,  and  occupy  the  same  palace  next  the  Custom 
House,  then  tenanted  by  the  Bargello.  We  cannot  ascertain  the  exact 
purpose  of  this  reform,  which  was  not  strictly  identical  with  that  advised 
by  Savonarola,  although,  in  fact,  a  new  foreign  judge  of  appeal  was 
likewise  appointed.  It  may  be  that  the  Signory  wished  to  seem 
favourable  to  democratic  laws,  and  feigned  a  reform  that  would 
lead  to  good  results,  while  actually  increasing  the  power  of  the  Bargello 
whose  services  would  be  needed  for  the  execution  of  the  sentences'they 
had  in  view.  At  all  events,  it  is  certain  that  a  Ruota  on  Savonarola's 
p»an  was  afterwards  established,  composed  of  native  judges,  instead  of 
the  foreign  Podestà  and  Captain. 

*  By  Register  66  of  the  "Pratiche  "  in  the  Florence  Archives,  it  appears 
that  they  were  held  on  the  13th,  14th,  20th,  26th,  27th,  and  28S  of 
April,  but  mat  otner  meetings  also  took  place. 


S  1.11  E  AND  TIM. 


ided  by  the  incoming 
»   meanwhile  to  the  rest  of  the 
!  ali   questions   of    finance    and   the 

rvation  of  order  in  the  city»  he  would  leave  every- 
thing to  the    discretion   of    the    present    Signore.1      The 
ment  accordingly  followed  his  advice,  and  termi- 

thc   other  trials,  by  sentencing   nineteen   citizens   to 

ht  tines  or  partial  banishment  and  exclusion  from 
public  offices  tor  a  short  term  of  years;  while  to  many 
others   free   pardon  was  accorded.      As  to  those  who  had 

eked  the  Piagnoni,  and  assassinated  Valori  and  his 
family,  they  were  not  even  brought  to  trial  !  2  And  to 
prove  the  Government's  love  of  freedom  and  hatred  to  the 
Medici,  the  sentence  to  outlawry  as   rebels,   still   in  force 

inst    Alessandro   and   Lamberto  dell'  Antella,  the  dis- 
coverers of  the   Piero  de'   Medici   plot,   was  entirely   re- 
ked.3 

But    there    was  another   measure  still  to  be  taken    in 
order  to  ensure  the  election  of  a  new  Signory  thoroughly 

tile  to  Savonarola  ;  since  otherwise  the  public  laws  and 
faith  would  have  been  violated  in  vain,  and  the  torturing 
of  the  prisoner  mere  labour  lost.  If  the  Piagnoni  should 
now  return  to  power,  Savonarola  would  not  only 
be  rescued,  but  avenged,  and  the  iniquities  of  his  trial 
proclaimed  to  the  world.  But  all  this  proved  very  easy 
to  prevent.  On  the  day  the  Grand  Council  assembled  for 
the  election  of  the  magistrates,  by  a  new  and  incredible 
infringement    of  the  law,  a  great   number  of  the    most 

1  Vidi  the  above-mentioned  Register  of  the  "  Pratiche,"  sheet  72  and 

fol. 

2  Vide  Florence  Archives,  the  deliberations  of  the  30th  of  April,  149& 
Same  Register,  sheet  39/  and  fol. 

3  "  Provvisione"  of  23rd  of  April,  1498.  It  was  carried  in  the  Eighty  by 
sixty  black  against  twenty-three  white  beans  ;  and  in  the  Greater  Council 
by  706  black  against  305  white.  The  white  beans,  as  all  know,  were  used 
to  mark  disapproval.  Vide  in  the  Florence  Archives,  u  Consigli  Maggiori, 
Provissioni,"  Registers,  cl.  ii.  dist.  ii.  190,  sheet  16. 


SA  VONAROLAS  FATE  IN  DISCUSSION.         73 

popular  citizens  of  Florence  were  excluded  from  the  hall 
at  the  moment  for  taking  the  votes.1  Thanks  to  this 
arbitrary  proceeding,  Messer  Vieri  de'  Medici,  a  fit 
representative  of  his  name,2  was  elected  Gonfalonier  of 
Justice,  with  a  Signory  of  the  same  type  as  the  last.  The 
new  magistrates  found  their  work  all  laid  out  for  them, 
and  had  only  to  pursue  the  same  course  and  put  the  seal 
of  bloodshed  to  the  almost  consummated  crime. 

Their  first  act,  on  assuming  office,  was  to  assemble  the 
Pratica  on  the  5th  of  May,  to  consult  as  to  what  they 
were  to  do.  Some  made  reply  :  "  That  it  was  requisite 
to  impress  upon  the  Pope  that  the  sentence  must  be  exe- 
cuted in  the  same  place  where  the  crime  had  been  com- 
mitted ;  but  that  should  it  prove  expedient  to  yield 
on  this  point,  an  attempt  should  at  least  be  made,  by 
examining  Savonarola  anew,  to  extract  all  he  had  in  his 
body,  seeing  that,  up  to  this  moment,  they  had  only 
stripped  off  the  rind."  Then  Piero  Popoleschi  began'  to 
speak  in  the  name  of  the  Ten,  and  as  the  Gonfalonier  of 
the  preceding  Signory  and  the  chief  director  of  the  trial, 
his  words  naturally  carried  great  weight. 3  Like  most 
of  the  majority,  he  insisted  that  the  friars  should  on  no 
account  be  consigned  to  Rome.  It  were  preferable,  he 
said,  to  ask  the  Pope  to  send  commissioners  of  his 
own  to  examine  Savonarola  anew,  if  more  information 
was  to  be  extracted  from  him.  But  he  vehemently 
opposed,  and  certainly  not  without  reason,  the  proposal 
for    a   new    trial,    "  both  on    account  of  the  manner  in 

1  Nardi  (vol.  i.  p.  156)  says  that  two  hundred  were  thus  excluded,  but 
this  must  surely  be  an  exaggeration. 

2  There  were  four  Medici  with  the  same  Christian  name,  and  one  of 
them  was  actually  a  follower  of  Savonarola.  The  temper  of  the  man 
now  mentioned  will  be  shown  by  the  sequel. 

3  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  new  Council  of  Ten  had  come  into 
office  at  the  beginning  of  the  trial.  Popoleschi  had  therefore  been 
elected,  while  still  holding  the  post  of  Gonfalonier — another  act  of 
monstrous  illegality. 


W  TIMES, 

which  the  exami  :i  already  conducted,  and 

nd  quiet   oi    the  city;   inasmuch  as  the 

ral  of  tl  might  an  i  indal,  and 

.11  the  potent  I  Italy  h ave  mitten  to  the 

1     Thus  it  v.  is  clear  that  the  ex-Gonfalonier 

her  trial  because  he  greatly  feared  that  it 

nly  result  in   bringing  to  light  the  falsification  of 
the  Nothing  of  that  kind  was  to  he  dreaded  if  the 

mart.r  were  taken   in   hand   by  the   Papal    Commissioners, 
v   would    know    their   business   too   well  ;    and   being 
bound  by  no  obligation  to  make  their  proceedings  public, 
h   the  help  of  Ser   Ceccone  and  the   torture-chamber, 
lid  be  perfectly  able  to  achieve  their  intent. 
(  hi   the  evening  of  the   same   day  (5th   of  April)   the 
Signory    wrote    to    Bonsi,   now    Savonarola's  enemy,   and 
the   tallowing  day  to  the   Pope,   repeating  that  they 
could   not    send  the  three   friars  to  Rome,  because   they 
wished  to  make  an   example  of  them  in  Florence  ;    and 
adding  that  it  would  be  better  that  his  Holiness  should 
appoint  his  own  Commissioners  instead.2     The  Pope  had 
always  most  strongly,  and  even  threateningly,  insisted  on 
the  friars  being  sent   to   Rome,  so   that  he    might    pro- 
nounce their  sentence  himself.      But  his  sole  aim  in   this 
was  to  ensure  their  death.     Accordingly,    he  no  sooner 
perceived  that  the  Florentines  were    bent  on    the   same 
purpose,  and  in  a  position  to  carry  it  out,  than  he  showed 
himself  willing  to  come  to  terms,  and  had  indeed  already 
suggested    to    the    ambassador    how    the     matter    could 


1  Vide  this  "  Pratica '*' in  the  before-quoted  Register,  sheet  86*.  It  is 
also  included  in  Lupi's  published  collection. 

2  P.  Marchese,  docs,  xxxvi.  and  xxxvii.  The  second  letter  (dated  G\\i 
of  May)  begins  thus  :  "Cum  torqueremus  adhuc  Hieronymum  Savona- 
rolam  proximis  diebus,"  &c.  These  words  are  an  additional  proof,  nere 
any  needed,  that  Savonarola  was  tortured  on  other  days  besides  the  10th 
of  April,  stated  10  be  the  only  time,  in  the  report  of'  tiic  trial.  But  this 
report  has  been  contradicted  in  many  other  ways. 


SPECIAL  COMMISSION  APPOINTED.  733 

be  arranged.1  On  receipt  of  this  last  despatch  from 
Florence,  he  wrote  at  once  (11th  of  April)  to  Paganotti 
the  bishop,2  and  on  the  following  day  to  the  Signory,3 
announcing  that  he  should  send  to  Florence  the  General 
of  the  Dominicans,  Giovacchino  Turriano,  and  the  Doctor 
of  Law,  Francesco  Romolino,  "  to  examine  into  the 
crimes  and  iniquities  of  those  three  children  of  perdition." 
Also  with  a  refinement  of  cruelty,  he  imposed  on  the 
Dominican  bishop,  who  was  regarded  as  a  friend  of 
Savonarola,  the  task  of  degrading  him  and  handing  him 
over  to  the  secular  arm.  At  the  same  time  he  granted 
Florence  the  much-desired  tithe  on  church  property 
for  the  term  of  three  years.  Accordingly  the  most 
faithful  of  the  Piagnoni  went  about  repeating  :  "  This 
friar  has  been  sold,  like  unto  the  Saviour,  for  thirty  pieces 
of  silver  ;  for  truly  three  times  ten  make  thirty."  4  And 
meanwhile  the  Florentines  were  communicating  with  the 
different  courts,  in  order  to  prepare  men's  minds  for  the 
final  event.  Having  little  confidence  in  Francesco  Pepi, 
their  orator  at  Milan,  they  appointed  Messer  Guid- 
antonio  Vespucci  as  his  coadjutor. 5  It  was  still  more 
difficult  to  manage  Guasconi,  their  ambassador  in  France, 
who  was  not  only  known  to  be  a  zealous  Piagnone,  but 
high  in  the  favour  of  King  Louis  XII.  For,  although  in 
a  far  less  degree  than  his  predecessor,  Charles  VIII.,  this 
monarch  also  was  well  inclined  towards  Savonarola. 
Hence,  while  informing  Guasconi  "  for  the  regu- 
lation of  his  conduct  "  of  the  events  which  had  taken 
place  in  Florence,  they   enjoined  him   to    keep   absolute 

1   Vide  Bonsi's  letter  in  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  168-169. 
9  Pcrrens,  doc.  xix.  vol.  i.  p.  512. 

3  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,''  p.  172. 

4  Landucci,  "Diario,"  p.  175.     The  concession  of  the  Decima  arrived 
in  Florence  on  the  13th  of  May,  1496. 

5  Vide  the  letter  to  Pepi  of  the  21st  and  23rd  of  April,  in  Gherardi, 
11  Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  161-162. 


../.-,  N  LIFE  AM)  TIMES 

on  them  at  Court.     But,  without  any  attempt  to 
lepth  of  his  grief,  he  immediately  replied  that  the 

;'  France  was   already  informed    of  everything,  and 

'     \   hastening   to   appoint   a    new   ambassador   to 

I  le  went  on    to   say  that,  bring  worn   out    and 

by  his  great   age    (really  by  his   great   sorrow),  he 

:    d   to   he   recalled  without    delay.1      The   Florentines 

OTOte   to  the   other   Courts,  always  adopting  a   tone 

suited    to    the    temper  of   the    potentate    addressed,    and 

mwhile  they  lost  no  time  in  the   city,  hut  relentlessly 

pushed  matters  on  to  the  predestined  end. 

And  what  of  Sayonarola  during  this  time?  The 
Apostolic  Commissioners  only  arrived  on  the  19th  of 
May,  and  ever  since  the  25th  of  April,  after  the  second 
deposition  had  been  signed,  he  had  been  left  in  peace  in 
the  solitude  of  his  tower  cell.  For  some  days  he  was  too 
bruised  and  torn  to  be  able  to  use  his  arms  ;  but  the  rieht 
hand,  which  was  always  somewhat  spared  during  torture, 
so  that  the  victim  might  write  his  own  confession  as  was 
required  by  the  law,  soon  began  to  improve.  He  was 
then  enabled  to  resume  his  pen,  and  all  that  he  wrote  at 
this  solemn  time  is  deserving  of  special  attention. 

But  the  reader  will  find  no  attacks  on  his  judges,  no 
complaints  of  the  barbarities  inflicted  on  him,  no  attempt 
at  self-defence.  Savonarola  had  nothing  more  to  hope  in 
this  world  ;  his  thoughts  were  exclusively  given  to  God  ; 
he  wrote  an  exposition  and  commentary  of  the  Fiftieth 
Psalm,   Miserere  mei  Deus.     "Sinner  that   I   be,  where 

1  Gherardi,  "Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  157-160.  The  new  envoy  alluded 
to  by  Guasconi,  was  the  Florentine  Niccolò  Alamanni.  It  seems  that  he 
was  really  charged  by  the  king,  though  with  no  great  earnestness,  to 
endeavour  to  save  Savonarola.  He  arrived  before  all  was  over,  but 
found  it  was  too  late  for  any  attempt  in  the  prisoner's  favour.  The 
Signory  feigned  ignorance  of  his  mission,  but  sent  to  ask  him  for  certain 
valuable  manuscripts  formerly  lent  to  him  by  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  they 
pressed  their  demand  so  rudely,  that,  as  they  had  hoped,  he  soon  de- 
parted in  high  dudgeon. 


"  MISERERE  MEI  DE  US  "  7  ;  - 

shall  I   turn  ?     To    the    Lord,   whose    mercy  is    infinite. . 
None  may  take  glory  in  himself;  all  the  saints  tell  us  : 
not  unto  us,  but  unto  the  Lord  be  the  glory.     They  were 
not  saved  by  their  own  merits,  nor  their  own  works  ;  but 
by  the  goodness  and  grace  of  God,  wherefore   none  may 
take  glory  to  himself.     O  Lord,  a  thousand  times  hast 
Thou  wiped  away  my  iniquity,  yet  a  thousand  times  have 
I    fallen  back  into  it.   .   .   .   But   when  Thy  spirit    shall 
descend  upon  me,  when  Christ  shall  live  within  me  ;  then 
shall  I  be  safe.     Strengthen  me  in  Thy  spirit,  O  Lord  ; 
not    until    then,  can  I  teach  Thy  ways  to  the    wicked. 
Hadst  thou  asked  the  sacrifice  of  my  body,  I  would  have 
given  it  ere  now  ;  but  burnt-offerings  are  as  nought  to 
Thee  ;    Thou  wouldst    have    the    offering   of  the  spirit. 
Therefore,  O  sinner,  bring  thy  repentant  heart  unto  the 
Lord,  and  nought  else  shall  be  required  of  thee."      He 
then  recurred  to  his  dominant  idea  of  the  renovation  of 
the  Church.     "  I  ardently  desire  the  salvation  of  all  men  ; 
the  works  of  the  good  would  greatly  console  me.     Where- 
fore, I   beseech  Thee,  look  on  Thy  Church,  and  behold 
how  in  these  days  more  infidels  than  Christians  are  num- 
bered in  its  fold,  and  how  every  one  doth  make  a  god  of  his 
belly.     Send   forth  Thy  spirit,  and  let  the   face  of  the 
earth  be  renewed.     Hell  is  filled,  Thy  Church  desolate. 
Arise  ;  why  sleepeth  Thou,  O  Lord  ?     Our  sacrifices  find 
no  favour  in  Thy  sight,  for  they  are  mere  ceremonies  and 
unrighteous.     Where  be  now  the  glory  of  the  apostles,  the 
fortitude  of  the  martyrs,  the  holy  simplicity  of  the  monks?  " 
.  .  .  Continuing   in  this  strain  he  seemed  to  forget  his 
prison  walls  and  believe  himself  once  more  in  the  pulpit. 
In  reading  this  meditation  one  might  almost  conceive  it 
to  be  one  of  Savonarola's  most  daring  sermons  ;  for,  as 
Nardi  justly  said,  he  always  remained  equal  to  himself.1 

1   Vide  "  Esposizione  sul  Miserere."     Audin  de  Rians  cites  in  his  bibli- 
ography of  fifteenth  century  editions  of  Savonarola's  works,  eight  Latin 


SA  VS  li 

Thr  ti      part  of  "  one  mi 

ni  of   j  rophecy   had 
entirely  in  prison  ;  but  a  little  further  on  we 

tiiui  -  i  inducing  mental  excitement  ;  tor 

and  the  harassed  prisoner 
d  by  the  old  apparii 

His   sccon. 1  composition   at   this   period  consisted  of  an 

or'  the  Thirtieth  Psalm,1  /;/  te,  Domine%  sperà     ■ 

In  this  Savonarola  recounts  the   struggle   between  Despair 

and  1  1    DC  contending  for  his  heart.     He  does  not  describe 

combatants  as  abstract  or  allegorical  beings,  but  seems 

.ear  first  the  clashing  of  chains  and  then  the  voices  of 
the  two  angels  ;  after  which  heaven  opens  before  his  eyes. 
"  Despair  hath   pitched  his  camp  around  me,  and  encom- 

ed  me  with  a  strong  and  numerous  host  ;  he  hath 
filled  my  heart,  and  unceasingly  warreth  against  me,  with 
violence  and  clamour,  by  night  and  by  day.  My  friends 
are  arrayed  under  his  banner,  and  become  my  foes.  All 
things   which  I  see,  and  all   I   hear,  bear   the  device  of 

pair.  .  .  .  Wherefore,  even  as  the  sweetest  thing 
seemeth  bitter  to  the  fever-stricken,  so  for  me  all  is  turned 
to  bitterness  and  affliction.  .  .  .  But  I  will  turn  me  to 
1  leaven,  and  then  Hope  will  come  to  my  aid.  Behold  ! 
already  Despair  quaileth  beneath  her  glance  !  Now,  let  the 
world  weigh  on  me  as  it  will,  let  my  enemies  rise  against 
me  ;  my  fear  hath  passed  from  me,  for  I  have  rested  all 
my  hope  in  the  Lord.  Peradventure,  O  Lord,  Thou  wilt- 
not  grant  my  prayer  to  be  released  from  bodily  anguish, 
for  such  grace  might  be  hurtful  to  the  soul,  inasmuch  as 
virtue    gains    strength   in   tribulation.     Then    shall   I   be 

and  five  Italian  editions  of  this  pamphlet.  Even  more  are  enumerated  in 
the  Guicciardini  Catalogue.  The  "  Esposizione  "  was  originally  written 
in  Latin. 

1  Audin  de  Rians  cites  five  Italian  and  one  Latin  edition  of  this  second 
pamphlet.  This  also  was  originally  composed  in  Latin,  and  translated 
immediately  afterwards. 


CONTEST  BETWEEN  HOPE  AND  DESPAIR.    737 

temporally  confounded  by  men  ;  their  strength  and  power 
shall  he  arrayed  against  me  ;  but  Thou  dost  permit 
it,  for  that  I  be  not  confounded  in  eternity."  Then  a 
passage  follows  that  is  specially  worthy  of  note,  since  it 
was  chiefly  this  or  some  other  entirely  analogous  part  of 
the  exposition  that  served  the  Protestants  as  the  basis  of 
their  theory  that  Savonarola  was  one  of  the  martyrs  of 
their  Church. 

"  Wherefore,  I  will  put  my  hope  in  the  Lord,  and  He 
will  haste  to  deliver  me  from  all  tribulation.  And  bv 
whose  merits  ?  Not  by  mine,  O  Lord,  but  by  Thine.  I 
offer  not  tip  my  justice  to  Thee,  but  I  seek  Thy  mercy. 
The  Pharisees  took  pride  in  their  justice  ;  wherefore  it 
was  not  the  justice  of  God,  the  which  is  only  to  be  attained 
by  grace  ;  and  no  one  will  ever  be  justified  in  God's  sight 
for  solely  performing  the  works  of  the  law."  At  this 
point  the  phantom  of  Despair  appears,  with  such  clashing 
of  arms  and  sounding  of  trumpets,  that  Savonarola  says  : 
"  Hardly  could  I  keep  myself  from  falling  to  earth  ; 
and  he  would  have  bound  me  fast  in  his  chains  and  led 
me  to  his  kingdom,  had  not  Hope  appeared  to  me  all  radiant 
and  shining  with  a  heavenly  splendour,  and  smilingly 
cried  :  '  Oh  !  Knight  of  Christ,  what  is  thy  mind  in  this 
battle  ?  .  .  .  Hast  thou  faith  or  hast  it  not  ?  '  *  Yes,  I 
have  faith.'  '  Well,  then,  know  that  this  is  a  great  grace 
of  God,  for  faith  is  his  gift,  and  is  not  to  be  attained 
by  our  works,  lest  any  one  should  take  glory  to  himself.'" 

It  has  been  found  easy  to  conclude  from  this  passage 
that  Savonarola  here  intended  to  maintain  the  theory  of 
justification  by  faith  alone  and  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  not  by  works,  the  which  theory  is  the  basis  of  the 
reformed  doctrine.  But  before  accepting  this  verdict  we 
must  remember  that,  according  to  the  Protestant,  as  well 
as  the  Catholic  point  of  view,  salvation  is  attained  by  faith 
which  is  the  gift  of  grace.     The  sole  difference  consists 

48 


tcrmining  the  manner  in  which  human  free-will  can 

:i.       The    Catholics    maintain    that 

rcmonica  arc  of  great  import 
-will  contributes  to  salvation.     The 
ther  hand,  declare  works  and  cere- 

tO   he   utterly  useless,  and    that   all   depends   upon 
:  dth  being  derived  from  grace,  and  gOO 
faith.      In  other  words,  we  are  saved  by  grace 
;  v. -i  will  is  altogether  powerless,  the  salvation 

is   predestir.  This   once   established,  all 

i   how   easy  it   is  to  claim  as  a  Protestant 
Catholic  writer  who  dwells  on  the  omnipotence  of 
th,  the  necessity  of  grace,  and  the  small  value  of  our 
■ks  and  merits.     But  it  is  only  by  piercing  to  the 
core  of  these  doctrines,  and  investigating   them  in  their 
intrinsic  unity,  that  we  can  accurately  judge  them.      No 
.an  give  any  real  attention  to  Savonarola's  writings 
without     quickly     discerning     how     great    a    value    he 
to  human  free-will,  and  how    firmly  persuaded 
he    was    of   the    necessity    of  contributing    of    our    own 
repare  ourselves  for  the  reception  of  grace.     He 
gives   great  importance   to   good  works,  and  no   less  to 
outer  ceremonies,  although  he  would  only  have  them  used 
to  open  and  stimulate  the  spirit.     But  who  can  feel  sur- 
prise if  in  these  days  of  solitary  imprisonment,  crippled 
by  torture,  forsaken  and  betrayed  by  his  fellow-men,  he 
should   have   neglected  to  dwell  on  the  gifts  of  human 
e-will,  and  rather  preferred  to  place  his  sole  hope  in  the 
Lord  ?      Nevertheless,  on  reading  the  continuation  of  this 
second  {f  Esposizione,"  none  can  be  deceived  as  to  the  real 
character  of  his  doctrines. 

Savonarola  continues  thus  :  "  Despair  assailed  me  and 
said  :  Seest  thou  not  that  thou  callest  on  heaven  and 
earth,  yet  none  cometh  to  thy  aid?  Seest  thou  not 
that  death  is  thy  only  ìefuge?     And  all  his  host  cried 


CELEBRITY  OF  THESE  PRISON  MEDITATIONS.  739 

aloud,  wherefore  shedding  tears  of  grief,  I  fell  upon  my 
face.  And  thereupon  Hope,  all  shining  and  full  of  splen- 
dour, quickly  descended  from  heaven,  and,  touching  me, 
raised  me  from  the  earth  and  said  :  How  long  wilt  thou 
be  as  a  child?  Let  Despair  point,  if  he  can,  to  any 
sinner,  however  hardened,  who,  having  turned  to  God 
and  repented,  hath  not  been  accepted  and  justified. "  .  .  .  J 
"  Who  is  he  that  putteth  bounds  to  the  mercy  of  God, 
and  thinketh  to  bear  the  waters  of  the  ocean  in  his  hands  ? 
Hast  thou  not  heard  the  Lord  say  :  when  the  sinner  re- 
penteth  and  turneth  away  from  his  sins,  I  will  no  more  re- 
member his  iniquities?2  .  .  .  God's  mercy  is  boundless. 
Didst  thou  fall  ?  Rise  up,  and  mercy  shall  receive  thee. 
Wast  thou  ruined  ?  Cry,  and  mercy  shall  come  to  thee." 
It  is  clear  from  this  that  man's  works  and  free-will  have 
a  recognized  value,  according  to  the  Catholic  creed.  And 
after  this  Savonarola  went  on  to  say  :  Then,  full  of  glad- 
ness, I  exclaimed  :  I  will  put  no  trust  in  men,  but  only  in 
the  Lord,  and  will  return  thanks  before  all  the  people,  for 
the  death  of  saints  is  precious  in  the  Lord's  sight.  If  all 
the  hosts  of  the  world  be  arrayed  against  me,  my  heart 
shall  know  no  fear,  for  Thou  art  my  refuge  and  wilt  lead 
me  to  my  end."  .  .  But  at  this  point  he  was  compelled 
to  cease  writing  from  lack  of  paper. 

These  two  prison  meditations  obtained  an  enormous 
celebrity  at  the  time.  That  on  the  Miserere  soon  ran 
into  thirteen  separate  editions,  and  even  circulated  through 
Germany  ;  and  the  fame  of  both  was  afterwards  greatly 
increased  when  republished  by  Martin  Luther  at  Stras- 

Xi  If  there  be  no  sinner  who  on  returning  to  God  hath  not  been  accepted, 
their  salvation  is  at  least  begun  by  free-will.  Calvin  was  opposed  to  this 
doctrine,  and  Luther  by  no  means  admitted  it  in  his  "  De  Servo  Arbitrio." 

2  These  words  of  Scripture  are  quoted  and  insisted  upon  even  by 
Protestants,  since  they  unite  with  Catholics  in  believing  in  the  infinite 
mercy  of  God  ;  but  Savonarola  quotes  the  text  in  order  to  prove  that  it  is 
needful  for  man  to  will  to  be  saved,  adding  that  if  he  have  this  will,  God 
shall  assuredly  come  to  his  aid. 


•4o 


\ND  TIMI  S. 


in  i  ;         ith  a  pi         ;:l  which  he  declared  Savona- 

r  ol   the  Protestant  doctrine  and  one 

:  the  Reformation.1     "This  man  was  put 

■■   Luther,  ,c solely  for  having  desired 

that  sonic  one  should  come  to  purify  the  slough  ol  Rome, 

the  Antichrist's  (the    Pope's)  hope    that  all  remem- 

bran  I  I  reat  man  would  perish  under  a  load  of 
malediction  ;  but  thou  seest  that  it  still  lives  and  that  his 

memory  is  blessed.  Jesus  Christ  proclaims  him  a  saint 
through  our  lips,  even  though  Pope  and  Papists  should 
hurst  with  rage.      Even   hy  these  writings   thou   shalt   see 

works  are  of  no  avail  in  God's  sight,  and  how  faith  is 
the  one  thing  needful.  What  if  some  theological  mud  he 
still  found  sticking  to  his  feet,2  who  could  be  altogether  free 
of  it  in  those  days?  Thou  wilt  likewise  see  his  distrust 
and  despair  of  his  own  strength,  and  a  pure  image  of  faith 
and  hope  in  God's  mercy.  Neither  in  the  strength  of  his 
vows   nor  the  rule  of  his   Order,  neither  in  his  priestly 

,  in  masses  nor  in  works,  did  he  rest  his  hope,  but 
solely  in  the  Gospel,  in  faith,  and  in  righteousness."  It 
is  quite  true,  and  also  perfectly  natural,  that,  in  those 
solemn  moments,  Savonarola  despaired  of  himself,  and 
put  his  sole  and  whole  trust  in  God.  Nevertheless  it  is 
absolutely  false  that  he  ever  renounced  or  neglected  to 
maintain  the  value  of  those  good  works  and  religious 
ceremonies,  of  which,  on  the  contrary,  he  was  apt  to 
exaggerate  the  importance  almost  to  the  point  of  super- 
stition. Even  if  all  we  have  said  were  insufficient  to 
overthrow  the  verdict  of  the  great  Reformer,  Savonarola's 
last  acts,  and  the  last  words  he  was  able  to  write  in 
prison,  would  amply  suffice  to  that  end.     Had  Martin 


1  "Meditatio  pia  et   erudita  Hieronymi    Savonarola?  a  PajXE  exusti, 
super  Psalmos,"  Miserere  Mei  et  In  te  Domine  operavi.    Argentorati,  an, 

MDXXIIII. 

•  I.c.%  scholastic  mud 


"RULE  FOR   VIRTUOUS  LIVING."  74 l 

Luther    been    acquainted    with    them    they  would    have 
certainly  removed  all  doubt  from  his  mind. 

Like  all  who  came  in  contact  with  Savonarola,  his 
gaoler  was  soon  inspired  with  a  deep  veneration  for  him, 
and  repeatedly  besought  him  for  the  gift  of  some  written 
words  on  virtuous  living.  After  often  excusing  himself 
on  account  of  his  tortured  joint  and  lack  of  paper: 
the  Prior  ended  by  granting  the  man's  request,  and  wrote 
on  a  book  cover,  a  Rule  for  virtuous  living,1  that  was 
religiously  preserved  and  afterwards  appeared  in  print. 
"Virtuous  living,"  Savonarola  wrote,  "depends  wholly 
on  grace  ;  wherefore  we  must  strive  to  attain  grace,  and, 
having  won,  to  increase  it.  To  examine  our  sins,  to 
meditate  on  the  vanity  of  earthly  things,  are  means  to- 
wards grace  ;  confession  and  communion  incline  our  hearts 
to  receive  it.  Certainly  it  is  a  free  gift  of  God,  but  when 
we  have  a  strong  contempt  for  the  world,  a  strong  desire 
to  turn  us  to  spiritual  things,  then  we  may  say  that  even 
if  grace  be  not  yet  in  us,  it  is  assuredly  drawing  nigh. 
Therefore,  perseverance  in  virtuous  living,  in  good  works, 
in  confession,  in  communion  ^  in  all  that  draweth  us  nearer 
unto  grace y  is  the  true  and  certain  way  to  procure  its 
increase."  If  any  should  fail  to  recognize  that  this  doc- 
trine is  purely  and  exclusively  Roman  Catholic,  and  that 
Savonarola  remained  steadfastly  true  to  his  creed  to  the 
the  close  of  his  life,  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  other 
proofs  by  which  to  convince  him.  But  we  might  beg  our 
disputant  to  note  the  Prior's  last  steps  towards  the  scaf- 
fold, for  then  none,  save  the  mentally  blind,  could  pre- 
serve the  shadow  of  a  doubt  on  the  subject. 

1  u  Regola  del  ben  vivere  cristiano,  composta  mentre  era  in  carcere,"  &c 
Florence,  1498,  1529  ;  Venice,  1547. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


•or. A    is    PUT    TO    IRISH    TORTURE    BY    THE 

[POSTOLIC     COéMMISSIOWERS.      HIS     THIRD     TRIM. 

;\I.-\    PROVES    HT€M    /f\*.\'  "  rrX  ''■      THE    CONDEM- 

V    tfVSQD  EXECUTION  OF  'J  HI-:  THREE  FRIARS. 

(May     19-23,     I498-) 

)  HE  PapaJ  Commissioners  entered  Flo- 
rence in  state  on  the  19th  of  May. 
They  consisted  of  Giovacchino  Tur- 
riano,  General  of  the  Dominicans,  and 
the  Spaniard  Francesco  Romolino, 
Bishop  of  Ilerda,  Auditor  to  the 
Governor  of  Rome,  and  afterwards  well  known  as  the 
Cardinal  Romolino.  The  dregs  of  the  people  flocked 
round  them  with  cries  of  "  Death  to  the  Friar  ! ,!  And 
Romolino  smilingly  replied  :  "  He  shall  die  without 
fail."  In  fact,  Girolamo  Benivieni  was  in  receipt  of 
letters  from  Rome  informing  him  that  "  The  two  Com- 
missioners were  instructed  to  put  Savonarola  to  death 
were  he  even  another  St.  John  the  Baptist"  l  And  they 
made  no  secret  of  this,  for  Romolino  was  scarcely  estab- 
lished in  the  house  of  a  certain  Pandolfo  della  Luna,  near 
San  Pietro  Scheraggio,  than  he  said  to  his  host  :  "  We 
shall  make  a  fine  bonfire  ;  I  bear  the  sentence  with  me, 
already  prepared."  2 


*  "  Vita  Latina,''  sheet  60  ;  Burlamacchi,  p.  154, 


*  Ibid,  sheet  60. 


RENEWED  TORTURE.  743 


The  following  day,  20th  of  May,  the  torturers  were  in 
waiting,  and  Savonarola  was  subjected  to  a  third  examina- 
tion In  addition  to  the  Papal  Commissioners,  it  was 
attended  by  Paolo  Benini  and  Biagio  di  Giovanni  for  the 
Gonfaloniers  of  the  Guilds  ;  by  Giovanni  Canacci  for  the 
Twelve  Worthies  ;  by  Piero  degli  Alberti  for  the  Ten  ; 
and  by  Francesco  Pucci  for  the  Eight.  As  Ser  Ceccone 
had  performed  his  work  so  badly  before,  he  was  now  given 
several  coadjutors  to  assist  him  in  framing  his  reports, 
so  that  emulation  might  sharpen  his  wits  and  enable  him 
to  falsify  the  prisoner's  replies  in  the  manner  required. 

The  examiners  tortured  the  poor  Friar  most  pitilessly  ; x 
and   the    first    questions  they  asked  him  related  to  the 
council,  and  more  particularly  as  to  his  accomplices  in 
the  attempt.     Savonarola  said  :   «  I  will  plainly  tell  you 
that  I  advised  with  no  one  on  the  matter  of  the  council 
and  only  spoke  of  it  in  these  last  days  to  one  or  two  of 
my  brethren.     I  have  never  had  any  communication  with 
the  princes  of  Italy,  inasmuch  as  I  considered  them  al    as 
my  foes      Nevertheless  I  hoped  that  the  foreign  rulers 
would  favour    the   undertaking,  on  account  of  the  evil 
conduct  of  the  Roman  Court,  and  had  especial  hope  in  the 
Kins  of  England,  from  having  heard  that  he  was  a  good 
man      As  to  the  cardinals  and  prelates,  I  regarded  them 
all  as  my  enemies."     Being  asked  whether  he  had  caused 
secrets    of  the    confessional    to   be   revealed    to  him,  ne 
instantly  replied:    "that  he  had  never  made  any  such 
request,  nor  would   it  have  been  granted  by  his  friars. 

*  «  "Rut  even  this  small  first  draft  of  his  examination  by  Remolino  was 
But  even  tins  smai   1  c  e  and  others  who  were  present  at 

edition,  doc.  xxvi. 


"■ 

lat  nothin  -  to  be  obtained  from 

'mo  now  became  furious,  and  assailed 
;  but  finding  menaces  of  no  avail,  imme- 
diati ronarola  to  be  once  more  put  to  the 

I        ...     i  the  Friar  turned  to  those  present 
)     lid  :  l>  Now  hearken  to  my  words  and 
rnory  of  Florence  !     I  have  denied 
ht  from  fear  of  torment.     If  I  must  perforce 
I  will  sutler  for  the  truth  ;   all  that  I  have  declared 
hath  •  i  me  from  God.w     While  thus  speaking  he 

stripped   and   replaced   on  the   rack  ;   but   these 
were   SO    clearly  and   firmly  pronounced    that    they 
were  noted  down  almost  verbatim.1      In  the  agony  of  tor- 
ture narola's  mind  again    wandered,   and  the  vague 
replies  then  extorted   from  him   were  quickly  changed   by 
the    notary.       But    on    all    essential    points    of    doctrine 
neither    tortures  nor  falsifications  availed  to  obscure  his 
He  was  asked  if  he  had  ever  sought  to  make 
a    division    in    the    Christian    Church,    and    instantly,   as 
though    roused    from    delirium,    he    gave    the    answer: 
"  Never,  unless  your  demand  is  meant  to  refer  to  certain 
monies    by    which   I   enforced  discipline    among    my 


1  Here  are  the  words  as  they  stand  in  part  iii.  of  the  "Vulnera  Dili- 
gentis"  (Cod.  cit,  sheet  7),  and  which  Fra  Benedetto  states  to  be  taken 
from  one  of  the  copies  in  Ser  Cecconc's  hand,  and  that,  although  falsified 
m  the  usual  manner,  shows  several  divergences  from  the  later,  and  still 
more  mutilated,  version  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition  : 
■*  Jussus  expoliari.  Now  hearken  to  my  words,  O  God  !  Thou  hast  de- 
tected mc.  Here  he  fell  on  his  knees,  saying  :  I  confess  that  I  have 
cicnied  Christ.  I  have  spoken  lies.  O  Signory  of  Florence,  I  have 
denied  Him  from  dread  of  torture.  If  I  have  to  surfer,  I  will  suffer  for 
che  truth.  That  which  I  have  said  came  to  me  from  God.  O  God,  Thou 
dost  impose  penance  on  me  for  having  denied  Thee.  I  deserve  it.  I 
have  denied  Thee,  I  have  denied  Thee,  I  have  denied  Thee  for  fear  of 
torments,  for  fear  of  torments  !  He  was  on  his  knees,  and,  showing  his 
almost  shattered  left  arm,  cried  :  Jesus,  aid  me  ;  this  time  Thou  ha?/ 
l<;und  out  my  sin."  All  this,  it  is  evident,  is  always  in  reference  to  tl* 
f  of  prophecy,  the  point  on  which  Savonarola  had  given  way. 


ILLEGAL  CONDUCT  OF  TILE  TRIAL.  745 

friars.     But  it  is  entirely  true  that  excommunication  had 
no  terrors  for  me."  I 

On  the  2 1  st  the  proceedings  recommenced  with  certain 
strangely  contradictory  declarations,  intended  to  confirm  all 
that  had  been  transcribed  at  the  preceding  examinations. 
To  these  Savonarola's  name  had  been  affixed,  but  by  whose 
hand  is  unknown.  Their  contents  are  too  void  of  sense 
to  have  any  value,  and  indeed  all  the  minutes  of  this  third 
trial  are  utterly  worthless,  being  even  more  falsified  than 
the  others,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  even  one 
genuine  reply  is  contained  in  them.  And  although, 
according  to  the  text,  they  were  signed  by  Savonarola, 
neither  his  name  nor  those  of  the  witnesses  are  to  be 
found  at  the  conclusion.  So  shameless  were  the  Friar's 
persecutors  that  they  no  longer  made  even  a  pretence  of 
observing  legal  forms.  They  continued  to  ply  him  with 
innumerable  strange  and  ridiculous  demands,  as,  for 
example  :  "  If  he  had  ever  maintained  that  Jesus  Christ 
was  only  a  man."  To  which  Savonarola  replied  :  "  Only 
a  fool  could  ask  that."  Then  they  inquired  "  whether  he 
believed  in  charms  ?  "  2  And  he  rejoined  :  "  I  always 
made  mock  of  them."  Romolino  once  more  recurred  to 
the  affair  of  the  council,  in  order  to  learn  who  had  favoured 

1  In  these,  as  in  all  the  other  minutes  of  Savonarola's  trial,  it  may  be 
taken  for  granted  that  the  only  genuine  and  untouched  depositions  are 
those  which  are  in  favour  of  the  accused,  for  certainly  these  would  not 
have  been  invented  either  by  the  examiners  or  the  notary. 

2  As  we  have  already  mentioned,  Violi  and  Fra  Benedetto  are  able  to 
supply  a  few  questions  and  answers  not  contained  in  the  report  as  it  has 
been  preserved,  for  through  the  wife  of  Ser  Ccccone  they  contrived  tc 
obtain  the  original  draft  written  in  the  notary's  own  hand.  But  even 
this  was  not  the  genuine  deposition,  since  some  alterations  were  made 
even  in  the  act  of  noting  down  the  replies,  and  additional  changes  were 
interpolated  in  every  subsequent  copy.  Fra  Benedetto  found  by  the 
rough  draft  that  Savonarola  had  been  asked  "  whether  he  had  ever  com- 
mitted sodomy  "  ;  but  this  is  entirely  omitted  from  the  copy  we  possess. 
On  this  head  Fra  Benedetto  expresses  himself  as  follows  :  "  The  thing 
is  even  truer  than  I  say,  and  I  have  it  not  from  a  third  copy,  but  have 
myself  read  it  in  the  original,  i.e.,  in  the  first  rough  draught  Ser  Ceccone 


\\7>    2 


darly  whether  t:     I      linai  i     v    pies 
II-.!  .Iced  the 

•      '  UTC,  until 

Jsol  bavin  on- 

Lvonarola  cried,  aim 

n  :  "  N  N     lea  !  I  took  c 

t    Oil    the    2  2nd,    v.  hen    they 

a  him  tor  the  third  time,  his  first  thou 

•     retr     :  all   that  he  had  said   to  the  injury  of  others 

::i  anguish,  and  instantly  declared  :  "  Neither 

with  the  Cardinal  of  Naples,  nor  with  others,  have  I  spoken 

I  of  the  council."  Romolino  then  undcrsh 
that  nothing  more  was  to  be  extracted  from  him  ;  that 
her  by  tortures  nor  the  devices  of  the  notaries  could 
sufficient  evidence  be  gained  to  justify  his  condemnation, 
and  that  no  more  time  need  be  wasted  in  the  attempt. 
Accordingly,  after  a  few  more  hasty  questions,  he  summoned 
Savonarola  to  appear  before  him  the  following  day  to 
ive  his  sentence.  "  I  am  a  prisoner,"  replied  the  friar  ; 
44  I  will  come  if  my  jailers  bring  me." 

But  all  was  not  over.  Day  was  closing,  the  vesper  bell 
ringing  the  hour  of  sunset,  and  Savonarola  engaged  in  quiet 
iitation,  when  five  citizens  suddenly  broke  into  his  cell. 
They  came  with  the  notary  to  see  whether,  by  surprising 
him  at  this  last  moment,  when  so  exhausted  by  mental 
and  bodily  anguish,  it  might  not  be  possible  to  conquer 
him  by  threats.  They  wished  to  question  him  on 
political  matters,  and  extort  something  more  than  was  to 
be  gleaned  from  his  first  deposition,  the  only  one  that  had 
been  published,  and  that  was  altogether  unsuited  to  their 
purpose.       Savonarola,     however,    calmly    reiterated    his 

made  in  noting  down  the  heads  of  what  was  said  by  Fra  Hieronimo." 
Then  he  adds  farther  on,  that  he  got  this  first  rough  draft  into  his  hands 
by  the  aid  of  Ser  Ceccone's  wife.  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Vulnera  Diligentis," 
bk.  ii.  chaps.  16,  17,  18;  Violi,  "  Giornate.,,  Vide  Appendix  to  the 
Italian  edition,  docs.  xxi.  and  xxii. 


FAILURE  OF  THE  THIRD  TRIAL.  747 

previous  declaration  :  "  I  left  all  details  to  Valori.  The 
chief  objects  my  friends  had  in  view  were  that  the  majority 
of  the  council  should  consist  of  men  favourable  to  the 
popular  government  ;  to  deal  severely  with  our  opponents 
when  they  committed  crimes  ;  to  keep  the  people  strong 
and  united,  not  for  purposes  of  offence,  but  in  order  to 
resist  attack."  l 

Thus  ended  the  third  trial,  of  which  the  Apostolic 
commissioners  had  .little  reason  to  be  proud.  After  all 
their  promises,  their  attempts  to  prove  Savonarola  guilty 
had  utterly  failed,  for  his  innocence  was  plainer  than 
before.  Hence,  this  final  examination,  was  neither 
printed,  signed,  nor  read  to  the  public  ; 2  and  was  left 
unfinished.  The  examiners  kept  it  concealed,  and  only 
allowed  one  or  two  copies  of  it  to  be  circulated  among 
the  Italian  Courts.3 

But  notwithstanding  the  failure  of  their  attempt,  the 
Apostolic  Commissioners  met  on  the  same  day  (22nd 
of  May)  to  consult  as  to  the  fate  of  the  three  monks. 
The  question  was  soon  settled.  As  to  Savonarola  and 
Fra  Silvestro,  no  discussion  was  required  :  their  death  was 
a  foregone  conclusion.  Wishing,  however,  to  lighten  in 
some  degree  the  gloomy  impression  this  sentence  might 

1  Vide  the  third  trial,  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxvi. 

2  As  we  have  said,  Savonarola  underwent  examination  on  the  20th, 
21st,  and  22nd,  and  twice  on  the  last  day  :  z.<?.,  at  the  13th  and  again  at 
the  24th  hour.  The  first  interrogatory  is  not  signed  either  by  Savonarola, 
the  witnesses,  or  the  notary.  But  in  the  second,  after  Savonarola's  first 
reply,  we  find  this  statement  :  "  After  these  words,  Fra  Girolamo  sub- 
scribed to  all  he  had  said  yesterday  and  that  had  been  noted  down  by 
the  secretary  of  Messer  Francesco  Romolino,  signing  himself  thus  : 
1  I.  Fra  Jeronimo  of  Ferrara.'  "  The  second  interrogatory  is  then 
continued  and  ended  without  any  signature.  The  first  interrogatory  of 
the  third  day  ends  with  these  words  :  "  The  prisoner  again  affixed  his 
signature  to  the  deposition  transcribed  by  Messer  Francesco,  and  con- 
taining all  the  things  written  above."  Nevertheless  it  was  left  unsigned. 
The  final  interrogatory  breaks  off  suddenly.  The  minutes  were  circulated 
in  this  form. 

3  We  found  in  Milan  the  copy  sent  to  Duke  Ludovico. 


fS  UFI     t  YD  TIMES. 

publi< ,    R    n  ilino   ;  that    Fri 

Domo  1-     Hut  when   ir  was  re- 

marked  bj  present  M  that  all  Savona- 

wrould    be    kept   alive    by   this    friar," 

dd  :    "  \   vile  tnar  m<  >re  or   less 

I  little  ;   let  this  one  also  die."  ' 

D  days   a  very  select  Pratica  had  been    like- 

n  pi  the  sentence.  One  member 
only,  named  Àgnolo  Niccolini,  raised  his  voice  in  Savona- 
rola's defence,  saying  that  he  thought  it  a  very  grave 
crime  to  put  to  death  :i  man  of  such  excellent  qualities, 
like  was  scarcely  to  he  found  once  in  a  hundred 
"  This  man,"  he  added,  "  would  not  only  succeed 
in  restoring  faith  to  the  world,  if  all  were  extinct,  but 
in  diffusing  the  learning  with  wrhich  he  is  so  richly 
endowed.  Hence,  I  would  advise  ye  to  keep  him  in 
•n  if  ye  choose  ;  but  preserve  his  life  and  grant 
him  the  use  of  writing  materials,  so  that  the  world  may 
lose  the  fruits  of  his  learning."  But  Niccolini's  words 
were  verv  ill  received  by  the  assembly,  and  his  proposal 
was  immediately  negatived,  "  because  no  one  could  count 
on  future  Signories,  as  they  were  changed  every  two 
months.  The  Friar  would  most  certainly  be  restored 
to  liberty,  and  again  cause  disturbance  in  the  city.  A 
dead  enemy  fights  no  more"2  It  was  in  this  fashion 
that  the  man,  whose  innocence  had  been  only  more 
clearly  proved  by  prolonged  examination  and  torture,  and 
his  two  equally  guiltless  companions  were  condemned  to 
death  !  Even  the  examiners  themselves  had  been  com- 
pelled to  testify  to  the  innocence  of  Fra  Domenico  ;  and 
Fra  Silvestro,  who  had  denied  his  master,  could  be  found 
guilty  of  no  crime  punishable  by  the  law. 

1  Burlamacchi,  pp.  1 51-152  ;  "Vita  Latina,"  sheet  60. 
•  Burlamacchi,  pp.   151  —  152  ;     "Vita  Latina,"  sheet  60.     No  report  of 
this  Pratica  is  to  be  found  in  the  Archives. 


f&À  DOMENICO 'S  FAREWELL  TO  HIS  MONKS.    ^49 

The  sentence  was  read  to  the  prisoners  the  same  even- 
ing, so  that  they  might  have  time  to  prepare  for  their  last 
hour.  Fra  Silvestro  appeared  to  be  crushed  by  it  ;  whereas 
Fra  Domenico  received  it  as  a  joyful  announcement. 
The  approach  of  certain  death  roused  this  noble  soul  to 
enthusiasm.  He  immediately  asked  to  what  kind  of  death 
they  were  condemned,  and  on  learning  that  they  were  to 
be  first  hanged  and  then  burnt,  begged  and  almost  im- 
plored that  he  might  be  burnt  alive,  so  as  to  endure  harder 
martyrdom  for  the  cross  of  Christ.  He  then  asked  for 
food,  in  order  to  be  able  to  sleep  quietly,  and  face  death 
with  greater  composure.  Shortly  before,  feeling  already 
assured  of  his  fate,  he  had  written  a  farewell  letter  to  the 
brethren  of  San  Domenico  of  Fiesole,  of  whom  he  was 
Prior,  and  we  cannot  refrain  from  transcribing  his 
words. 

"  Fratres  dilettissimi  et  desiderai  issimi  in  visceribus  Jesu 
Còristi.  It  being  God's  will  that  we  die  for  Him,  pray 
for  us,  ye  that  are  left,  bearing  in  mind  my  injunctions  to 
remain  humble,  united  in  charity,  and  diligently  occupied 
in  religious  exercises.  Pray  God  for  us,  particularly  during 
the  services  of  the  church  when  ye  are  assembled  together 
in  the  choir.  Let  my  body  be  buried  in  some  most  lowly 
spot,  not  within  the  church,  but  outside,  in  some  corner 
near  the  door.  And  offer  up  prayers  for  me,  saying 
masses  et  cetera  solita  ;  and  I,  being  where  I  hope  to  be, 
will  do  as  much  for  ye.  Kiss  all  the  brethren  for  me, 
both  of  your  convent  and  of  St.  Mark's,  and  especially 
our  well-beloved  brethren  at  Fiesole,  quorum  nomina  in 
corde  Jìxa  ante  Deum  -porto.  Have  all  the  pamphlets  of 
Fra  Girolamo  in  our  cell  collected  together,  have  them 
bound,  and  place  one  copy  in  the  library.  And  let 
another  copy  be  kept  to  read  at  the  second  table  of  the 
refectory,  but  let  it  be  fastened  thereon  by  a  chain,  so  that 


S VD  TIMES. 

he  lay  br  eruse  it  there.''  » 

riven    to   the    perpetuation 

trines  I     The   world   can   boast  few 

ot'  similar  faith  an  J  constancy. 
\\  ben   the   me  rs   entered   Savonarola's    prison    to 

imunicate  the  sentence,  they  found  him  kneeling  in 

(  ):i    hearing    the    fatal    announcement     he    ex 
I  neither  grief  nor  joy,  hut  continued  his  devo; 
I  fen    ur.     Shortly   afterwards,   food    \ 
red   to   him,   hut    he  refused  it,  saying  that  his  soul 
:ed   more  strengthening  than   his   body,  and   that   he 
lied   to   keep   his   mind    clear   and   well    prepared    for 
tth.     Just  then  a  man  came  into  the  cell,  dressed  in 
black,   and  with   his  face   hidden  under  a  cowl.      It  was 
Jacopo    Niccolmi,    a   Battuto2   of  the    Company   of  the 
I     nple,  an  association  formed  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
forting   the    last    moments  of  the   condemned.        When 
Niccoli  ni    asked    Savonarola    if   there   were    anything   he 
specially  desired,  the  latter  besought  him  to  obtain  from 
the  Signorv  the  boon  of  a  short  interview  with  his  two 
fellow-sufferers,  to  whom  he  craved  to  say  a  few  words 
before    death.       Niccolini    showed    great    willingness    to 
undertake  this  pious  office,  and  sought  the  Signory  with- 
out delay.     Then  came  one  of  the  black  brethren  of  St. 
Benedict  to  receive  the  prisoner's  confession,  and  Savona- 
rola, meekly  kneeling  before  him,  fulfilled  all   the  duties 
of  religion   with  much  fervour.      It  was  the  same  with 
the  two  other  friars. 3 

1  This  letter  is  given  in  Burlamacchi,  p.  155,  and  is  translated  in  the 
"  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  6il.  Another  Italian  copy  of  it  is  to  be  found  at 
the  close  of  the  manuscript  collection  of  documents  (Riccardi  Library, 
No.  2,053)  forming  a  species  of  appendix  to  the  "  Vita  Latina."  Save  at 
one  or  two  points  where  the  Riccardi  Codex  seemed  to  give  the  best 
reading,  we  have  adhered  to  Burlamacchi's  version  as  the  most  correct 
on  the  whole. 

2  The  Battuti  were  so-called  because  they  were  accustomed  to  scourge 
themselves  in  penance  for  their  sins. 

3  Burlamacchi,  p.  155. 


THE  MEETING  OF  THE  PRISONERS.  751 

Meanwhile  the  Signory  were  engaged  in  discussing  the 
request  of  which  Niccolini  was  the  bearer  :  for  they  were 
still  in  dread  of  some  extraordinary  and  unexpected  action 
on  the  part  of  Savonarola.  But  the  kindly  messenger 
succeeded  in  convincing  them  that  there  was  nothing  to 
be  feared  from  a  fettered  man,  with  one  foot,  as  it 
were,  already  in  the  grave  ;  and  that  it  was  always  the 
custom  to  gratify  the  last  wishes  of  the  condemned. 
Accordingly  the  prisoners  were  granted  an  interview  of 
one  hour  in  the  hall  of  the  Greater  Council. 

It  would  be  very  difficult  to  describe  the  emotions  of 
the  three  friars  on  rinding  themselves  once  more  together. 
It  was  their  first  meeting  after  more  than  forty  days 
of  imprisonment  and  torture  ;  after  each  one  of  them 
had  been  given  to  understand  that  the  others  had 
made  full  retractation,  and  after  both  Fri  Domenico  and 
Fra  Silvestro  had  been  shown  the  false  depositions  attri- 
buted to  Savonarola.  But  no  explanation  was  possible  at 
this  moment  ;  they  had  only  to  prepare  to  meet  death 
with  brotherly  courage.  The  mere  presence  of  Savonarola 
was  enough  to  instantly  restore  his  ascendancy  over  his 
companions.  At  first  sight  of  that  severe  and  tranquil 
countenance  every  doubt  vanished  from  his  disciples' 
minds,  and  their  old  faith  in  him  was  renewed.  There 
was  not  a  moment  to  be  lost,  and  accordingly  he  promptly 
addressed  Fra  Domenico  and  said  :  "  I  know  that  you  ask 
to  be  cast  alive  into  the  fire  ;  but  it  is  not  well,  since  it  is 
not  meet  for  us  to  choose  what  death  we  would  die.  How 
can  we  know  whether  we  shall  find  strength  to  bear  that 
-  to  which  we  are  condemned  ?  This  dependeth  not  on 
ourselves,  but  on  the  grace  that  shall  be  granted  us  of  the 
Lord.''  Then  turning  to  Fra  Silvestro  with  greater  severity, 
he  said  to  him  :  "  Regarding  you,  I  know  that  you  would 
fain  protest  your  innocence  in  sight  of  the  people.  I 
command  you  to  abandon  this  idea,  and  rather  to  follow 


.v  S. 

vhr  mm  f      r  1    r :.  .1         Christ,  who  rtfrdincd  & 

His  ii  The  two 

ply,  but   after   kneeling   before   their 

-,  and  atly  receiving  his   blessing,  Were  1    1 

their-         tive   pr  Savonarola  had  rightly 

.1  externa]  demonstrations  of  feeling,  by  word 

.,  would  have  rendered  their  death  less  impressive 
and  less  Christian  ;  that  at  so  supreme  a  moment  all 
thoi;  and    feelings  should    he   fixed    upon   God — and 

therefore  preferred   to  let  the  meeting  end  thus.       Now 
that  his  disciples  showed  the  greatest  readiness  to  obey  him, 
he  had  only  to  prepare  to  face  death  firmly  and  well.1 
The   night  was  already  far  spent  when   lie  returned  to 

cell  ;  and  he  was  so  overcome  by  drowsiness  and 
fatigue  that,   having    leant  his    head  on    Niccoli ni's    lap 

a  moment  in  token  of  gratitude  and  affection,  he  at 
once  fell  into  a  light  slumber,  and  so  great  was  the 
serenity  of  his  mind  that  his  placid  countenance  wore  a 
smile  as  if  beholding  pleasant  visions  in  his  sleep.      But  he 

i  awoke,  seemed  surprised  with  himself,  and  as  a  farther 
mark  of  gratitude  to  his  benevolent  companion,  spoke  to 
him  prophetically  of  the  future  calamities  of  Florence. 
It  is  said  that  he  also  added  these  words  :  "Bear  well  in 
mind  that  these  things  will  come  to  pass  when  there  shall 
be  a  Pope  named  Clement."  This  prophecy,  which  he  is 
supposed  to  have  previously  delivered  on  other  occasions, 
was  noted  down  and  preserved  until  1529,  when  it  seemed 
to  be  exactly  verified  by  the  siege  of  Florence.  Then  the 
Piagnoni  brought  it  forth  and  went  about  showing  it  to 
the  wondering  people.  So,  at  least,  runs  the  tale  as  it  has 
been  transmitted  to  us  by  the  elder  biographers.2 

1  Burlamacchi,  pp.  1 56-157  ;  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  60  ;  Violi,  Fra  Beno» 
detto,  Sic. 

2  Burlamacchi,  pp.  157  and  193,  Benivieni,  and  many  other  writers,  in 
enumerating    the  prophecies    of  Savonarola,    dwell    minutely   on    this, 

u,T  that  it  was  shown  to  the  perpetual  Gonfalonier,  Soderini,  before 


THE  LAST  NIGHT.  :  :  3 

The  three  friars  passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  con- 
tinual devotion,  and  again  met  in  the  morning  to  receive 
the  sacrament.  Savonarola  had  been  granted  permission 
to  officiate,  and  on  raising  the  Host  pronounced  the 
following  prayer  as  a  final  exposition  of  his  creed  : — "  O 
Lord,  I  acknowledge  Thee  to  be  the  perfect,  invisible 
Trinity,  the  Three  in  One,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost  ; 
I  acknowledge  Thee  to  be  the  Eternal  Word,  and  that 
Thou  didst  descend  into  Mary's  womb,  and  didst  mount 
the  Cross  to  shed  Thy  blood  for  our  sins.  I  pray  Thee 
that  by  Thy  blood  I  may  gain  remission  of  my  sins,  and 
implore  Thee  to  forgive  them  ;  and  likewise  to  grant  Thy 
pardon  for  every  offence  or  hurt  brought  on  this  city  ; 
and  for  every  error  I  may  have  unwittingly  committed."  l 
Having  made  this  full  and  explicit  declaration  of  faith,  he 
took  the  communion  himself,  and  administered  it  to  both 
his  companions.  Shortly  afterwards  the  guards  appeared 
to  lead  them  to  the  Piazza. 

Three  platforms  had  been  erected  on  the  steps  of  the 
Ringhiera.  That  nearest  to  the  Palace  door  was  assigned  to 
the  Bishop  of  Vasona  ;2  the  second,  on  the  Bishop's  right, 

the  siege  took  place  ;  and  adding  many  particulars  to  prove  the  truth 
of  their  tale.  On  this  head  the  reader  may  also  refer  to  Padre  Marchese, 
"Documento"  xlii.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  194.  It  is  certain  that  Savonarola  had 
frequently  announced  the  future  calamities  of  Florence,  and  in  a  manner 
that  a  great  number  of  persons  held  to  be  truly  prophetic.  But  that  he 
should  have  positively  foretold  the  name  of  the  Pope  in  whose  reign 
;  these  predictions  would  be  fulfilled,  seems  scarcely  credible.  Unless  we 
)  suppose  the  name  to  have  been  added  later  by  devout  believers  in  the 
Friar,  it  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  curious  coincidence. 

1  This  prayer  is  given  in  Burlamacchi,  p.  158,  and  was  also  printed 
together  with  the  "  Esposizione  del  Miserere." 

2  Ubaldini,  in  his  Chronicle,  styles  this  Bishop  "  Frater  Benedictus 
Christophori  de  Opera,  vulgo  dictus  de  Pagagnoctis  ex  parte  matris, 
episcopus  Vasoniensis."  And  he  adds  :  "  Fuit  suffraganeus  archiepiscopi 
fiorentini  pluribus  annis."  He  was  a  Dominican,  and  was  elected  Bishop  of 
Vasona  (Vaison  in  France,  Department  of  Vaucluse)  in  1482.  Rinaldo 
Orsini  was  Archbishop  of  Florence  in  1498,  but  resided  almost  con- 
tinually in  Rome. 

49 


S.4  ■    *  AXP   TIM. 

ir  the  Mar- 
th<  1  i|  '.'•      I ■:■  m  tji 

. 

l'isani.  it 

•    at   thl  of   ti- 

the  top.     Thus  tl 
i  cross,  although  the 

shortened   to  I    the  resemblance.      Thn 

»   from  its  arms,  the  first  to 
k   ep  their  corpses   sus- 
H  the  fire  in  which  they  were  to  be  consun 
Heaps  of  combustibles  were  piled  at  the  foot  of  the  stak 
the    gi  o^  the    Signory    found    great  difficu'. 

back    the    surging    multitude    who    pres^ 
carTold.     The  throng  scarcely  seemed  greater 
on    the    day    of  the    ordeal,    but    it   wore    a  very 
t.i     A  sad  and  solemn  silence  prevailed,  and 
en  those  who   had  most   longed  to  see  this  day  were 
1    by   a    strange    sense    of  fear.     Yet    amid    the 
aerai    agitation   many  different   passions   were  stirring 
the  crov.         There  were  Bigi,  Piagnoni,  and  Arrabbiati  ; 
devout  men,  constant  attendants  on  the  Friar's  sermons, 
now  stood  side  by  side  with  the  reckless  crew  who  had 
ed  his  life  with  daggers  and  stones.     Many  writers 
also  present  whose   chronicles  and    diaries  contain 
lasting  records  of  that  memorable  day.     What  thoughts 
red  through  their  minds,  it  is  easier  for  the 
reader  to  imagine  than  for  us  to  describe. 

[eanwhile    some  of    the   populace    had  succeeded   in 
forcing   their  way  close  to  the  gibbet,  and  their  blasphe- 

1  From  an  old,  but  not  contemporary,  picture  of  the  scene,  by  an  un- 
own   painter  of  little  merit,  many  copies  of  which  are  to  be  found 

in  Florence,  it  might  be  supposed  that  there  was  very  little  crowd  on  the 
BBS  :  but  the  chroniclers  assert,  and  most  probably  with  truth,  that  the 

whole  Piazza  was  thronged     I  ide  Burlamacchi,  p.  162. 


XÙA 


'  :M 


SAVONAROLA  AND  HIS  FELLOW  VICTIMS.     755 

mies,  indecent  cries,  and  the  fierce  joy  with  which  they 
awaited  the  crowning  horror  of  the  scene,  made  them 
resemble  wild  beasts  rather  than  human  beings.  They 
consisted,  for  the  most  part,  of  men  newly  released  from 
exile  or  prison  who  had  been  punished  for  their  crimes  by 
the  past  Signory  and  freed  by  the  magistrates  now  in 
power  simply  because  of  the  hatred  they  professed  to 
Savonarola  and  his  followers. 

The  three  friars  were  already  standing  on  the  palace 
steps  when  a  Dominican  of  Santa  Maria  Novella  ordered 
them  to  be  stripped  of  their  robes,  and  brought  forth 
covered  only  by  their  woollen  tunics,  barefooted,  and  with 
their  hands  bound.  Savonarola  was  deeply  moved  by 
this  unexpected  demand;  nevertheless  he  courageously 
despoiled  himself  of  his  gown,  exclaiming,  before  giving  it 
up  :  "  Holy  gown,  how  dearly  did  I  long  to  wear  thee  ! 
Thou  wert  granted  me  by  God's  grace,  and  I  have  ever 
kept  thee  unstained.  Now  I  forsake  thee  not,  but  am 
bereft  of  thee."  l 

On  reaching  the  first  platform  they  found  themselves 
in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop  of  Vasona.  He  had  obeyed 
the  Pope's  mandate,  but  now  appeared  overwhelmed  with 
confusion.  He  dared  not  raise  his  eyes  to  the  serene 
countenance  of  the  man  whom  he  had  once  called  master, 
and  who  now  seemed  to  stand  before  him  rather  as  a 
judge  than  a  criminal.  Nevertheless  the  terrible  and 
almost  funereal  ceremony  had  now  to  be  performed.  The 
three  friars  were  again  clothed  in  their  monkish  robes,  in 
order  to  be  stripped  of  them  afresh  after  being  formally 
degraded.  When  about  to  pronounce  their  degradation, 
the  Bishop  took  Savonarola  by  the   arm  ;  but  no  longer 

1  Burlamacchi,  p.  158  ;  and  Pico.  Fra  Benedetto  quotes  the  same 
words  in  part  iii.  of  his  "  Vulnera  Diligentis."  On  all  these  last  events 
reference  may  be  made  to  the  "Vita  Latina  ;"  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus 
Libani  ;"  Nardi,  i.  p.  158  and  fol.  ;  Violi,  "  Giornate.'' 


I  IFF  A  XV   TIMES. 
'  w     his  UTC,    and     forgetting     the 

[of  merely  leparating  him   from 

the  Church  Militant,  he  said,  in   faltering  tonus  :    "Separo 
te   .  at  que  triumphant*?     Thereupon 

ht,  saying  :  "  Militante,  non 
.;;;/  tu  urn  non  est."  1      And  these  words 
me  that  pierced  to  the  souls  of  the  by- 
10  that  all  who  heard  remembered  them  for  ever. 
When   thus   degraded   and   unfrocked,  the  three   friars, 
onlj  :ed    by    their    tunics,   were    delivered    over    to 

the    secular    arm,    and    led    before    the    Apostolic    Com- 
ers    to     hear     the     sentence     proclaiming     them 
schismatics    and    heretics.        After    this,    Romolino   with 
.    irony  absolved  them  from  all  sin,  and  asked  if 
epted  his  absolution.      Whereupon  they    bowed 
:r   heads  in   token    of   assent.       They    were  then    led 
re   the    Eight,   who,   according    to    custom,    put    the 
enee  to  the  vote  and  carried  it  unanimously.       But 
f  the    Eight,    Francesco    Cini,   was  absent,    having 
refused  to  take   any   part   in   so  iniquitous  a  proceeding. 
The  sentence  2    was    immediately   read  to  the   prisoners, 
and     ran    as     follows  :     "  The     Eight,    having    maturely 
considered    the     depositions     of    the     three     friars,    and 
the  atrocious  crimes  committed  by  them,  the  which  are 
therein  laid  bare,  and  having  considered  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Pope,  who  have 
now  handed  them  over  to  the  secular  arm  to  be  punished, 
hereby  decree  :  that  each  of  the  three  be  hung  from  the 
gibbet,  and  then   burnt,   so  that  their   souls   be  entirely 
parted  from  their  bodies."  3 

1  P>urlamacchi,p.  159  ;  "  Vita  Latina,"  sheet  62  ;  Picus,"  Vita,"  p. 91  ; 
"Vulnera  Diligentis,"  part  iii.  ;  Nardi,  i.,  161. 

■  The  sentence  begins  as  follows  :  "  Presentes  spectabiles  domini  Octo 
viri  Reipublicae  Florentine,  in  sufficienti  numero  congregati,  servatis  ser- 
vandis,  et  obtendo  partito,  absente  tamen  Francisco  Cini  eorum  collega." 

3   Vidi  the  sentence  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxx. 


THEY  MEET  DEATH  WITH  HEROIC  CALM.     757 

With  firm  steps  and  tranquil  hearts  the  victims  then 
mounted  the  scaffold.  Even  Fra  Silvestro  showed 
courage  at  the  last,  and  in  the  presence  of  death  seemed 
again  a  worthy  disciple  of  his  master.  Savonarola  himself 
appeared  endued  with  superhuman  strength,  never  losing, 
even  for  an  instant,  the  calm  required  to  meet  his  terrible 
fate  in  a  Christian  frame  of  mind.  While  he  and  his 
companions,  all  three  barely  covered  by  their  tunics,  with 
naked  feet  and  arms  bound,  were  being  slowly  led  from 
the  ringhiera  to  the  gibbet,  the  dregs  of  the  populace  were 
allowed  to  assail  them  with  vile  words  and  viler  acts. 
Savonarola  endured  this  bitter  martyrdom  with  un- 
shaken serenity.  One  bystander,  stirred  with  compas- 
sion, approached  him  and  said  a  few  comforting  words, 
to  which  he  benignantly  replied  :  "  At  the  last  hour, 
God  alone  can  give  mortals  comfort.''  A  certain  priest, 
named  Nerotto,  asked  him,  "  In  what  spirit  dost  thou 
bear  this  martyrdom  ?  "  He  said  :  "  The  Lord  hath 
suffered  so  much  for  me."  He  then  kissed  the  crucifix, 
and  his  voice  was  heard  no  more.1 

Fra  Domenico  was  apparently  quite  unconscious  of  the 
general  turmoil  around  him,  and  truly — 

"  Parea  che  a  danza  e  non  a  morte  andasse."  * 

For  he  was  so  excited  that  he  wished  to  intone  the  Te 
Deum  in  a  loud  voice,  but  refrained  at  the  pressing 
instance  of  the  Battuti  who  walked  by  his  side,  and 
said  to  them:  "  Accompany  me  then,  in  a  whisper,"  and 
thus  they  all  recited  it  together.  He  afterwards  added  : 
"Keep  this  well  in  mind:  that  the  prophecies  of  Fra 
Girolamo  will  all  be  fulfilled,  and  that  we  die  innocent."  3 

1  Burlamacchi,  pp.  159-160  ;  Pico  ;  Fra  Benedetto. 

•  Leopardi.     (To  dance,  and  not  to  death  his  steps  seemed  bound  ) 

3  Burlamacchi,  Barsanti,  &c. 


ÌROLAS  IJ.        '  VI)  TIMES. 

I  mount  the  fatal  ladder  was  Fra 

Sii.  V.  •   halter  about   his   neck    he   had  ju 

thrust  dì":  ll  hi   man  us  ...    , 
D  team.91     Shortly  afterwards  his 

:i  chains,  and  the  executioner  passed 
ther  arn     r  t    \  cr   »  to  execute  Fra  Domenico  in 

:v.      This  faithful   disciple   mounted   rapidly, 

.i  hopeful  and  almost  joyous  countenance,  as  though 

he   saw  the  of  heaven   opening   before  him.      After 

g  the  death  of  both  his  companions,  it  was  Savona- 
rola's turn  to  fill  the  vacant  place  between  them.  lie 
mpletely  wrapped  in  spiritual  contemplation,  that 
he  no  longer  seemed  to  belong  to  this  earth.  Nevertheless, 
when  mounted  on  the  cross  he  could  not  refrain  from 
juicing  at  the  multitude  belowr,  seemingly  all  hunger- 
die  moment  of  his  death.  How  different  the 
days  when  this  same  people  had  hung  rapturously  on  his 
words  in  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore  !  At  the  foot  of  the 
cross  he  saw  rough  men  with  blazing  torches  already  pre- 
pared eagerly  waiting  to  fire  the  pile.  Then  he  quickly 
bent  his  neck  to  the  executioner.  Not  a  sound  was  heard 
at  that  moment  ;  there  was  a  terrible  silence.  All  the  vast 
crowd,  even  the  very  buildings  round  the  Piazza,  seemed 
impressed  by  the  general  horror.  Then  a  voice  was  heard 
crying  :  "O  prophet,  now  is  the  time  for  a  miracle  !  " 
Every  incident  of  that  day  seemed  fated  to  remain  en- 
duringly  stamped  on  the  public  mind,  as  if  to  increase 
that  mysterious  sense  of  terror  which  the  death  of  the 
prophet  they  had  betrayed  was  to  leave  impressed  for  all 
time  on  the  people  of  Florence. 

Thinking  to  gratify  the  unbridled  mob,  the  executioner 
began  to  play  the  buffoon  with  the  still  quivering  form, 
and  in  so  doing  lost  his  balance  and  nearly  fell.  This 
disgusting  spectacle  aroused  general  indignation  and 
horror,  and    the   man  was  severely  reprimanded  by  the 


THE  LONG  MARTYRDOM  ENDED.  759 

authorities.  He  then  tried  to  hurry  on  his  work,  in  the 
hope  that  the  flames  would  reach  the  poor  victim  before* 
life  was  quite  spent.  But  the  chain  slipped  from  his  grasp, 
and  before  he  could  recover  it,  Savonarola  had  drawn  his 
last  breath.  He  was  forty-five  years  of  age  at  the  time 
of  his  decease  :  at  10  o'clock  a.m.,  on  the  23rd  of  May, 
1498.1 

The  pile  was  already  in  flames  before  the  executioner 
could  descend  the  ladder  to  light  it,  for  a  man  who  had 
been  impatiently  waiting  with  a  torch  hastened  to  fire  it,  ex- 
claiming :  "  At  last  I  can  burn  the  Friar  who  would  have 
liked  to  burn  me  !  "  2  But  then  a  sudden  wind  arose  and 
blew  the  flames  away  from  the  three  corpses  for  some  little 
time  ;  whereupon  many  shrank  back  alarmed,  crying  aloud  : 
"  A  miracle,  a  miracle  !  "  But  soon  the  wind  dropped, 
the  flames  again  rose  round  the  bodies,  and  the  crowd 
pressed  forward  once  more.  Meanwhile  the  cords  binding 
Savonarola's  arms  being  consumed,  the  blast  of  the  fire 
caused  his  hands  to  move,  so  that  to  the  eyes  of  the 
faithful,  their  master  seemed  to  raise  his  hand  on  high  from 
the  midst  of  the  flames,  as  though  blessing  the  people  who 
had  doomed  him  to  the  stake. 3 

The  Piagnoni  pointed  out  this  vision  to  one  another, 
and  many  of  them  were  so  strongly  moved  by  it,  that 
without  thinking  where  they  were  and  in  what  company, 
they  fell  sobbing  on  their  knees  in  adoration  before  him 
whom  they  already  secretly  worshipped  as  a  saint.  Their 
women  wept  aloud  ;  their  young  men  shuddered  at  the 
miserable  state  to  which  the  city  was  reduced.  But  while 
there  was  bitter  grief  on  one  side,  there  was  wild  exulta- 
tion on  the  other.     The  Arrabbiati  congregated  about  the 

1  "  Vita  Latina,"  Burlamacchi,  Pico,  Barsanti,  Fra  Benedetto,  Landucci, 
Nardi,  and  nearly  all  the  Florentine  historians  of  the  period. 

a  This  incident  is  related  by  Nardi,  who  witnessed  its  occurrence  (i. 
p.  161.) 

3  Burlamacchi,  p.  162. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

\y  empi  to  shout  and  dance  ana 

thn  'He  half-consumed  vieti:  that  from 

•merits  of  their  corpses  fell  down  into  the 

M  [(  rained  blood  and  entrails,"  says  a  writer  who 

fid    the    horrible   Bight,   whieh   evoked   cries   of  joy 

Savonarola's  foes,  and  redoubled  the  fruitless  sobs  and 
lamentations  of  his  friends.1 

Many   o\  the    more   daring  Piagnoni,  including  certain 

d  as  serving-maids,  forced  their  way  through 

hostile  crowd   to  the  scaffold,  and  in  the  general   con- 

>n  succeeded   in  gathering  some  relics   of  their  saints. 

Hut   they   were  soon   thrust   back   by  the   guards,  for  the 

,  fearing  lest  these  ashes  might  have  the  power  to 

rk  miracles,  ordered  them  to  be  borne  away  in  carts  to 
the  Old  Bridge  and  cast  into  the  Arno.  Nevertheless 
they  could  not  prevent  the  Piagnoni  from  devoutly  collect- 
ing the  remains  left  on  the  Piazza,  or  which  fell  by  the 
way.  These  relics,  carefully  cherished  and  preserved  in 
valuable  caskets,2  were  worshipped  by  all  the  followers  of 
the  Friar,  and  for  many  years  served  to  keep  alive  their  faith 
in  him  and  their  devotion  to  his  convent.  That  celebrated 
scholar  and  philosopher,  G.  F.  Pico  the  younger,  believed 
that  he  possessed  a  portion  of  Savonarola's  heart  recovered 
b7  himself  from  the  Arno;  and  declared  that  he  had 
found  it  endowed  with  miraculous  powers  for  healing  many 
maladies,  exorcising  evil  spirits,  and  so  forth. 3  Afterwards, 
numerous  medals  of  the  Friar  were  struck  and  engravings 
made  of  his  portrait,  and  these  were  much  sought  after 
but  carefully  concealed  by  the  devout,  for    now  that  the 


'  Fra  Benedetto,  "  Cedrus  Libani." 

2  These  caskets  generally  resembled  thick  round  snuff-boxes,  with  the 
portrait  of  Savonarola  either  painted  or  in  low  relief  on  the  lid.  They 
were  provided  with  a  false  bottom  under  which  the  ashes  were  concealed. 

3  Pico,  "  Vita,"  &c,  chap.  xix.  All  the  othei  biographers  also  mention 
these  relics. 


PORTRAIT    OF   SAVONAROLA. 
'Frani  a  Medal.) 


NEWS  SENT  ABROAD  OF  THE  FRIAR'S  END.   761 

Arrabbiati  were  masters  in  Florence,  their  insolent  fury 
%vas  not  to  be  lightly  braved.1 

The  same  day,  after  the  execution,  the  Ten  wrote  to 
Rome  and  the  other  Italian  Courts,  to  the  effect  that  "  the 
friars  had  been  put  to  death  in  the  manner  their  pesti- 
ferous sedition  deserved."  2  And  the  Apostolic  Commis- 
sioners not  only  designated  Savonarola  as  a  heretic  and 
schismatic,  but  dared  to  charge  him  with  the  crimes  from 
which  even  the  falsified  depositions  concocted  by  them- 
selves had  completely  exonerated  him.  "  We  have  dis- 
covered," they  informed  the  Pope,  "  that  he  caused  secrets 
of  the  confessional  to  be  revealed  to  him,  and  that  it  was 
his  purpose  to  excite  sedition  in  Florence  by  breeding 
disputes  among  the  citizens.  •  We  found  this  Friar,  or,  to 
avoid  calling  him  either  a  friar  or  a  man,  we  should  rather 
say,  this  most  iniquitous  omnipede^  to  be  a  mass  of  the 
most  abominable  wickedness.  His  disciple.  Fra  Domenico, 
dared  to  call  God  to  witness  in  favour  of  his  master's 
words  and  doctrines,  declaring  that  if  they  were  not  true 
he  would  be  content  to  die  on  the  gibbet,  and  have  his 
ashes  scattered  to  the  wind  and  rain.  Wherefore,  in  con- 
demning the  three  to  capital  punishment  we  arranged  that 
this  prediction  should  be  fulfilled  to  the  letter."  4 

The  Signory  received  letters  of  approval  and  congratula- 
tion from  Rome,  Milan,  and  all  the  other  Courts.  France 
was  the  only  exception  ;  for  Charles'  successor,  King  Louis 
XII.,  wrote  earnestly  begging  them  to  suspend  the  execu- 
tion, for  highly  important  reasons  to  be  communicated  in  a 

1  Nardi,  "  Storia  di  Firenze,"  i.  162  and  fol.  ;  Gio.  Cambi,  ii.  113  and 
fol.  (in  the  "Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscani,"  torn,  xxi.);  and  vide  ali  the 
other  biographers  also. 

2  Padre  Marchese,  doc.  xxxix. 

3  Omnipedum  nequissimum. 

4  This  letter  of  the  23rd  of  May,  1498,  was  published  among  the  Docu- 
ments given  by  Meier,  who  had  discovered  it  at  Florence  in  the  library 
pf  Count  Boutourlin. 


fS  ////:  AND  TIME 

toil,  tch.1     But  at  the  date  of  his  letter,  the 

;  of  the  three  martyrs  had  long  been 

in  the 

re  pow  subjected  to»  apparently,  end- 
The  convent  of  St.  Mark's  was  closed 
;•  two  months,  deprived  of  the  adjoining 
building  i  :  1  a  Sapienza  occupied  by  the  novices,  and  robl 
undc  pretexts  of  the  library  collected  by  Lorenzo 

Medici,  for  which  it  had  paid  three  thousand  florins  to 
R   public;3  while  many   other  of   its   old   rights   and 
privileges  were   also   taken  away. 3     The  hostility  of  the 
eminent  even  assumed  the  grotesque  form  of  issuing 
no   less    than    nine   decrees    against   the   big   bell  4   of   St. 
Mark's  known  as  the  Piagnona.     As  it  was  this  bell  that 
:  the  alarm  on  the  day  of  the  riot,  it  was  sentenced  to 
banishment   from    Florence,   brought    out    in    a  cart  and 
publicly  flogged  by  the  executioner.5     This  business  of  the 
bell  stirred  the  whole  Dominican  Order  to  more  resentment 
than  all  the  other  persecutions  combined.6     Many  of  the 
brethren    were    sent    into    exile,    among   others    Mariano 
degli  Ughi,  Roberto  da  Gagliano,  Fra  Girolamo's  brother, 
irelio  Savonarola,  and  even  Malatesta  Sacramoro,  whose 
treachery  had  not  availed  to  gain  pardon   for   his  former 

■  Padre  Marchese,  "  Documenti,"  doc.  xl.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  192;  Desjardins 

.  Diplomat.,'-'  ii.  13. 

■  Vide  the  before-quoted  biographers,  and  doc.  xxxiv.  in  Appendix  to 
the  Italian  edition  of  vol.  i  of  this  work.  Vide  also  Professor  Piccolomini's 
excellent  monograph  on  the  "  Libreria  Medicea  privata." 

3  As,  for  instance,  the  right  of  celebrating  mass  in  the  palace  of  the 
Signory,  a  privilege  now  transferred  to  the  Friars  of  S.  Miniato.  St. 
Mark's  was  also  deprived  of  the  management  of  the  society  of  the  "  Buoni 
Uomini  di  San  Martino." 

*  The  "Archivio  delle  Riformazioni"  contains  numerous  letters  and 
deliberations  on  this  subject.  A  few  of  these  are  included  in  the  Appen- 
dix to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxxii. 

s  Padre  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  San  Marco,"  in  the  "  Scritti  Vani,* 
p.  272  ;  Gherardi,  p.  205  and  fol. 

«  Vide  many  documents  on  this  subject  in  Gherardi's  published  collec 
tion,  p.  206  and  fol. 


PERSECUTION  OF  THE  PIAGNONI. 


/uó 


friendship  with  his  master.  Meanwhile,  by  another  official 
decree,  the  musicians  of  the  Signory  were  sent  to  pay 
honour  to  Romolino  by  performing  under  his  windows.1 

Numerous  citizens  were  also  persecuted  as  followers  ot 
the  Friar,  and  many  publicly  reprimanded  and  declared  in- 
eligible for  office.2  Many  others  were  summoned  to  Rome; 
but  quickly  purchased  exemption  from  the  trouble  of  the 
journey  by  bribing  Romolino,  who  also  received  large 
rewards  from  the  Signory  in  the  shape  of  handsome  pieces 
of  plate. 3  But  the  citizens  could  obtain  no  protection 
from  the  continued  and  lawless  insults  of  the  mob  ;  they 
were  deafened  on  all  sides  by  offensive  and  indecent  songs 
against  the  Piagnoni,  and  their  devotions  were  continually 
interrupted.  But  the  sorest  of  their  afflictions  was  to  find 
themselves  universally  shunned  and  to  witness  the  base- 
ness of  learned  men  such  as  Ficino  and  Verino,  who,  after 
being  enthusiastic  for  Savonarola,  suddenly  made  him  the 
object  of  ferocious  attacks.4  As  a  greater  insult  to  his 
memory,  the  Arrabbiati  let  a  wretched  donkey  loose  in  the 

1  Vide  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition,  doc.  xxxi.,  the  decrees  of  the 
Signory  dating  from  the  27th  of  May  to  the  8th  of  June,  and  those  of 
the  29th  and  30th  of  June.  Vide  also  Padre  Marchese,  "  Storia  di  San 
Marco,"  p.  257  and  fol. 

3  Cambi,  ii.  p.  182. 

3  Nardi,  i.  163.  By  a  decree  of  the  28th  of  May,  149S,  the  Signory 
paid  the  sum  of  \\\\  broad  gold  florins  for  the  silver  given  to  Romolino, 
and  a  further  sum  of  twenty-five  to  the  reader  of  the  sentence,  "  contra 
Fratrem  Jeronimum  Savonarolam  et  quosdam  alios"  (Gherardi,  "Nuovi 
Documenti,"  p.  174). 

4  The  violent  "Apologia"  addressed  by  Ficino  to  the  Cardinals' 
College,  is  published  in  the  "  Giornale  storico  degli  Archivi  Toscani," 
vol.  iii.  p.  115  ;  Verino's  "  Invettiva"  is  to  be  found  in  Gherardi,  p.  197, 
preceded  by  two  earlier  writings  by  the  same  author  in  high  praise  oi 
Savonarola.  The  "  Invettiva"  was  written  while  Savonarola  was  in 
prison,  and  is  worthy  of  note  as  containing  a  brief  summary  of  the 
Friar's  life,  and  proving  that  the  only  crime  attributed  to  him  by  Verino, 
the  real  reason  of  the  latter's  sudden  hostility  was  that  of  being  no 
true  prophet  nor  capable  of  performing  miracles.  Savonarola  had  dedi- 
cated his  treatise  on  poetry  to  this  same  Verino,  who  now  designates  the 
master  he  had  so  recently  revered,  as  far  worse  than  a  hypocrite. 


l'ONA:        VS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 


Du  mo   on   Christmas   night,  and  then  cudgelled  it  to 

threshold.1     Meanwhile  those  who  remained 

•  true  to  Savonarola  devoted  themselves  to  the  secret 

r  apologies,  biographies,  and  poems  in  sancti- 

of  his  memory;3  they  studied  his  sermons,  and 

tited  the  Fulfilment  of  his  predictions, while  strict  orders 

came  from  Rome  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Mark,  prohibiting 

all    mention   of  him,  or   so   much   as   the   utterance   of  his 

name. 3     A    tew   days  after   the   execution    some    women 

were   found   at   dawn   in  the  Piazzi  kneeling  in  prayer  on 

the  stones  where  the  three  martyrs  had  been  burnt. 4    And 

v  year,  on  the  night  of  the  23rd  of  May,  flowers  were 

found  strewn  on  the  same  spot  :  the  which  pious  practice 

was  continued  for  more  than  two  centuries,  namely,  down 

to  the  year  1  703.5 

1  Cambi,  N  Storia  di  Firenze,"  vol.  ii.  p.  135. 

■  Numerous  poems  were  composed  both  then  and  at  a  later  time,  in 
honour  of  Savonarola  and  even  of  his  two  fellow-martyrs.  We  append 
one  that  is  preserved  in  the  National  Library,  was  first  printed  at  Pistoia 
:n  1847,  ana  afterwards  published  by  l'adre  Marchese,  "Scritti  varii," 
pp.  259-260.     It  begins  thus  : — 

La  carità  e  spenta 
Amor  di  Dio  non  c'è 
Tepido  ognun  diventa  ; 
Non  ci  e  più  viva  fé. 


Ohimè  !  chi  il  Santo  e  morto  ! 
Ohimè  !  Signore,  Ohimè  1 
Tu  togliesti  il  Profeta 
Il  qual  tirasti  a  te. 

Translation. — Charity  is  extinct,  love  of  God  no  more.  All  are  luke- 
warm and  without  living  faith.  .  .  .  Alas  !  the  Saint  is  dead  !  Alas  !  O 
Lord  !  Alas  !  Thou  hast  taken  our  Prophet  and  drawn  him  to  Thee. 

Another  of  these  hymns  is  given  in  Appendix  to  the  Italian  edition, 
doc.  xxxiv. 

3  Gherardi,  "  Nuovi  Documenti,"  p.  218  and  fol. 

4  Landucci,  u  Diario,"  p.  178. 

s  Vide  Gherardi,"  Nuovi  Ducumenti,"  pp.  243-244.  This  pious  custom, 
is  also  mentioned  by  many  of  the  historians, 


CONCLUSION. 

FTER  Savonarola's  death,  so  many  rapid 
changes  occurred  in  Florentine  affairs, 
that  the  Arrabbiati  had  no  time  even  to 
plan  a  restriction  of  the  government; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  were  soon  forced 
to  see  that  the  Republic  could  only  be 
saved  by  adopting  the  very  policy  advised  by  the  Friar. 
For  Piero  and  Giuliano  de'  Medici  were  already  advancing 
on  the  city  with  a  strong  force  of  Venetian  troops. 
Happily  the  Duke  of  Milan,  in  his  increasing  jealousy 
of  Venice  and  distrust  of  the  Medici,  came  forward  to 
avert  these  perils.  But  what  reliance  could  be  placed  in 
the  friendship  or  good  faith  of  Ludovico?  As  to  Alex- 
ander VI.,  who  had  held  out  such  lofty  hopes,  and  been 
so  lavish  of  his  promises  to  Florence,  in  order  to  compass 
Savonarola's  death,  it  was  curious  to  see  how  completely 
he  gave  the  rein  to  his  passions,  as  soon  as  the  wished-for 
end  was  attained.  It  almost  appeared  as  though  the 
death  of  the  unfortunate  Friar  had  removed  the  last 
shadow  of  restraint  from  the  lust  and  ambition  of  the 
Pope  and  his  son  Cesare,  Duke  of  Valentinois.  He  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Turks,  and — a  thing  without  precedent 
at  that  day — posit;  vely  favoured  the  Jews,  and  put  up  to 
sale,  in  a  single  year,  no  less  than  twelve  Cardinals'  baf>  •' 

1  Guicciardini,  "  Soria  d'Italia,"  Rosini  edition,  vol.  iii.  p.  15. 


ARO  LAS  LLFE  A  XP  TI 

whì'  »  the  giuntomi  crimes,  assassinati  on« 

J  by  frth  a, their  history ;.  .veli 

rhe  P<  pe's  chief 

out  a  Stare  tor  his  son  in   Romagna; 
;  |    .    ■:,  ■         -ìie  ambition,  that 

.scheming   to   extend   his   power   over  the 
•    [ttly,  And   intended   to  gain  I         ssion    I  :     1  US- 
i minary  step.1      For    this    reason    he    v. 
alv.  ger  to  bring  new  dangers  on  the  Republic  :   now 

brezzo  to  revolt,  now  threatening  to  re-establish 
lid   in   Florence,  and  continually   harassing 
the  frontier  and  making  raids  on  the  territory.     Henc 
the  Florentines  were  driven  to  pay  him  36,000  ducats  per 
ainally  for  his   services   as   a  general;    but  even 
s  did  not  prevent  him  from  occasionally  finding  a  pre- 
text for  returning  to  pillage  their  lands.     This  was  how 
the     Borgia    fulfilled    their    promises    of    rewarding    the 
Republic" for  ridding  them  of  Savonarola  ! 

jcordingly  the  Arrabbiati  were  at  last  convinced  that 
the  onlv  mode  of  defending  Florence  against  these  foes 
and  the  Medici  was  to  make  alliance  with  France  and 
honest  peace  with  the  Piagnoni,  whom  they  now  ceased 
to  persecute.  No  sooner  did  they  begin  to  adopt  the 
policy  urged  by  Savonarola,  and  to  which  they  had  been 
so  bitterly  opposed,  than  affairs  began  to  mend  and  soon 
went  on  with  far  greater  tranquillity  and  success  than 
might  have  been  expected. 

But  unfortunately  Louis  XII.  was  no  less  ambitious 
than  Charles  VIII.,  and  soon  plunged  Italy  in  the  very 
calamities  which  Savonarola  had  foretold.  We  all  know 
the  historv  of  the  wars  between  Germans,  Spanish 
Swiss,  and  French,  which  ravaged  our  land  for  so  many 
vears,  and  made  it  a  prey  to  pillage,  fire,  and  bloodshed. 
So  long  as  the  French  were  victorious,  the  Florentine 
1  Machiavelli,  "  Principe,"  chap.  viii. 


THE  PIAGNONI  AGAIN  RISE  TO  PO  IVER.        767 

Republic  was  able  to  struggle  on  in  the  midst  of  the 
general  confusion  ;  but  when,  on  the  death  of  the  youth- 
ful hero,  Gaston  de  Foix,  fortune  deserted  the  arms  of 
France,  the  death  knell  of  the  liberty  of  Florence  had 
already  struck.  For  in  the  month  of  September,  15 12, 
a  Spanish  army  reinstated  the  Medici  without  encounter- 
ing any  resistance. 

Meanwhile  war  and  disaster  were  spreading  in  every 
part  of  Europe. 

The  voice  of  Martin  Luther  had  already  roused  schism 
in  the  Church  ;  and  a  regimen  of  stakes  and  gibbets 
instead  of  healing  the  wound,  only  fortified  the  new 
doctrines  and  kindled  religious  wars.  The  Church, 
Italy,  the  whole  world  were  under  the  scourge.  And  in 
every  new  battle-field,  pillaged  town  or  fresh  heresy,  the 
Piagnoni  beheld  another  confirmation  of  Savonarola's 
prophecies.  Thus  misfortune  and  oppression  only  served 
to  strengthen  them  in  their  old  faith.  And  when  Clement 
VII.  ascended  the  Papal  throne  ;  when  the  Eternal  City 
was  besieged  and  sacked  by  the  armies  of  Charles  V.  ; 
when  the  churches  became  stables  for  horses  and  dens 
of  vice  ;  then  it  seemed,  even  to  the  incredulous,  as  though 
all  the  Friar's  predictions  were  being  literally  fulfilled. 
His  last  prophetic  words  to  Niccolini  were  brought  forth, 
read  and  copied  with  great  wondering,  and  circulated  on 
all  sides.  Every  one  was  poring  over  his  sermons,  and 
pointing  out  numerous  passages  in  which  the  events  now 
taking  place  had  been  repeatedly  foretold.  Suddenly,  and 
as  if  by  a  miracle,  the  Piagnoni  were  again  masters  of  the 
city  ;  and  the  Medici,  unaided  from  without,  and  encom- 
passed by  enemies  within  the  walls,  were  again  put  to 
flight.  The  Republic  was  immediately  proclaimed, 
Christ  once  more  elected  King  of  Florence,  the  citizen 
militia  reorganized,  while  all  the  inhabitants  were  now 
resolved    to    maintain    their    restored   freedom,   or   die  a 


S  LIFE  AM)   TIM. 

The  re  tted  Republic 

led  in  many  determined  attacks,  and  wc 

all  w  its  i. ill  wai  accomplished.     But 

d    hv    the    genius    of     Michelangiolo,   the    arm    of 
and  the  heart  of  the  whole  people,  its  end  was 

as   than  the  heyday  of  its  former  prosperity. 

ng  that   wonderful  defence,  the  Convent  of  Sr. 

M  irk   was   again   the    headquarters   of    patriotism   and 

m.     The  disciples  of  the  Friar,  his  prophecies,  his 

sermons,  and  his  portraits  inspired  those  valiant  and  great- 

souled   citizens    to   fight   for    their   Republic   to  the    last. 

Thus  the  history  of  the  true  followers  of  Savonarola  ends 

ly  with  the  downfall  of  Florentine  freedom.1 

As  we   have  seen,  the  religious  creed  of  the  Piagnoni 

was  invariably  and  strictly  Catholic.     Even  when   Rome 

was    besieged    by   Protestant    hosts,    and    the    Florentine 

ublic  warring  against  the  deadly  attacks  of  the  Pope, 

the    Piagnoni   refused   to   coalesce   with  the  followers  of 

the  Reformation,  and  indeed  the  few  Protestants  existing  in 

Florence,  among  whom  mention  should  be  made  of  the 

1  The  superstitious  veneration  in  which  Savonarola  was  held  by  the 
brethren  of  many  Tuscan  convents  increased  instead  of  diminishing  as 
lime  went  on.  They  worshipped  his  garments,  addressed  prayers  to  him, 
cherished  his  relics,  wrote  and  re-wrote  his  life,  with  the  frequent 
addition  of  new  miracles,  and  celebrated  services  expressly  composed  in 
his  honour,  in  which  he  was  invoked  as  a  martyred  saint  and  prophet. 
Although  these  monks  were  not,  strictly  speaking,  disciples  of  Savonarola, 
we  will  mention  some  of  their  writings.  Two  editions  of  an  "Officio 
proprio  per  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola"  were  published  at  Prato  by  Count 
Carlo  Capponi,  with  a  preface  by  Cesare  Guasti,  in  1861  and  1863. 
Another  "  Officio  "  discovered  by  Pòre  Bayonne  is  given  in  Gherardi's 
'Nuovi  Documenti,"  pp.  236-241  ("  Officium  B.  B.  Hieronymi, 
Dominici  et  Sylvestri  martyrum,"  &c).  Both  were  composed  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

But  the  followers  of  the  Friar  continued  to  be  persecuted  even  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  Duke  Cosimo  I.  cherished  great  hatred  against 
the  brethren  of  St.  Mark's  chiefly  on  account  of  the  veneration  they  still 
felt  for  Savonarola  and  his  doctrines.  He  actually  expelled  them  from 
the  convent  in  1 545,  but  was  soon  forced  to  allow  them  to  return  at  the 
in*Un<;e  of  the  Pope.     Vide  Gherardi,  "  Documenti,"  p.  225  and  fol. 


THE  ORTHODOXY  OF  SAVONAROLA'S   WORKS.    769 

celebrated  Antonio  Brucioli,1  were  marks  for  the  popular 
fury.  This  was  undoubtedly  another  and  most  evident 
sign  that  Savonarola's  doctrines  were  very  different  from 
those  of  Luther.  Nevertheless  there  was  an  endless 
interchange  of  charges  and  counter- charges,  and  amid  all 
this  discussion  the  judgment  of  Italy  remained  long  in 
suspense.  Immediately  after  Savonarola's  death,  Pope 
Alexander  issued  the  severest  prohibition  of  his  writings, 
commanding  all  who  possessed  them  to  hand  them  over 
to  the  archbishop  under  pain  of  excommunication.  But, 
changing  his  mind  later,  he  sanctioned  their  republication  ; 
and  they  were  tolerated  more  or  less  down  to  the  year 
1558,  when  Paul  IV.  called  upon  the  Congregation  of  the 
Index  to  subject  them  to  minute  and  diligent  inquiry. 
This  led  to  a  long  and  serious  dispute.  When  the 
extracts  selected  by  a  commission  of  four  Cardinals  were 
read  to  the  Pope,  he  fell  into  a  great  rage,  and  stamping 
his  feet  on  the  floor,  exclaimed  :  "  This  is  Martin  Luther, 
this  doctrine  is  pestiferous  !  What  are  ye  doing,  most 
reverend  Monsignori  ?  "  But,  on  closer  examination,  the 
Pontiff  himself  was  obliged  to  accept  the  evidence  : 
accordingly  the  dialogue  "  On  Prophetic  Truth  "  and 
fifteen  of  the  sermons  were  the  only  works  suspended; 
all  the  rest  being  allowed  to  circulate  freely.2 

The  followers  of  Savonarola  therefore  continued  to 
profess  themselves  wholly  and  constantly  Catholic  ;  San 
Filippo  Neri  and  Santa  Caterina  de'  Ricci  adored  the 
Friar  as  a  saint  ;  Benedict  XIV.  judged  him  worthy  of 
canonization  ;  3   and   some  of  his  works  were  even  used 

x  Varchi,  "  Storia  di  Firenze,"  Arbib  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  580. 

3  Vide  the  "  Discorso  "  pronounced  on  this  occasion  by  Paolino  Bernar- 
dini of  Lucca,  and  afterwards  published  in  Quétif  s  "  Additiones  "  to  Pico's 
"Vita  di  Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola,"  vol.  li.  p.  559  and  fol.  Vide  also 
a  letter  by  Fra  Vincenzo  Ercolani  of  Perugia,  published  in  the  Appendix 
\o  Aquarone's  "  Biography  of  Savonarola,"  p.  xxii.  and  fol. 

3  "  De  Servorum  Dei  beatificatone, "  vol.  viii. 


VONAMOUTS  UPR  AND  TIMES 
as  routing  and  text-booka  tor  the  Catholic  ichoob.1    And 

to   read   (hem  without    being 
firmi]  -1   that,  tO  the  day  ot    his  death,  Savonarola 

I    unswervingly    faithful   to   the   dogmas   of   his 

d    that   instead   of  seeking   to  destroy   the   unity 
(  [lurch,  it  was   his  constant  desire  to  render   it  still 

\       -  j,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  had  the  spirit 

an  innovator,  and  indeed  the  main  purpose  of  our  work 
has  been  to  insist  on  this  point.      Savonarola  was  the   first 
standard  announcing  the  uprisal   of  the  truly 
al    thought   of  the   Renaissance  at    the  close  of  the 
great  epoch  of  humanistic  learning.     He  was  the  first  man 
the  fifteenth  century  to  realize  that  the  human  race  was 
palpitating  with    the   throes   of    a  new  life,  and  his  words 
ere  loudly  echoed  by  that  portion  of  the  Italian  people  still 
left   untainted  by  the  prevalent  corruption.      He  accord- 
ingly merits  the  title  of  the  prophet  of  the  new  civiliza- 
tion.     But  to  regard  him  as  the  leader  of  a  party,  a  sect, 
or  a  system,  is  an  error  only  to  be  committed  by  those  un- 
acquainted with  the   Friar  and   his   times.      The   Renais- 
mce  must  not  be  confounded  with  modern  civilization  to 
which   it  was   only,  as  it  were,  the  preliminary  ;  for  what 
general  character  it  possessed  was  as  yet  vague  and  unde- 
fined.    The  men  of  that  time  justly  deserving  the  title  of 

1  His  "Trionfo  della  Croce"  was  republished  by  the  Propaganda 
Fide  ;  his  "  Semplicità  della  Vita  Cristiana"  was  translated  by  a  Jesuit 
into  French  and  republished  in  Paris  in  1672  ;  his  "  Confessionale  "  was 
frequently  reprinted,  with  very  slight  alterations,  and  used  as  a  Manual 
for  confessors. 

a  Even  in  our  own  day  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  claim  Savonarola 
as  one  of  the  precursors  of  the  Reformation,  by  placing  his  name  on  the 
monument  of  Martin  Luther,  erected  at  Worms  in  1868.  A  French 
Dominican,  Pére  M.  Rouard,  protested  against  this  in  a  pamphlet  in 
refence  of  Savonarola's  orthodoxy,  which  was  translated  and  published 
»y  Comm.C.  Guasti  in  the  "  Rivista  Universale,  Annali  Cattolici,"  vol.r 
Genoa  and  Florence,  1867. 


THE  CHAMPIONS  OF  THOUGHT.  77; 

innovators  were  those  who  foresaw  the  progress  of  civiliza 
tion  towards  a  vaster  synthesis  of  the  human  race,  and  felt 
drawn  nearer  to  God.  Their  hot  blood  burned  like  fever 
in  their  veins  ;  their  ideas  changed  with  delirious  rapidity  : 
they  were  dominated  by  a  superior  force,  impelling  them 
across  unknown  seas  to  the  discovery  of  unseen  but  truly 
imagined  lands.  Of  these  men  Christopher  Columbus 
was  the  veritable  type  and  exponent.  Rather  than  down- 
right, genuine  thinkers,  they  are  champions  of  thought. 
It  is  useless  to  ask  them  what  they  seek  and  whither  they 
go.  They  only  know  that  they  are  pressing  forward,  and 
drawing  the  world  after  them  in  their  course — nothing 
more.  Nor  should  we  wonder  at  their  unconsciousness 
for  it  is  their  essential  characteristic  and  merit.  They  dis- 
perse the  darkness,  and  cleave  a  passage  for  the  new  road, 
rather  by  force  of  will  and  faith,  than  by  force  of  reason. 
Theirs  is  the  prophetic  mind,  the  hero's  heart,  the  martyr's 
fate.  The  world,  in  fact,  is  horror-struck  by  this^  new 
race  of  Titans  springing  to  the  overthrow  of  old  idols, 
and  soon  seeks  to  crush  them  ;  but  before  long  begins  to 
worship  their  traces  and  follow  in  their  steps.^  Thereupon 
the  Renaissance  is  replaced  by  modern  civilization  ;  the 
first  synthetical  idea  disengaged  by  analysis  opens  the  way 
to  different  schools  and  systems.  Savonarola,  Telesio 
Campanella,  and  Bruno  are  succeeded  by  Galileo,  Bacon,  and 
Descartes,  who  come  with  the  might  of  their  genius  to 
fertilize  the  soil  and  gather  the  harvest  others  have  sown. 
But  what  could  these  supreme  and  tranquil  intellects  have 
effected  if  those  other  great  and  generous  souls  had  not 
daringly  rent  the  veil  from  the  human  mind  ;  had  not 
paved  the  way  by  their  own  martyrdom  ?  Luther  himself 
could  scarcely  have  been  so  successful  in  inaugurating  his 
Reform  had  not  the  sacrifice  of  Savonarola  given  a  final 
proof  that  it  was  useless  to  hope  in  the  purification  of 
Rome,  and  that  no  attempt  to  reform  the  Church   could 


\  FONAR  VD  TIME 

possi  M\  without  destroying  her  unity,  it  least  for 

i  tin 

I  e  drama  «re  h  en  exemplified   in  Savonarol 

id  after  his  death,  and  became  the  drama 

II  Eui       ■     [n  fact  we  behold  the  same  struggle  on 

all    !  of   tWO  worlds    met    in  conflict.      One  of  the 

is  radiant  with  the  splendours  of  art   and  science  and 

!:h  ;    but   nothing  avails  to   preserve   its  vitality,  when 

its    poeta    arivi    scholars,   statesmen    and    potentates   are    all 

rupt  to  the  core.  Beside  them,  however,  we  see  a 
handful  of  oppressed  and  persecuted  men,  firmly  holding 
ether,  and  forming,  as  it  were,  another  society  by  their 
union  :  their  language  is  rough,  their  reasoning  faulty, 
their  hooks  uncultured  ;  but  the  source  of  their  inspira- 
tion is  inexhaustible,  for  it  springs  from  the  heart, 
wherein  throbs  a  living  force  that  can  never  die,  that 
feeds  on  itself,  and  derives  new  youth  from  danger 
and  persecution.  Individual  men  perish,  it  is  true,  but 
their  blood  generates  thousands  of  followers  ;  their  ideas 
become  the  accepted  creed  of  the  human  race,  and  are 
the  main  promoters  of  modern  civilization.  Society  is 
renewed  and  redeemed  by  the  courage  and  sacrifice  of 
a  few  martyrs,  it  makes  progress  by  dint  of  virtue  and 
heroism  ;  and  we  are  forced  to  recognize  that  whenever 
the  human  race  has  to  make  some  mighty  stride  on  its 
unerring  path,  Providence  unveils  the  sanctuary  of  truth 
not  only  to  men  of  elevated  mind  and  piercing  intellect, 
but  especially  and  above  all  to  those  of  generous  spirit 
and  truest  purity  of  heart. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  true  Renaissance,  and 
two  Italians  were  the  first  to  initiate  it.  Columbus  dis- 
covered the  paths  of  the  sea,  Savonarola  those  of  the  soul  ; 
when  the  one  was  mounting  the  pulpit,  the  other  had 
already  set  sail,  and  was  cleaving  with  daring  prow  the 
waves  of  an  unknown  deep.     The  latter,  while  believing 


SA  VÓNAR OLA'S  MISSION  ON  EARTH.  773 

to  have  found  a  new  track  to  India,  had  discovered 
America  instead  ;  the  former  believed  that  he  had  found 
the  way  to  reawaken  faith  and  reconstitute  the  religious 
unity  of  the  human  race,  but  his  own  martyrdom 
served  to  prove  that  his  purpose  could  only  be  attained 
after  passing  through  a  period  of  schism  and  bloodshed. 
Both  believed  themselves  sent  by  the  Lord  to  diffuse 
Christianity  on  earth  ;  both  beheld  strange  visions  which 
revived  their  ardour  for  the  task  ;  both  touched  a  new 
world  with  their  finger-tips,  without  being  in  a  position 
to  appreciate  its  immensity  :  the  one  was  rewarded  with 
chains,  the  other  with  death  at  the  stake. 

Accordingly,  it  were  idle  to  inquire  whether  Savonarola 
upheld  the  servum  arbitrium  of  Martin  Luther  or  the 
Calvinistic  doctrine  of  predestination  !  He  embraced  a 
far  vaster  if  much  less  definite  world  ;  and  although  still 
shackled  by  the  prejudices  and  superstitions  of  the  past, 
looked  to  a  more  remote  aim.  He  was  the  first,  in  his 
age,  to  urge  humanity  towards  the  goal  that  even,  at  this 
day,  is  still  unattained,  but  towards  which  we  are  strain- 
ing with  redoubled  effort.  He  endeavoured  to  conciliate 
reason  with  faith,  religion  with  liberty.  His  work  may 
be  ranked  with  that  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  of 
Dante  Alighieri,  of  Arnaldo  of  Brescia  ;  he  aspired  to  the 
reform  of  Christianity  and  Catholicism  that  has  been  the 
constant  ideal  of  the  greatest  minds  of  Italy,  and  of 
certain  leaders  of  thought  in  other  parts  of  the  civilized 
world. 

When  this  reform,  desired  of  all,  and  of  which  all 
recognize  the  need,  shall  be  in  course  of  realization,  then 
Christianity,  reanimated  by  faith,  and  fortified  by  reason, 
will  attain  to  its  true  and  perfect  development  in  the 
world,  and  Italy  will  not  be  in  the  rear  of  the  new  march 
of  progress.  Then  perhaps  it  will  be  clearly  seen  that 
had   the  Church    of   the   fifteenth   century   hearkened   to 


ij'i\v.-iKO/.rs  /         iND  times. 


there  would   have  been  neither  need 
!       rmation  ;  nor  religion  been  opposed  to 

lorn.     Then  at  last  the  life  and  character 

of  the  man  who  suffered  martvrdom  in  this  glorious  cause 
will  be  justly  appreciated  In   all. 


FINII. 


■ 


*mm*r 


or  !■ 


'~ .    T7T  I     .  __     _LO.   .    l    -—  ^     .  ..^^^      -."....     -    -.         iy.ai.% 3<L4^ 


lf£  J  ^f^W,^-  ^ffA&LAA^  ^>WaI2 


-     -    - 


APPENDIX 


INTERPRETATION   G^  THE    FACSIMILE. 

An    Imperfect    Summary   of   tie    Sermon   delivered   on    the   Second 
Sunday  in  Lent,  149 1.  so  which  Savonarola  alludes  as  his  "  terri- 
ficam  predication  em"  * 

Dominica  2".  in  40*. 

Assumpsit  Jesus  etc.  Si  sciretis  quantum  cogitavi  antequam  deter- 
minaverim  que  dicere  volo  etc.  Testis  est  Deus,  quia  dubitavi  me 
eum  temptasse  etc.  (a)  Tandem  accidit  mihi  sicut  Hyeremie.  Dicam 
autem  hystoriam  que  habet  Hier.,  19  et  20  c.°  Dicta  hystoria,  die  ea 
que  dicit  Apostolus,  p.®  ad  Cor.,  10. 

(a)  Dixi  primo  evangelium,  declarando  ad  literam  etc.  Deinde 
ostendi  qualiter  Deus  est  virtus  a  quo  omnis  Veritas,  et  quare  homines 
non  recipiebant  veritatem,  quod  propter  consuetudinem  ut  in  capitulo 
Macthei  (?)  vel  propter  ea  que  habes  in  primo  contra  gentiles  (?)  etc. 
Ideo  dixi  custodiam  etc.  Deinde  dixi  qualiter  fui  coactus  hec  predi- 
care, quia  nihil  aliud  per  totam  noctem  invigilem  potuit  mihi  occur- 
rere.  Et  posui  quod  fui  sicut  Ionas  etc.  Et  dixi  que  habebam  clara, 
et  que  non,  etc.     Deinde  cetera  etc. 

1  The  autograph  preserved  in  the  Museum  of  St.  Mark.  At  the  beginning  of  this 
summary,  on  the  inner  margin  of  the  MS.,  a  writer  of  a  later  period  has  added  the 
following  words  :  "  F.  L.  Vide  totam  hanc  predicationem,  in  qua  multe  prophetie  et 
alia."  The  sole  reason  for  publishing  these  very  rough  and  shapeless  notes  is  that  they 
are  the  only  remain»  of  a  memorable  sermon  delivered  during  the  life  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici.  In  the  original  codex  they  occupy  one  side  of  sheet  57  and  a  few  lines 
of  sheet  58.  The  marginal  notes  and  additions,  likewise  in  Savonarola's  hand, 
are  placed  at  the  foot  of  the  page.  Those  having  reference  marks  in  the  original  are 
indicated  by  Latin  letters,  those  without,  by  Greek  letters  at  the  end  of  the  sentence  to 
which  they  evidently  refer. 


APPENDIX* 

1>  hetf  :    \  rté   et   tamquatn  eie.      Free 

Cora:  rtbus  c  us   sum,    et    dim    robil    QU  inus 

•inget  hoc    I  '  prcscrtim    in    h.ic   parte.      I'         A    I   eon- 

ex.     D     ■    Dominai  in  Hicr.,  ei  en  figura  nostri  etc., 
.ueam  afi  H   super  locum  tstum,  ita  ut  cmnis   qui  au 

'.'., Ji ,   ttniant  au-  .    eo   quod  dereliquerujit  me,  et  aHenum  fecerunt 

etc.      Primo    sacrificant    ci i is    alicnis.  (,})     Nam    non    D 
hodic    hunt   officia,    et    ca    que    fiunt    in    ecclesia,    led    pecunie.      Qui 
•urn  deayderat  etc.      Onines  volunt  esse  servi  X',  ideal  presbi- 
teri et  ecclesiastici,  et  certe  eat  idolorum  scrvitus  etc.   Omncs  offerunt 
filios    et    lacrificant    huic    idolo    etc.,    dantcs    beneficia    etc.      Omncs 
comedunt    de    carnibus    i s t ì ^ ,    quia    patres   et    tamilic    pascuntur    de 
io  X'  etc.      Omnei   iibenter  se   obligant   ad   missas   et   officia, 
Ad   ridai   vadunt  diccntcs  :   facemus   anniversarium 
Pulcra  officia   faciunt,    ut   populus  currat   etc.      Dicit    sacrista  : 
vendemus  candelai  etc.     rulaant  campanai,  quando  est  festum 
alicuius  sancti  ctiam  parvi  etc.     Si  videtur,  die  de  crucifixo  vetcri  etc. 
Vadunt  illi  pro  barone  sancto  Ant.°  etc.  (y)     Invcniunt  nova  altaria  e: 
virgincs    marias    etc.      Confcssores   spaciant  etc.      Ordinantur   omnc: 
nodo  ofierant  etc.  (6)      Nihil   est  nullum   donum   Spiritus  Sancti, 
Lilla  gratia  que  obtineri   non  possit  pecunia  etc.      Paupcres  solum 
inuntur.  (t) 
\    bil   ergo   divitibus   hoc  dicit   Dominus.      Ve  vobii  optìmates  etc. 
j  etc.      Vidisti   frater,  dicit   Dominus,  oppressioncs  populi   istius. 
Ecce  autem  gravetias  :  pauper  portat  saculum  pecunie,  et  dives  unum 
aurcum,    et    dicit  :    dame   el    resto   etc.      Vidisti   quia   magni   divitcs 
parvum  habent  onus,  et  qui  non   potest  vivere  nihil   etc.     Vidisti,  eos 
qui    dicuntur    spiritualcs   suadcre    alios    ad    hoc,    et    laudare    etc.  ;    et 
dicunt  :  ego  nihil   accipio  etc.  ;   tanto  fa  colui   che  tiene  etc.      Non 


(/3)  Dicunt  beata  quella  casa  che  ha  una  chierechata.  Sed  veniet 
temp  ai  quando  aportebit  dicere  :  guai  etc.  Si  amas  filios,  fa'a  mio 
modo,  non  lo  far  prete  ;  necabitur  etc.  Melior  erit  conditio  aliorum 
filiorum  tuorum  etc.     Al  fil  della  spada  etc. 

(y)  De  cerrctanis  diversis. 

(e)   Etiam  imberbes. 

(0  Qul  vadunt  ad  monasteria  mala  intentione  etc.  Qui  non 
satisfaciunt  legatis  piis,  sub  pena  etc. 

Volunt  casus  conscicntic.  Doceo  cito  habeas  contritionem,  et 
omnia  solvis  ;  quia  si  nescics,  ibis  ad  confessorem.  Et  si  dicis  : 
possum  errare  \  respondeo  :  si  habes  vcram  contritionem.  .  .  .  Re- 
spondeo, quod  tunc  ignorantia  non  damnabit  etc. 


APPENDIX.  777 

solum  qui  faciunt  etc.  Vidisti  qualiter  unus  habet  de  reditu  quinqua- 
ginta,  et  solvit  centum  etc.  Vidisti  quia  imponunt  onus  ad  bene- 
placitum  suum,  et  dictum  suum  pro  facto  ponunt.  (£)  Cum  enim 
dicunt  :  tu  habes  tantum  divitiarum,  ergo  solves  tantum,  dicunt  est 
verum.  Et  venit  vera  opinio  illorum  philosophorum  qui  dicebant  : 
omne  quod  vestrum  est  etc.  (tj)  Vidisti  quod  cum  vidue  vadunt  ad 
eos,  flendo  etc.,  dicunt  :  vos  debebatis  dormire  etc.  Vidisti  quando 
pauperes  dolent,  dicunt  :  paga  paga  etc.  Respice  quanta  pecunia 
colligitur,  et  ubi  est  etc.  Respice  quot  pauperes,  quot  puelle  !  non 
possunt  supplere  il  li  de  Sancto  Martino  etc.  Vidisti  quot  mala  faciunt 
in  nocte  isti  ;  et  ille  interfìcit  unum  et  facit  fugere  alium,  pro  se  etc. 
Ad  puellas  vadunt  etc.  Vidisti  fetentes  sodomitas  eos  qui  habent 
coniuges,  in  apotecha  in  cubiculo  in  tenturio  etc.,  mittit  pro  puero. 
Fatorinis  suis  etc.  (a)  Pauperes  ergo  audite  me.  Isti  qui  vos  oppri- 
munt  gaudent  in  verbis  meis,  quia  interim  ego  vos  hortor  ad  patientiam, 
et  ipsi  habent  maiorem  audatiam.  Estote  patientes,  sufferte,  expectatc, 
Deum  etc.  Ad  vos  autem  divites  dico  :  Ecce  inducam  afflictionem  etc., 
ut  supra.  Non  vocabitur  locus  iste  Florentia,  sed  turpitudo  et  sanguis 
etc.,1  et  spelunca  latronum  etc.  Frange  Domine,  proice  in  torrentem 
lagunculam  texteam  etc.  (b) 

Multi  derident,  percuciunt  Hyeremiam,  et  in  nervum  ponunt,  ne 
loquatur  etc.  Sed  oportet  quod  dicat,  quia  Dominus  vult  etc.  O 
sacerdotes,  nomen  vestrum  mutabitur  in  pavorem  etc.  Ecce,  Domine, 
ego  dixi.  Dicam  ergo  Seduxisti  me  Domine,  et  seductus  sum  :  fortior 
me  fuisti  et  invaluisti  :  /actus  sum  in  derisum  tota  die;  omnes  subsanant 


(£)  Vidisti  qualiter  vcndunt  saxum  pro  cera,  et  pannos  et  omnia,  et 
reducunt  (?)  ad  apotecham.  O  sensale,  tu  excitas  ilium  lusorem.  Et 
dicit  ille  :  Ee  bono  inchostro  ?  nero  quanto  una  mora  e  una  sopravolta  ; 
ti  li  acquista  etc.  :  te  renderà  tutto.     Et  lusores  etc. 

Vide  etiam  literas  Sor.  Horet. 

[r\)  Multi  sequuntur  mulieres  ;  infamant  quando  nolunt;  sequuntur 
per  iram  ;  literas  scribunt  etc. 

(a)  De  mulieribus  qualiter  in  ecclesiis  faciunt  postribula  etc.  Tute 
le  strade  sono  piene  de  meretrice  etc. 

(b)  Vultis  signum?  Et  quia  omnes  iniusti  raptores  etc.,  ideo,  iusto 
Dei  iudicio,  ognun  ha  da  fare,  et  nullus  felix  in  hac  urbe  :  ut  qui 
aliis  estis  molesti,  quomodo  permittet  Deus  ipse  quod  quiescatis  et 
componere  queatis  statum  vestre  domus  ?     Nomo  erit.  immo  omnes 

.eritis  pauperes  vel  saltern  infelices.    Hcc  dico  quia  omnes  conqueruntur, 
et  dicunt  se  esse  in  necessitatibus. 

■    Here  another  hand  has  written  on  the  margin  :    "Nota  hie  diligenter." 


APPENDIX. 


mt%  ;>n  tltm  Ictjuor,  vonff  .tern,  et    rj<ttt<]tem   (Limito: 

•;   obprobrium  et  in  deruum  tota   die.      Et 

non  recorjjhr  ultra  in  ncmir.e  r.us.      Et  factus    est 

itrm.  Ìg9Ù    '  ttfMt  m   oisibus  meis  ;   et 

Tenon  -i  etc.     Scio  ergo  deridere  multos.      Kgo  autcm 

,  die  et  noctc  :  Tu  exur^ns  *>t.      Sunt  novissimi  dies,  hoc  autcm 

scitc  etc. 

Recordtmini  quando  X*  venit  mundum   rcnovare,  invenit  solum   in 
loto  orb  :\\  lidelcm,  in   qua  ctiara  pauci.      Quid  fecit  ?     Ocuhc 

:  alii  non  crant  digni)  aliquos  duxit  in  montcm  etc.  :  et  hoc  crat 
figura  quod  multos  ad  magnum  statum  conducere,  et  sol  apcrirctur 
cis,  et  illuminarcnt  totum  mundum  etc.  ;  reprobatis  pravis  iudcis  et 
afflictis  etc.  [c)  {d)  Nota,  ergo  quando  istos  videbis,  ut  cognosccrc 
il  :  puto  quod  non  sit  magnum  tempus  etc.  Primo  videbis  cos 
omnia  abnegare,  et  vitam  pro  X°  exponere.  Non  acccptabunt  muncra, 
non  clemosinas,  nisi  quottidianum  victum.  (e)  Non  congregabunt, 
non  ediheabunt,  non  querent  amicitias  magnorum.  Veridici  etc.  Et 
post  sex  dies,  idest  postquam  omnia  corporalia  trascenderint,  fixi  in 
fide  Sanctc  Trinitatis,  ducentur  in  montem  contemplations  magne, 
scorsum  et  secreto  loco.  (S)  Non  cnim  discurrent.  Non  crunt  tota 
die  in  visitationibus  mulierum,  et  dare  coronas  et  figuras  non  civium 
non  magnorum,  non  in  palatio  dominorum.  Non  in  .  .  .  querendo 
etc.  Et  transfigurabitur  X*  ante  eos.  Nam  multas  habebunt  reve- 
lationcs  etc.,  et  scientiam  novi  et  veteris  testamenti.  Non  in  ques- 
tionibus  Scotti  etc.,  non  per  commenta  So"1111,  nee  in  vanitate  versuum, 
nee  in  pompa,  sed  de  cisterna  propria  etc.     Maxime  autem  loquentem 


(c)  Respice  hystorias  antiquas.  Quando  misit  diluvium  quosdam 
reliquit  etc.  Quando  mundus  erravit,  Habraam  elegit  etc.  In  libro 
Iudicum  quosdam  suscitavit.  David  de  post  secantes  (?)  etc.  Et  ita 
discurre  per  generationem  et  generationem  etc.  Nee  potest  aliter 
rclcvari  ecclesia  nam  destruere  et  non  edificare  etc.  Nunc  autem 
adhuc  non  venit  antichristus.  Oportet  ergo  per  mundum  predicare 
etc.  Quia  ergo  vos  reliquistis  me,  ecce  formo  mihi  alios  viros  tales 
etc. 

(J)  Ita  hodie  pauci  sunt  Xpiani,  et  pauciores  boni.  Ergo  credes 
quod  Y*  dereliquerit  mundum  etc.  Et  hie  discurre  et  die  Tu  exurgens 
etc. 

(e)  vestient  pauperime. 

(3)  Discurre  per  dies  primos  sex,  comparando  contraria  ut  crunt  lux  ; 
et  vos  in  tenebris  relinquemini.  Ipse  fìrmamentum,  vos  instabiles 
etc. 


APPENDIX. 


il 


audicnt  Scripturam  de  execssu  Y*,  portabuntque  hoc  in  corde  semper, 
eruntque  de  il  lis  quibus  dictum  est  Pone  me  ut  signaculum  etc.  Expone 
de  eis  diligenter  totum  etc.  Et  ecce  isti  in  tali  contemplatione  vellent 
stare  cum  Deo  etc.  Predicator  debet  habere  has  conditiones  quod 
opere  impleverit  que  dicit  ;  quod  Deo  omnia  tribuat  ;  quod  oratione 
populi  credat  habere  sermonem  ;  quod  indigniorem  populo  se 
existimet  ;  quod  necessitate  loquatur  ;  quod  eo5  felices  putet  qui 
quiescunt  etc.  Isti  erunt  tales,  sicut  et  sponsa  dicebat  :  Ecce  tu 
pulcher  es  etc.,  cui  respondit  :  Ego  fios  etc.  Ideo  nubes  lucida  etc. 
Quia  a  tanta  dulcedine  cessabunt  etc.,  et  cadent  suscipientes  pre« 
ceptum.  Et  dicet  Pater  :  Hie  est  Filius  mens  dilectus  etc.  Et  sic  non 
videbunt  nisi  Ym,  quia  omnia  alia  pro  nihiloreputabunt,  semper  ipsum 
habentes  in  memoria  et  predicantes,  et  dicentes  cum  apostolo  :  Quo- 
niam  ludei signapetunt  etc.  Discipulique  moniti,  non  dixerunt  visionem, 
nisi  post  resurectionem,  quando  scilicet  apparebat  gloria  X1,  et  omnia 
impleta.  Ita,  quando  hoc  videbitis,  intelligetis  que  dico.  Nunc 
autem  intelligere  non  potestis  etc.  Solum  oportet  nunc  orare 
etc 


INDEX. 


Alberti,  Leon  Battista,  56-7. 

Albizzi,  Francesco  degli,  565. 

Albizzi,  Luca  degli,  676. 

Alessandri,  Alessandro  degli,  476. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope.     See  Borgia. 

Alphonso  II.  d'Aragona,  King  of 
Naples,  prepares  to  oppose  the 
French  invasion,  201,  206. 

Altoviti,  Guglielmo,  566. 

Alviano,  Bartolommeo  d',  527 

Angelico,  Fra  Beato,  35-36,  44>  165 
note,  496  note,  497. 

Antella,  Lamberto  dell',  523-4  ; 
arrested  by  the  Florentines,  545, 
ill-treated  by  Piero,  558  ;  put  to 
the  torture  in  Florence,  559;  his 
sentence  of  outlawry  revoked, 
730. 

Antinori,  Tommaso,  665. 

Antonine,  St.,  35-7. 

Argiropulus,  46. 

Aristotle  the  true  founder  of  ex- 
perimental philosophy,  95. 

Arrigucci,  Filippo,  528. 

Ascanio,  Cardinal,  648. 

Atta  vanti,  Fra  Paolo,  136. 

Aquinas,  Thomas,  312. 

Aurispa,  Giovanni,  4^, 


"Bad  Fellows,"  a  company  of 
{Compagnacci),  482  ;  their  riotous 
conduct,  532,  535-6,  608,  652-4, 
677. 


Bajazet  II.,  Sultan,  354,  358,  439. 

Bartoli,  Domenico,  561. 

Burtolommeo,  Fra,  495,  688  note. 

Basilio,  Fra,  157. 

Beaucaire,  Seneschal,  200. 

Beauty,  Nature  and  sources  of, 
497-8. 

Becchi,  Ricciardo,  442,  444. 

Benedict  XIV.  judged  Savonarola 
worthy  of  canonization,  769. 

Benedetto,  Fra;  his  own  account 
of  his  conversion  to  a  Christian 
life,  345-7  ;  arms  in  defence  of 
the  convent,  679,  682-3  ;  com- 
manded by  Savonarola  to  lay 
down  his  arms,  686;  his  anguish 
at  his  master's  downfall,  690, 
726. 

Benini,  Paolo,  743. 

Benivieni,  Girolamo,  79,  485,  489, 
490  note. 

Bentivoglio,  Giovanni,  of  Bologna, 
157,  223  ;  his  wife's  disrespect 
for  Savonarola,  15$;  engaged 
against  the  Pisans,  357. 

Berlinghieri,  650. 

Bernardino,  Fra,  da  Montefeltro  ; 
exiled  for  preaching  against 
usury,  128  note,  618. 

Berti,  Michele,  a  kinsman  of  Ber- 
nardo del  Nero,  562. 

Bessarione,  50,  53. 

Bonsi  Domenico,  234,  282,595,609, 
613-4,  624-5;    becomes    one   of 


INDEX. 


Stv<  lor»,  6^6-7, 

•   Alex 

his 
1  .india, 

550  ;    his    father    forward!    his 

6. 

R  mei   r 

lei      VI..      24,      152  ;    the 
news    of     bil 

with    dismay,    153;   granfa   the 

ind<  Mark's, 

his      hale'ul       inducine 

D     Italy,  favours     the 

ch    invasion     iqq  ;     changes 

his  views,  200-1  ;  is  induced  to 
Ut  a  mandato  lor  the  removal 
Torn  Florence, 
and  afterwards  M  recall  it,  334- 
m  to  tear  the  anger  of 
the  French,  357  :  foul  intrigues 
with  the  Sultan,  358;  secretlv  in- 
triguing to  get  Florence  into  his 
hands;  anger  against  Savona- 
rola, 375  ;  tries  by  running  and 
ichery  to  get  him  into  his 
power,  376-90;  tries  10  bribe  him 
bv  the  offer  of  a  Cardinal's  hat, 
400  ;  enraged  at  his  resistance, 
442-4,  480;  tries  to  bribe  the 
Florentines  with  the  promise  of 
the  surrender  of  Pisa,  520  ;  his 
at  their  refusal.  521-2  ; 
mmunicates  Savonarola,  541  ; 
his  increasing  fury  against  him, 
599,  609,  648  ;  threatens  to  sub- 
ject Florence  to  an  interdict, 
613—5,  624-9,  636  ;  his  exulta- 
tion at  Savonarola's  arrest,  692  ; 
sends  two  Commissioner?  to 
Florence  to  examine  him,  and 
to  insure  his  condemnation,  ^32 
{see  Romolino  and  Turrianol  ; 
how  he  fulfilled  his  promises  to 
the  Republic,  765-6. 

Borso,  Marquess  of  Ferrara,  6  ;  hi» 
luxurious  court,  7-1 1. 

Botticelli,  Sandro,  470. 


Alc5*andro,       in      Roin<- 
J 1    I,      10.613,614 

;gio,  42. 
85. 
Brisaonet,  (  >  uillaume,  aoo. 
Brucioli, 
Bi  un<  44. 

BrunOi  Giordano;  his  daring  flights 
<>t  speculatioo,  66,  05,  109. 

BuonarOtti,  Michelangiolo,  49,  495. 

Burlamaochi,  106,  4S4  note,  487 

608,  664  note. 


Calvin,  John,  401. 

Cambi,  Giovanni,  a  wealthv  mer- 
chant, arrested  for  conspiracy, 
561  ;  his  execution,  570. 

Cambini,  Andrea,  677;  his  house 
sacked  and  burnt,  682. 

Camerino,  Gian  Vittoria  da,  541. 

Campanella,  Tommaso,  96;  resem- 
blance between  his  philosophy 
and  Savonarola's,  97. 

Canacci,  Giovanni,  630,  656,  743. 

Canigiani,  Antonio,  462,  633. 

Canigiani,  Carlo,  656. 

Capponi,  Piero  di  Gino,  sent  from 
Florence  to  the  French  Court, 
201,  202  note;  denounces  Piero 
de'  Medici  before  the  Council  of 
Seventy,  217-8  ;  the  right  hand 
of  the  Republic,  230  ;  one  of 
the  syndics  to  treat  with  King 
Charles,  234  ;  a  man  of  extra- 
ordinary gifts  and  influence, 
235-6  ;  confronts  the  King  with 
threat  for  threat,  and  compels 
him  to  an  agreement,  239  ;  a 
better  soldier  than  statesman, 
253  ;  sent  against  the  Pisans, 
359,  436  ;  counsels  moderation 
towards  Rome,  443  ;  killed  in 
battle,  456-7. 

Cardano's  strange  faith  in  dreams, 

323- 
Cecco,  Count,  reinforces  Leghorn, 

462. 
Ceccone,  Ser  di  Ser  Barone,  notes 


INDEX. 


783 


down  and  falsifies  Savonarola's 
depositions,  702,  707,  743,  745 
note;  also  Fra  Silvestro's  and 
others,  723-4. 

Cei,  Francesco,  535. 

Charles  VIII.  of  France  ;  lays 
claim  to  the  Neapolitan  throne, 
198,  200-3  ;  pecuniary  difficul- 
ties and  degrading  sacrifices, 
203-4  ;  excellent  equipment  of 
his  army,  205,  232-3  ;  hesitation, 
206  ;  at  last  his  army  is  sent 
forth,  207  ;  his  profligate  and 
imbecile  conduct  in  Italy,  207  ; 
wishes  to  favour  Piero  de'  Medici, 
226  ;  his  awe  of  Savonarola,  227  ; 
places  a  garrison  in  Pisa,  229  ; 
enters  Florence  with  his  atten- 
dants and  troops,  231-4  ;  his 
haughty  and  exorbitant  demands, 
237  ;  is  cowed  by  the  energy  of 
Capponi,  and  yields  to  a  reason- 
able agreement,  239  ;  pillages 
the  palace  in  which  he  had 
been  entertained  ;  is  at  length 
induced  by  Savonarola  to  leave 
the  city,  242  ;  easy  conquest  of 
Naples,  and  speedy  retreat,  353  ; 
outwitted  by  the  Pope,  357,  358; 
approacnes  Florence,  but  is  re- 
fused admittance,  359-63;  enters 
Pisa  in  triumph,  364  ;  returns  to 
France,  friends  and  foes  alike 
disgusted,  365  ;  abandons  all 
thoughts  of  Italy,  459;  appealed 
to  by  Savonarola  to  summon  a 
Council  of  the  Church,  643-5  > 
his  miserable  death  by  apoplexy, 

.693- 
Cini,  Francesco,  756. 
Cinozzi,  Placido,  134. 
Clement  VII.,  767. 
Codiponte,  Stefano  da,  156,  168. 
Columbus,  196,  771,  772-3. 
Commines,    Philippo    di,    French 

ambassador  in  Venice,  354  ;  his 

interview  with  Savonarola,  355, 

356,  492-3,  646  note. 
Compagnacci.    See  "Bad  Fellows." 


Condottieri,  The,  204. 

Corbizzi,  Filippo,  328. 

Cosimo  de'  Medici,  27. 

Cosimo  the  Elder  ;  rebuilds  and 
endows  the  Monastery  of  St. 
Mark's,  34-5  ;  his  can:  for  t In- 
Platonic  Academy,  58;  his  notion 
of  government,  263  note. 

Corsini,  Luca,  216,  220,  283. 

Dante,  Tribute  to  the  memory  of, 
297. 

Davanzati,  Francesco,  665,  679, 
681. 

Djem,  Prince,  brother  of  the  Sultan, 
a  prisoner  of  the  Pope  and  the 
French  King  ;  his  sudden  and 
suspicious  death,  358. 

Domenico,  Fra,  da  Pescia,  128,  160, 
314  note,  329,  337  ;  preaches  foi 
Savonarola,  384,  391,  395,  400  ; 
his  entire  devotion  to  him,  484, 
641  ;  "burning  of  the  Vanities," 
484  ;  accepts  Francesco  di 
Puglia' s  challenge  of  the  ordeal 
by  fire,  651-73  ;  summoned 
before  a  hostile  Signory,  686  ; 
surrenders  with  Savonarola,  689  ; 
thrust  into  a  prison  cell,  691, 
696  ;  his  unshaken  testimony, 
under  the  cruellest  torture,  to 
Savonarola's  truthfulness,  719- 
23;  his  innocence  admitted  even 
by  the  examiners,  748  ;  receives 
sentence  of  death  as  a  joyful 
announcement  ;  his  tender  fare- 
well letter  to  the  brethren  of 
San  Domenico  of  Fiesole,  749  ; 
brief  interview  with  Savonarola, 
651-752  ;  faithful  to  the  last, 
757-8. 

Dominic's,  St.,  order  of  voluntary 
poverty,  164. 

Donatello's  "Judith  and  Holi- 
fernes,"  298. 

Ercole  I.,  Marquess  of  Ferrara,  7, 
U,  15,  27- 


:n 


INDEX. 


I  \ 

I 

German, 
in    the  fa    St. 

Mi 


■  Naples,  iQ4- 
26. 
ind  II.  entei  1  N  64. 

(        :••  '    ;      dazzling 

luxi:  visited  by  Frederick 

HI..  B  :  by  Piui  11.,  g.  10  ;  a  dis- 
puted   luccession,   11;    general 

.    1  ;.   15  ;  attacked    by 
the  Vend 

rara,  Th«  Puke  of,  Savonarola's 
true  friend,  43^  40.  446  note,  47*, 
520. 

no,     Marsilio,    46  ;    the    friend 
and    instructor    of    Lorenzo  de' 
liei,  4iy  :  his  connection  with 
the  Pistoni     Academy;  venera- 
tion for  l'Iato,  58,  67;  s  living 
dictionary  of  ancient  philosophy, 
curious  mixture  of  Paganism 
Christianity,   60;  Platonists 
and     Aristotelians,     61-2  ;      his 
peculations    concerning     Deity 
and  the    human   soul,  64-6  ;  his 
wide  popularity,  68  ;  disaffected 
to  the  Republic,  328  ;  his  admira- 
tion   of    Savonarola's    doctrines, 
:    after    the     latter's    death 
ferociously  attacks  his  character, 

763. 

;  Giovanni  da,  164. 

Filelfo,  Francesco,  42. 

Florence,  36  ;  luxurious  and  profli- 
gate condition  of,  under  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  38-49;  "Council  of 
1439,"  50  ;  her  day  of  retri- 
bution, 212-5  ',  meeting  of  the 
Council  of  Seventy,  216;  Piero 
de'  Medici  pronounced  no  longer 
fit  to  rule  the  State,  217;  ex- 
pulsion  of  the   Medici,  219-25; 


to      receive      the 
entry 
Charl 

by  the  Signory  to  treat  with  him, 
Pi  en<  h  si  : 
■  i chuii  ;  treaty  with  th<- 
Km/  .    terms  of  the  treaty, 

240;  departure  of  the  French 
attsr  much  pillage  and  destruc- 
tion of  property,  242  ;  ;  difficul- 
ties in  organizing  ■  Republican 
rnment,  246-53;  theories  ol 
government.  254-6  ;  influence  of 
the  legal  class,    156-4  ;    baffled 

efforts,  and  approaching  anarchy, 
258  ;  urgent  appeals  to  Savona 
rola,  259  ;  he  commends  a  form 
of  government  based  on  the 
Venetian  model,  263-6  ;  the  new- 
constitution,  271-90  ;  the  old 
Parlamenti  utterly  abolished, 
291-4;  establishment  of  a  Monte 
di  Pietà,  294-7  ;  a  simple  Friar 
swayed  all  Florence  from  the 
pulpit,  and  always  swayed  it 
for  good,  298  ;  traitors  to  the 
Republic  busily  at  work,  325-9  ; 
the  aspect  of  the  city  completely 
changed  under  the  influence  of 
Savonarola's  preaching,  343  ; 
contest  with  Pisa,  359  ;  return 
of  the  French  King,  with  Piero 
in  his  train  ;  eager  preparations 
for  defence,  360-2  ;  the  Republic 
threatened  on  all  hands,  367-72  ; 
reform  of  the  carnival  festivities, 
396-8  ;  an  exhausted  exchequer, 
^onote,  454-5  ;  no  deep  religious 
convictions  to  be  discerned 
among  the  people,  437-9  ;  general 
disasters,  misery  and  famine, 
460-3  ;  unexpected  supplies, 
467-8  ;  again  saved  as  if  by 
miracle,  475-6  ;  "burning  of  the 
Vanities,"  484-92,  608  :  severe 
visitation  of  the  plague,  553~5  ; 
republican  conflict  of  opinions 
and  purposes,  561-9,  615-36  ; 
scandalous  intrigues  and   perse- 


1XDEX. 


785 


cutions  against  Savonarola,  650- 
674  ;  nearly  the  whole  city  now 
turned  against  him,  675;  the 
convent  of  St.  Mark's  attacked 
by  the  mob,  with  the  connivance 
of  a  hostile  Signory,  677-85  ; 
triumph  of  the  Signory,  691-2  ; 
martyrdom  of  Savonarola  and 
his  two  companions,  amid  the 
eager  execrations  of  their  foes, 

753-9- 
Foscari,  Francesco,  27. 

Francesco,  Fra  de'  Medici,  678. 

Frederick,  III.,  8. 

French  invasion  of  Italy  ;  their 
army  a  model  in  its  equipments, 
205-6,  232-3  ;  successes  and 
profligate  excesses,  207-8  ;  mas- 
ters of  the  Tuscan  territory,  211  ; 
take  their  first  leasson  in  the  art 
of  barricading,  231  ;  their  arro- 
gance receives  a  severe  rebuff, 
237-8  ;  pillage  and  destruction 
of  valuable  property,  242-3  ; 
'obnoxious  to  all  the  governments 
and  peoples  of  Italy,  353-4. 


Gaddi,  Francesco,  232. 

Galeazzo,  Giovan  ;  imprisoned  at 
Pavia  by  Ludovico,  194  ;  his 
suspicious  death,  207. 

Galileo,  95,  771. 

Garzoni,  Giovanni,  of  Bologna,  29. 

Gaza,  Teodoro,  in  Florence,  52. 

Gennazzano,  Mariano  da.  See 
Mariano. 

Gentile,  Girolamo,  27. 

Germany,  Letters  of  approval  re- 
ceived from,  609. 

Ghiberti,  Lorenzo,  44. 

Giacomini,  Antonio,  436. 

Giannotti,  Donato,  253,  267,  299, 
436  ;  his  high  opinion  of  Savona- 
rola, 302-3. 

Gini,  Girolamo,  689. 

Giovanni,  Cardinal,  Piero's  brother, 
222,  224  ;  a  price  put  on  his 
head,  224,  370;  his  house  sacked. 


577  ;     meditates    vengeance    on 

Florence,  525. 

Giugni,  Filippo,  656. 

Giuliano  de'  Medici  assassinated, 
28. 

Gondi,  Giuliano  dei,  632. 

Gonfalonier,  Mode  of  electing  to 
the  office  of,  291  note. 

Gualterotti,  Francesco,  282,  547, 
„  557,  567,665. 

Guarino  of  Verona,  6,  9,  42. 

Guasconi,  Giovanni,  647,  733-4. 

Guicciardini,  Francesco  ;  one  of 
Savonarola's  warmest  admirers, 
143  note,  153,  267,  299,  303-4  ; 
a  youth  at  the  time  of  Florentine 
independence,  253,  436  ;  two 
speeches  supposed  to  have  been 
spoken  before  the  Great  Council, 
482  note,  483  ;  his  testimony  in 
Savonarola's  favour,  489  note. 


Inghirlami,  Baldo,  679. 

Innocent  VIII.,  82  ;  death  of  ; 
transfusion  of  blood  tried  in 
vain,  151. 

Isabella  of  Aragon  refuses  to 
submit  to  Ludovico's  usurpation, 
194. 

Italy  the  world's  preceptress,  197  ; 
distracted  condition  of,  199  ;  her 
military  strength  very  low,  204  ; 
French  successes  and  ferocity, 
207-8  ;  a  league  formed  to  drive 
them  out  of  Italy,  353,  354. 


Julius  II.,  while  Cardinal  of  St. 
Piero,  the  mortal  enemy  of 
Borgia,  203,  206  ;  constant  efforts 
to  induce  King  Charles  to  as- 
semble a  Council  of  the  Church 
to  depose  him,  392-3,  644. 

Landino,  Christoforo,  46,  64. 

Lanzi,  Lorenzo,  631. 

Lazzaro-  physician  of  Pavia,  146. 

Si 


7* 


INDEX 


■ 

M 

Burnamcd 
Magnificent, 

19  ;     his 

influence  on    ! 
{g€  of  literature 
,  ;  hif  personal  i 

...spit.ilitv  to    nun    Ol 

,  :  at  the'  meetings  ol 
tBC  Academy,     I 

Sftvonarola'fl    recall     to 

9  ;  Uiei   in   vain   to 
win     him     to    himself,     129  .;  I  : 
UU anidri  Prt  Mariano  to  preach 
:    him,   133-4  : 

Ins  nttor  failure,  and  ceases  to 
interfere.  135  ;  his  approaching 
death,  146  ;  sends  for  Savonarola, 

hut  dies  without    his  ahsohition, 

147  p.     See  also,  168-7:. 
Lotti,  diovan  Paolo,  6«. 
Louis  XI.  of  France.  196. 
Louis    XII.,    733,    734    *****    7°*i 

766. 
Luca,  Fra,  d'Andrea  della   Rohbia, 

679,  684. 
Ludovico,  Duke  of  Milan,  160; 
his  ambition  and  craft,  193-6  ; 
invites  the  French  to  invade 
Italy,  196,  199.  203,  207  ;  puts 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  League 
to  drive  them  out,  353-4  ;  per- 
sonal dislike  for  Piero  de' 
Medici,  367,  373;  sends  hired 
assassins  to  attack  Savonarola, 
403  ;  an  ironical  letter  to  Savona- 
rola, 440  ;  invites  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  into  Italy,  458-9  ; 
circulates  forged  letters  pur 
porting  to  be  Savonarola's,  471  \ 
intrigues  against  Florence,  566, 
617,  648,  650,  703,  765;  sends 
letters  of  congratulation  to 
Florence  on  hearing  of  Savona- 
rola's arrest,  792-3. 
Luther  claims   Savonarola   as  one 


of  the  martyrs  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, ; 

Mai  biavi  1 1 1.  Ni- 1  "»'\  »3 
bit  prs 
tesmanship,    joi  :  sai 
ount    of    ;i     sermon, 

Madiis,  Fra  Sebastiano  de,  | 
••  Maidens'  Banks,"  7- 

Malatesl  1     5a  1  imoro,     Fra.,    6 
666,  <>::  :  plays  the  part  Ol  Judas, 
6X7,  680,  691,   715  J    *nt    int" 
exile,  762. 

Mala!--:. 1,   Sigismund,   carries   1 
tho's  remains  to  Rimini,  56-7. 

Malipiero,  Pasquale,  27. 

Mannroni,  Gian  Paolo,  456. 

Mariano,  Fra,  da  Gennaz/.ano,  his 
popularity  and  ornamental  style 
of  preaching,  78-9  ;  preaches 
against  Savonarola,  133  ;  his 
complete  discomfiture  and  bitter 
hatred,  134-5  ;  intriguing  in 
Rome,  375,  519  notg>  5*3i  539~40  ; 
sentenced  to  exile,  571  ;  preaches 
a  scurrilous  sermon  against 
Savonarola  in  Rome,  610-11. 

Mark,  St.,  The  Monastery  of, 
34-7  ;  the  Medicean  Library 
bought  by  Savonarola,  and 
added  to  their  collection.  140-2  ; 
the  convent  attacked  and  sacked 
by  his  enemies,  677-85  ;  the 
big  bell  of,  taken  down  by  the 
government,  and  publicly  Hogged 
by  the  executioner,  762. 

Martini,  Luca,  568-9. 

Marufìì,  Silvestro.     See  Silvestro. 

Masaccio's  frescoes,  44. 

Maximilian  L,  197  ;  invades  Italy, 
458-60  ;  hampered,  rather  than 
helped,  by  his  allies,  462  ;  ship- 
wrecked off  the  Rocca  Nuova, 
and  retires  from  the  enterprise, 
475-6. 

Mazzinghi,  Domenico,  647  ;  a  letter 
of  his  falls  into  the  hands  of 
Ludovico,  648. 


INDEX. 


787 


Mazzinghi,  Giuliano,  699. 

Medici.       See    Cosimo,    Giovanni, 

Giuliano,  Lorenzo,  Piero. 
Mei,  Francesco,  472. 
Michelozzi,  architect  of  St.  Mark's, 

34- 
Milano,       Niccolò,        Savonarola's 

secretary,  647. 
Miniato,   Ludovico    da    San,    525. 
"  Morgante  Maggiore,"  44. 


Nasi  Bernardo,  634. 

Nerli,  Jacopo  di  Tanai  de',  217,  218, 
220. 

Xero,  Bernardo  del,  elected  Gon- 
falonier, 526  ;  in  communication 
with  Piero  de'  Medici,  527  ; 
arrested  in  Florence  for  con- 
spiracy, 560  ;  his  execution,  570. 

Nero,  Francesco  del,  524. 

Nero,  Simone  del,  647. 

Niccolini,  Agnolo,  appeals  to  the 
Pratica  to  spare  Savonarola,  748. 

Niccolini,  Jacopo,  comforts  Savon- 
arola's last  moments,  750-2. 

Niccoli,  Niccolò  ;  his  manuscripts 
bequeathed  to  Florence,  34. 

Niccolò  III.,  Marquess  of  Ferrara, 
1,  2,  6. 


Orlanda,  Fra  Antonio  d',  400. 

Olivieri,  a  canon  of  the  Duomo 
of  Florence,  445. 

Orsini,  Paolo,  sent  to  reinforce 
the  garrison  of  Sarzana,  209  ; 
his  defeat,  210;  attempts  to  de- 
fend Piero  from  the  Florentines, 
219,  222  ;  again  employed  by 
Piero,  367,  368. 


Paleologus,  Emperor  John,  50. 
Pandolfini,  Niccolò,  Archbishop  of 

Pistoia,  443. 
Papacy,  Scandalous   corruption    of 

the,  24-6,  82, 151-3.     See  Borgia. 
Paul  IL,  24. 


Paul  IV.  ;  his  sanction  of  the 
greater  number  of  Savonarola's 
works,  769. 

Pazzi,  Conspiracy  of  the,  328. 

Pecori,  murdered  in  Florence  by 
the  mob,  677-8. 

Pescia,  Fra  Domenico  da.  See 
Domenico. 

Petrucci,  Pandolfo,  527,  558. 

Phylacteries,  180  note. 

Pico,  Galeotto,  of  Mirandola  ;  his 
predicted  fate,  441,  442. 

Pico,  G.  F.,  596-7. 

Pico,  Giovanni,  74-6  ;  his  admira- 
tion of  Savonarola,  77-8,  134, 
167  ;  solicits  his  recall  to  Flor- 
ence, 86-7  ;  at  Lorenzo's  death- 
bed, 147,  149,  169-72  ;  his  early 
death,  244-5. 

Piero  degli  Alberti,   531,  665,  698, 

.743- 
Piero  de'  Medici  succeeds  his 
father,  148  ;  contrast  in  their 
intellectual  characters,  149  ;  a 
hostile  party  formed  against  him,, 
150  ;  wishes  to  get  rid  of  Savon- 
arola, 156-7  ;  unwittingly  assists 
in  establishing  his  independence, 
159-62  ;  refuses  Ludovico' s 
alliance,  195  ;  opposed  by  his 
own  cousins,  201,  208  ;  his 
ignominious  surrender  to  the 
French,  209-11,  212;  "time  to 
shake  off  his  baby  government," 
217  ;  driven  from  Florence  with 
execrations,  219-22  ;  finds  re- 
fuge in  Venice,  223  ;  a  price  put 
on  his  head,  and  on  his  brother's, 
224,  370  ;  favourably  received 
in  the  French  camp  near  Naples, 
268  ;  accompanies  the  King  in 
his  retreat  towards  Florence, 
360,361;  raises  forces  to  attack- 
Florence,  367  ;  compelled  to  take 
flight  and  seek  refuge  in  Rome, 
371 ,  his  profligate  and  unscru- 
pulous life  there,  523-4  ;  again 
endeavours  to  recover  Florence 
by  force  of  arms,  anticipating  a 


788 


INDEX. 


.  rerenge  on  hi*.   I 
»U»in  ignomin  9  ! 

continua*    to    intrigue    against 

mi  oi  im  in 
:  the  Emperor  Maxi 

ne>  to  their  assistance, 

206. 
ti  Ferrara,  9, 10. 
Platonic      Academy,       The,      of 
Florence.  50-60, 

Plctho,  Gemistos,  50  ;  his  Platonic 
convictions,  51-5  ;  persecuted  for 
heresw  j6«7« 

Poligiano,  Angolo,  28  ;  patronized 
by  Lorenzo  do'  Medici,  47  ;  his 
praise  of  Fra  Mariano,  78  ;  his 
admiration  shocked,  134  ;  at 
Loronao-'l  death-hed,  146-7,  *68- 
-:  ;  sympathy  with  Savonarola, 
;    his    penitence   and   death, 

143-5- 

Ponao,  Fra  Domenico  da,  328. 

Popoleschi,  Piero,  615,  650,  731. 

Pucci,  Giannozzo,  arrested  for  con- 
acy,  560  ;  his  execution,  570. 

Puglia,  Fra  Francesco  di,  chal- 
lenges Savonarola  to  the  "ordeal 
bv  fire,"  651  ;  draws  back  from 
his  challenge,  652,  654,  668,  670. 

Pugliese,  Francesco  del,  647. 

Pulci  writes  "  Morgante  Maggi- 
ore "  at  the  instance  of  Lorenzo's 
mother,  48. 


Quintino,  Antonio  da  San,  654. 


Riario,  Pietro,  dissolute  nephew 
of  Sixtus  IV.,  25-6. 

Ricasoli,  Bettino  da,  462. 

Ridolfi,  Battista,  616-17,  665,  682. 

Ridolfì,  Niccolò,  arrested  for  con- 
spiracy, 561  ;  his  execution,  570. 

Rieti,  Tommaso  da,  a   Dominican 


fria. .  afnisivciv  anaill  Saronai 

Rinuccini,  1-  : 

R  ,,  s,  m  ,  «!■  fen  t  ol 

Roberto,    Fra,    <ia  Gagliano,   : 

Romolino,     '  Commis* 

sionor   sent    by   the   Pope  to  en- 
sure Savonarola's  condemnation, 

i\  757, 

Rondinotti,    Fra    Giuliano,    654-5, 

662,  668. 
Roacoe'l    "  Life     of    Lorenzo    de' 

Medici  "  ;  by  no  means   an   in 

fallible  guido,  38  >'ote. 
Rovere,  Giuliano  della,  ^44. 
Rucellai,  Girolamo,  656. 


Sacramoro.    S§e  Malateata. 

Saìviata,  Fra  Roberto,  66a. 

Salviati,  Archbishop  ;  the  leader  of 
the  Pazzi  conspiracy,  28. 

Salviati,  Fra  FYancesco,  666. 

Salviati,  Marcuccio,  667,  671,  672. 

San  Gimignano,  The  little  republic 
of,  82-3. 

Savonarola,  Antonio  ;    his  defence 
of,  Padua,  1. 

Savonarola,  Girolamo  ;  his  parent- 
age, 1,  3  ;  his  childhood,  3  ; 
early  training  and  studies,  4,  5  ; 
life  in  Ferrara,  6,  9,  10,  11  ;  his 
grief  of  heart,  12-14  >  l°ve  epi- 
sode,  14  ;  devotes  himself  to  the 
monastic  life,  15-17  ;  parting 
letters  to  his  father,  17-19;  hi* 
personal  appearance,  19  ;  fer- 
vent asceticism,  20  ;  promoted  to 
the  office  of  preacher  ;  visits 
Ferrara,  29  ;  has  not  yet  learnt 
his  own  power,  30-1  ;  sent  to 
Florence,  31,  33-4  ;  enters  the 
Monastery  of  St.  Mark,  34  ;  feels 
that  his  lot  is  cast  among  real 
brethren  of  the  soul,  36-7  ;  Fior 
entine  flippancy  and  scepticism; 
thrown  back   once    more    upon 


INDEX. 


789 


himself,  70  ;   charged  with   the 
instruction  of  the   novices,   71; 
preaches    to     a    coldly     critical 
audience   at   St.   Lorenzo,  72-3  ; 
sent  to  Reggio  d'Emilia,  73  ;  an 
unexpected   burst   of  eloquence, 
77  ;  returns  to  Florence,  78  ;  his 
simple  and  rough  style  of  preach- 
ing,   79  ;    awaiting   some   direct 
revelation   from  God,   80  ;    sees 
many  visions  ;  ecstasy  of  despair 
80-1  ;   Lenten  preacher   at    San 
Gimignano,  82  ;  his  three  famous 
"  Conclusions,"   83  ;  at  last  finds 
his   true    vocation,   84  ;    impas- 
sioned warnings  to  the  people  of 
Brescia,   84  ;    no  longer   doubts 
his     mission,    85  ;      affectionate 
letter  to  his  mother,  85-6  ;   re- 
called   to    Florence,    86  ;     fore- 
bodings and  visions  on  the  way, 
89  ;    his   reception,   90  ;    intense 
excitement,  for  and  against  him, 
91  ;    independent    character    of 
his    philosophical    essays,   93~5> 
97  ;  brief  account  of  his  printed 
essays,     98-106  ;     prophet     and 
martyr  of  the  new  epoch,   108  ; 
issues  a  series  of  short  earnest 
religious      pamphlets,      1 10-16  ; 
his   earnest    faith   in  the   Bible, 
117;     its    many    meanings    and 
applications,  118  ;    Divine  grace 
the   only  true   guide,    120  ;    his 
method  of  interpretation,  and  of 
application,     12 1-3  ;     increasing 
enthusiasm  of  his  hearers,  124; 
a   terrible   denunciation    of   the 
evils  of  the  times,  125-7;  "God 
helps     us     marvellously,"    128  ; 
preaches    against     manifest    in- 
justice,    in    the    palace    of    the 
Signory,    128  ;    gives  offence   to 
Lorenzo  ;  is  elected  Prior  of  St. 
Mark's,   129;     Lorenzo's    efforts 
to   win    him   to  himself,   130-1  ; 
visions      and      parables,       132  ; 
preached   against   by  Fra  Mari- 
ano,    133-4  ;      Ais     triumphant 


reply,     134  ;     character    of    his 
eloquence,    135-6,    I43~4  J    hrief 
illustrations  from  his  sermons  on 
St.  John's  First  Epistle,  136-42  ; 
not  his  habit  to  preach  in  Latin, 
144-5  ;  summoned  to   Lorenzo's 
death-bed,  but  refuses  absolution 
without  repentance  and  restitu- 
tion,    147-9  ;      two     visions     of 
judgment  to  come,  154-5  ;  many 
medals  struck  in  his  honour,   155 
note  ;    journeys  to  Venice,  Pisa, 
and     Bologna,     156;     disturbed 
during  sermon  by  Bentivoglio's 
wife,  158;   establishes  the  inde- 
pendence of  St  Mark's,    159-62  ; 
re-elected  Prior  after  the  change, 
162  ;    establishes  order  and  dis- 
cipline   in    the    convent,    163  7  ; 
brief  description   of  his  Advent 
sermons,  preached  as   the   head 
of    the     Tuscan     Congregation, 
173-87  ;     not    a    Protestant    in 
doctrine,   176-7  ;    intense  excite- 
ment produced  by  the  sermons, 
and  by  the  predicted  invasion  of 
Italy,   188-9;    invites  "the   new 
Cyrus"  to  cross  the  Alps,  201  ; 
passionate  and  successful  appeal 
to     Florence     to     refrain    from 
excesses,    214-5  ;   is  one  of  the 
deputation  to  the  French  King, 
218;  exhorts  him  to  deal  justly 
and    mercifully    with    Florence, 
226-7  ;  the  heart  and  soul  of  the 
Republic,    230    (see    Florence)  ; 
his  influence  in  preserving  peace, 
241  ;  exhorts  the  King  to  leave 
Florence,  and  not  seek  to  bring 
ruin   on  the  city,  242  ;  all  now 
look  to  him  for  counsel,  aid,  and 
direction  as  to  the  future,  243-5  ; 
fated  to  be  the  saviour  of  Flor- 
ence, 259,  267  ;  advises  a  govern- 
ment   on    the    Venetian   model, 
263-6  ;  his  extraordinary  genius 
for    statesmanship,   269-71,   275- 
80,  298-301  ;    insidious  efforts  to 
compass     his      downfall,     287  ; 


IND 


Ulte  uiurs   anv   reti: 

460  :    h  .KùHiiit    ot    the 

nfM   Ì"    tl»C  IHMlt, 

uning 

tyrd 

• 
mg  509-10  :    his    imaging    pre- 
dictions, 401  413,  442,    510-11, 

trini    to    account    for    his 

static      condition! 

I  ^24  ;    his  enemies   begin   vin- 
dk  -e    themselves, 

I    mandate    from    Rome 
h>   removal   to    Lucca,   334  ; 
at   the    earnest    entreaty    of    his 
friends  the  mandate   is  recalled, 
earnest     and     successful 
efforts    t  >    awaken     a     new    and 
purer  Ufa  in  his  hearers,  337-49  ; 
interview  with  Commines,  French 
ambassador  to  Venice,  355,  356  ; 
Fain  rebukes  the  French  King, 
362,  363  ;  stirs  Florence  to  pas- 
sionate  efforts   of  defence,    368, 
371  ;  being  treacherously  inyited 
to  Rome  by  the  Pope,  he  pleads 
his  serious  illness  and  is  excused, 
377-83  ;  renewed  enmity  towards 
him,  ending  with  a  command  to 
refrain  from   preaching,  384-91  ; 
letters  to  King  Charles  to  exert 
his    authority    and    reform    the 
Church,  394  ;  the  decree  ot  sus- 
pension revoked,  399  ;   the  Pope 
offers  him  a   Cardinal's   hat,   on 
condition  that  he  should  change 
the   tone   of  his    sermons,   400  ; 
"  Come  to  my  next  sermon,  and 
you   shall  hear  my  reply,"  401  ; 
a    daring     defence,     402-14  ;     a 
vision  of  judgment  upon  Rome, 
421,  422  ;    scurrilous   attacks    in 
prose      and     verse,     and     eager 
defences,    423-36;      letters    ad- 


dressed    to     him     from     I-'i.m.  < 
many,    tnd      I  ngland, 

from  many  ol  the  Italian  princes, 
M-  :  pn  aches  at  Prato,  444  ' 
ubliahea  bis  treatise  "  (  )n  th« 

Simplicity  ot  the  Christian  I. ile." 

:  eboti  the  numi 

ainst     him,     4. 
appealed  to  by  the  Signory  for 

his     help     and     intimi) 

■gain   rentures   to    address    the 

people,    4'>5-;o  ;    the    Pope   tries 
to  break   his  power,  by  bringing 
St.  Mark's  more  directly  under  his 
own   control,   472-3;    Savona: 
publicly  condemns  the  proposed 
change,   and  declines   to  submit 
to  it,  473,  475  ;    appeals  to  the 
Signory    to    keep   their    eyes  on 
the  Great  Council,  and  prune  it 
of  evil    doers    and    workers    ol 
mischief,  478-80  ;    "burning  the 
Vanities,"      484-92  ;      purchases 
the    Medicean  Library  and    pre- 
serves   it    for    public    use    in  St 
Mark's,   492~4  ;  his  love  for  the 
fine   arts,   495~7  ;   his  high  con 
ception      of     Beauty,      and      of 
Poetry,    497-506;    his    Spiritual 
So.ngs,   506-12  ;    he  again,  while 
daily    expecting     excommunica- 
tion, denounces  the  corruptions 
of  the  Church,  and  calls  upon  all 
good  men  to  hasten  to  its  reform, 
515-20;     a   riot   in   the   Duomo 
during  service,  532-7  ;  letter  to 
the  Pope,  540  ;    Brief  of  excom- 
munication    issued,      541  ;      his 
defence,    545  ;    his   care   for   the 
sick    during   the   plague,  553-5  ; 
close   seclusion  during  the  trial 
of  the  five  conspiritors,    571-5  ; 
strenuous  efforts  of  his  friends  to 
obtain  his  absolution,    576  ;    his 
minor  works,  and  "The  Triumph 
of  the  Cross,"  577~94  ;  the  latter 
an    enduring    memorial    of    his 
innocence,     596  ;       denies      the 
validity  of  the  excommunication 


INDEX. 


791 


&tìd  again  preaches    against    the 
wickedness   of  the   times,    599  ; 
"  My  doctrine  is  the  doctrine  of 
godly  living  ;    thinkest  thou  that 
laws   be  made  for    evil  ?  "    606  ; 
celebrates  Mass  on  the  last  day 
of  Carnival,  607-8  ;    his  "  Trac- 
tate on  the  rule  and  government 
of  the   city   of  Florence,"    611  ; 
"O  Romei  what  is  it  that  I  ask 
of  thee  ?     Only  a  bull  to  enforce 
righteous  living,"  612  ;  feels  that 
the  catastrophe  is  at  hand,  621  ; 
the   Pope   insists   on   his    being 
delivered  into  his  hands,  624-9  ; 
the  Signory,  in  fear  of  the  Pope's 
interdict,  decide  upon  forbidding 
him  to  preach,  638  ;   his  farewell 
sermon,  638-40;  again  writes  to 
the  Pope,  641  ;  efforts  to  procure 
a  Council  of  the  Church,  642-9  ; 
an  intercepted  letter,  648  ;  chaj- 
lenged  to  prove  the  truth  of  his 
doctrines   by   the  ordeal  of  fire, 
651  ;    scandalous    intrigues    and 
persecutions  which  ensued,  652- 
74  ;  looking  earnestly  for  deliver- 
ance by  special  miracle,  659  ;  by 
the     intrigues     of   his    enemies 
almost   the   whole  city  is  made 
hostile  to  him  and  his  convent, 
675  ;  the  mob,  with  the  conniv- 
ance of  a  hostile  Signory,  attack 
the  convent  with  fire  and  sword, 
677-85  ;    his   efforts   to   prevent 
further     bloodshed,     680,     685  ; 
surrenders,  with  Fra  Domenico, 
to  the  Signory,  687,  689  ;  ferocity 
of  the  mob   towards   him,  690  ; 
a   prisoner  in  the  hands   of  his 
foes,  691  ;    his   scandalous  trial, 
695-718  ;  put  to  the  torture,  700, 
704-12  ;    impossibility   of  ascer- 
taining how  he  bore  himself,  or 
what   he  really  said,   704,   745  ; 
Fra    Domenico's    faithful    testi- 
mony, 719-23  ;  ignominious  con- 
duct of  the  friars  of  St.  Mark's, 
724-8  ;    his  sacred  prison   medi- 


tations, 734-41  ;  again  and  again 
put  to  the  torture  by  the  Pope's 
Commissioners,  743-7  ;  sentence 
of  death,  747,  750  ;  craves  a  short 
interview  with  his  two  fellow- 
sufferers,  750  ;  their  brief, 
pathetic  meeting,  751,  752;  his 
last  declaration  of  faith,  753  ; 
his  faithful  martyrdom,  755-60; 
loving  tributes  to  his  memory, 
764  ;  invoked  as  a  martyred 
saint,  768  note,  769. 

Savonarola,    Michele,    a    physician 
of  high  repute,  1,  2,  4. 

Savonarola,    Niccolò,    Savonarola's 
father,  2. 

Schomberg,  Niccolò,  Conversion  of, 

445- 

Scolari,  Giorgio,  50,  52,  56. 

Sforza,  Ascanio,  brother  to  Ludo- 
vico, 375- 

Sforza,  Francesco,  27. 

Sforza,  Galeazzo,  25,  27. 

Sicilia,  Padre  Giacomo  di,  47?. 

Signory,  Mode  of  electing  the,  290 
note. 

Silvestro,  Fra,  Maruffi,  a  somnam- 
bulist and  follower  of  Savonarola, 
314,  660;  suggests  the  storing 
of  arms  for  the  defence  of  St. 
Mark's,  678  ;  summoned  by  the 
Signory  to  surrender  himself,  686; 
conceals  from  them,  687-8  ;  be- 
trayed to  his  enemies,  691,  696  ; 
when  brought  to  the  torture  his 
courage  utterly  breaks  down,  and 
he  is  ready  to  testify  anything 
required,  723-4  ;  sentence  of 
death,  747-9  ;  brief  interview 
with  Fra  Domenico  and  Savona- 
rola, 751,  752;  meets  his  death 
with  courage  and  calm  resigna- 
tion, 757-8- 
"  Six  Beans,  The  law  of  the,"  277-86. 
Sixtus  IV.,  24,  26,  28  ;  quarrels 
with  Ferrara,  31  ;  with  the  Vene- 
tians, 32  ;  his  death,  33,  81. 
Soderini,  Paolo  Antonio,  256,  530, 
682. 


'9? 


XDEX. 


698. 

.233, 
238. 

/v  7-1. 

nmbuooi,  Lorena  I  f. 

co-  g  ;    his  ion, 

nabuoni,  Lucrezia.  48. 
inghi,  Tornii  15. 

74* 

o,  206,  354, 

Turriano,   Giovacchino,    159,    400, 


CJbalddO,   Fra  Roberto,  160. 
Ughi,  Fi . 1  Mariano,  641,  O77  ;    sent 
into  exile,  762 


Valori,  Francesco,  heads  the 
Florentine  revolt  against  Piero 
de'  Medici,  221-2;  one  of  the 
ndics  to  treat  with  King 
Charles,  234  ;  unsuited  for  states- 
manship,  253  ;   elected  Gonfalo- 


nier ;  detei  mines  to  incre  im  the 
ber   "t   the  <  rreat    <  Council, 
instead   of    prui 

:  :      •  the 

threadi  of  the  Piero  compi 

530.  54J  :  ti  the  trial  of  tBC 

Co:  I  -o  ;     hlS 

cautious  l 

633  ;  energetic  opposition  to  the 
persecutors,    676  ;    ha^t.  : 

defend    the   I  «uivrnt   of    St.  M 
from  the  attack  of  the  mob,  68]  ; 
and  his   wife   both    murdered 
681,  68s. 
Vanno/./. 1,    mistress    of    Alexander 

VL,  . 

Varona,    I  he   Bishop  of,   733,  7;- 

756. 
Vecchia,    Giovacchino    della,    667 

687. 
Venice,  a  model  Italian   Common 

wealth,  255-6,  263-6. 
Verino,  Ugolino,  500,  763. 
Vers,  Stefano  di,  200. 
Vespucci,    Guidantonio,    234,    256, 

284-6,    564,    628    noU,    631.    o97, 

733- 
Vieri  de'  Medici,  731. 


I   Wilson,  Charles  Hkath,  172. 


£6e  (BrcaBam  (press. 

:   NWIN    BROI  MKRS.    LTMITMD. 

LONDON    AND    WOKING. 


DG  737.97  .V4813  1888  IMS 
Vi  1  lar  i ,  Pasqua  le, 
Life  and  times  of  Girolamo 
Savonarola   47087091 


7 

io 


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